George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the role of constitutional amendments in American legal culture. Amendments that have already been approved – such as those that instituted the income tax, the popular election ...
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This chapter examines the role of constitutional amendments in American legal culture. Amendments that have already been approved – such as those that instituted the income tax, the popular election of senators, various forms of suffrage, and Prohibition – and those now being proposed, such as the victims’ rights amendment and a proposed amendment to outlaw flag‐burning – are discussed. The tension between the concept of a “civil society” and such values as freedom of speech and freedom of religion is also examined in a comparative context.Less
This chapter examines the role of constitutional amendments in American legal culture. Amendments that have already been approved – such as those that instituted the income tax, the popular election of senators, various forms of suffrage, and Prohibition – and those now being proposed, such as the victims’ rights amendment and a proposed amendment to outlaw flag‐burning – are discussed. The tension between the concept of a “civil society” and such values as freedom of speech and freedom of religion is also examined in a comparative context.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the ...
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From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.Less
From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.
Gary C. Jacobson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151106
- eISBN:
- 9781400840304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151106.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter addresses issues related to partisan differences in political opinions by examining a unique set of state-level public opinion surveys. It compares the state-level determinants of the ...
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This chapter addresses issues related to partisan differences in political opinions by examining a unique set of state-level public opinion surveys. It compares the state-level determinants of the job approval ratings of the president and the senators and finds that they have almost nothing in common. The chapter then compares the sources of partisan differences in states' ratings of the president and senators and again finds that they have almost nothing in common. Next, it explores in greater detail the sources of variation in the degree of polarization inspired by senators' ratings, finding that these differ somewhat between Republican and Democratic senators but remain to an important degree under a senator's control. The chapter then shows how senators have adapted their roll-call behavior to the political leanings of their states, before drawing some conclusions.Less
This chapter addresses issues related to partisan differences in political opinions by examining a unique set of state-level public opinion surveys. It compares the state-level determinants of the job approval ratings of the president and the senators and finds that they have almost nothing in common. The chapter then compares the sources of partisan differences in states' ratings of the president and senators and again finds that they have almost nothing in common. Next, it explores in greater detail the sources of variation in the degree of polarization inspired by senators' ratings, finding that these differ somewhat between Republican and Democratic senators but remain to an important degree under a senator's control. The chapter then shows how senators have adapted their roll-call behavior to the political leanings of their states, before drawing some conclusions.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the dynamics of indirect elections and assess the consequences of the switch to direct elections with the adoption of the ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the dynamics of indirect elections and assess the consequences of the switch to direct elections with the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment. In the broadest terms, it aims to assess the extent to which the goals of the Seventeenth Amendment—empowering voters in the choice of U.S. senators, and reducing the corrosive effects of money and party machine power—have been met. In so doing, it provides a new opportunity to understand electoral design, legislatures, parties, and political ambition. In particular, the book examines the election of U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 based on where those elections occurred: the state legislatures. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the dynamics of indirect elections and assess the consequences of the switch to direct elections with the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment. In the broadest terms, it aims to assess the extent to which the goals of the Seventeenth Amendment—empowering voters in the choice of U.S. senators, and reducing the corrosive effects of money and party machine power—have been met. In so doing, it provides a new opportunity to understand electoral design, legislatures, parties, and political ambition. In particular, the book examines the election of U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 based on where those elections occurred: the state legislatures. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyzes the indirect elections of U.S. senators in state legislatures within a broader theoretical framework of how parties interact with institutional and electoral settings to affect ...
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This chapter analyzes the indirect elections of U.S. senators in state legislatures within a broader theoretical framework of how parties interact with institutional and electoral settings to affect electoral and policy outcomes. It identifies key participants in Senate campaigns during this period—candidates for U.S. Senate, business interests, political party organizations, and state legislators—and constructs a model for how these stakeholders interacted with each other within the structure of legislative choice for U.S. senator along four dimensions—candidate identification, candidate nomination, election criteria, and system responsiveness. It also discusses how an anticipated indirect Senate election might have affected voter turnout in the preceding state legislative election.Less
This chapter analyzes the indirect elections of U.S. senators in state legislatures within a broader theoretical framework of how parties interact with institutional and electoral settings to affect electoral and policy outcomes. It identifies key participants in Senate campaigns during this period—candidates for U.S. Senate, business interests, political party organizations, and state legislators—and constructs a model for how these stakeholders interacted with each other within the structure of legislative choice for U.S. senator along four dimensions—candidate identification, candidate nomination, election criteria, and system responsiveness. It also discusses how an anticipated indirect Senate election might have affected voter turnout in the preceding state legislative election.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the value of a Senate seat and a general assessment of the value that a Senate seat added to a state during this era of federalism. It argues that ...
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This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the value of a Senate seat and a general assessment of the value that a Senate seat added to a state during this era of federalism. It argues that from a purely distributive standpoint, the value of a Senate seat was not high, but for political parties and business interests, the stakes were enormous for the maintenance of political organizations and control over local politics as well as the direction of national policies that affected state and local business interests. The chapter presents case studies from Pennsylvania and Rhode Island to illustrate the desire to use a Senate seat to consolidate state political control and reap the associated economic benefits. It also includes cases from Nevada and Wisconsin to demonstrate the role of national party policies in the dynamics of state-based Senate campaigns.Less
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the value of a Senate seat and a general assessment of the value that a Senate seat added to a state during this era of federalism. It argues that from a purely distributive standpoint, the value of a Senate seat was not high, but for political parties and business interests, the stakes were enormous for the maintenance of political organizations and control over local politics as well as the direction of national policies that affected state and local business interests. The chapter presents case studies from Pennsylvania and Rhode Island to illustrate the desire to use a Senate seat to consolidate state political control and reap the associated economic benefits. It also includes cases from Nevada and Wisconsin to demonstrate the role of national party policies in the dynamics of state-based Senate campaigns.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It ...
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This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It measures the function of partisanship in structuring the organization of state legislatures as well as examines how partisanship influenced the dynamics of Senate elections. It explains the role of party caucuses in the nomination and election stages of indirect elections; shows how party leaders identified and rallied around Senate candidates; and identifies the set of incentives that party leaders used to pressure state legislators to back their preferred Senate candidate. Furthermore, it discusses how candidates for U.S. Senate tried to consolidate support among key party leaders, and how regional party factionalism made that task more difficult. To illustrate these behaviors, the chapter includes case studies from a range of years and states, including New York, Kentucky, Washington State, Florida, and Illinois.Less
This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It measures the function of partisanship in structuring the organization of state legislatures as well as examines how partisanship influenced the dynamics of Senate elections. It explains the role of party caucuses in the nomination and election stages of indirect elections; shows how party leaders identified and rallied around Senate candidates; and identifies the set of incentives that party leaders used to pressure state legislators to back their preferred Senate candidate. Furthermore, it discusses how candidates for U.S. Senate tried to consolidate support among key party leaders, and how regional party factionalism made that task more difficult. To illustrate these behaviors, the chapter includes case studies from a range of years and states, including New York, Kentucky, Washington State, Florida, and Illinois.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the links between the indirect electoral mechanism and patterns of representational behavior that appear to differ markedly from that exhibited by U.S. senators today. ...
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This chapter explores the links between the indirect electoral mechanism and patterns of representational behavior that appear to differ markedly from that exhibited by U.S. senators today. Specifically, it examines whether U.S. senators' institutional activities were connected to the dynamics underlying their election to office—for example, whether their election was resolved on the first ballot or required joint session balloting to resolve, and their margin of victory. The chapter proceeds in three parts. First, it presents a quantitative analysis of the patterns of separate or joint elections along with the number of ballots it took to resolve elections once they moved into joint session. Second, it assesses the relationship between how senators were elected and key indicators of legislative activity, such as bill sponsorship, committee assignments, and roll call voting. Third, it compares the behavior of senators elected under indirect elections to their directly elected modern-day counterparts.Less
This chapter explores the links between the indirect electoral mechanism and patterns of representational behavior that appear to differ markedly from that exhibited by U.S. senators today. Specifically, it examines whether U.S. senators' institutional activities were connected to the dynamics underlying their election to office—for example, whether their election was resolved on the first ballot or required joint session balloting to resolve, and their margin of victory. The chapter proceeds in three parts. First, it presents a quantitative analysis of the patterns of separate or joint elections along with the number of ballots it took to resolve elections once they moved into joint session. Second, it assesses the relationship between how senators were elected and key indicators of legislative activity, such as bill sponsorship, committee assignments, and roll call voting. Third, it compares the behavior of senators elected under indirect elections to their directly elected modern-day counterparts.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive ...
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This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.Less
This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter summarizes the book's findings and reflects more broadly on the quality and context of Senate representation under two different electoral systems. In doing so, it addresses several key ...
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This chapter summarizes the book's findings and reflects more broadly on the quality and context of Senate representation under two different electoral systems. In doing so, it addresses several key questions about institutional representation in the U.S. democracy. Are U.S. senators more responsive today to the needs and opinions of their constituents than under indirect elections? Did state legislators actually serve as good trustees in choosing their U.S. senators on behalf of their states' voters? Finally, if the Tea Party and other advocates for the repeal of the Seventeenth Amendment get their wish, will the U.S. Senate be a fundamentally different institution?Less
This chapter summarizes the book's findings and reflects more broadly on the quality and context of Senate representation under two different electoral systems. In doing so, it addresses several key questions about institutional representation in the U.S. democracy. Are U.S. senators more responsive today to the needs and opinions of their constituents than under indirect elections? Did state legislators actually serve as good trustees in choosing their U.S. senators on behalf of their states' voters? Finally, if the Tea Party and other advocates for the repeal of the Seventeenth Amendment get their wish, will the U.S. Senate be a fundamentally different institution?
John S. Lapinski
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137810
- eISBN:
- 9781400848638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137810.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses how policy issue substance matters for studying political preferences. Fully exploring how policy issue substance matters for studying political polarization in Congress, the ...
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This chapter discusses how policy issue substance matters for studying political preferences. Fully exploring how policy issue substance matters for studying political polarization in Congress, the chapter begins by introducing a new large data set that comprises the estimated induced preferences of members of the House of Representatives and U.S. senators by policy issue area over a very long time horizon: 1877 to 2010. It also explores the literature on elite polarization in Congress by policy issue area and studies polarization across a 124-year period (1877 to 2010) by the policy issue areas defined as “tier 1.” The chapter shows that issue content is extremely important for understanding political polarization and that many of the empirical facts about polarization depend on not disaggregating policy by issue areas.Less
This chapter discusses how policy issue substance matters for studying political preferences. Fully exploring how policy issue substance matters for studying political polarization in Congress, the chapter begins by introducing a new large data set that comprises the estimated induced preferences of members of the House of Representatives and U.S. senators by policy issue area over a very long time horizon: 1877 to 2010. It also explores the literature on elite polarization in Congress by policy issue area and studies polarization across a 124-year period (1877 to 2010) by the policy issue areas defined as “tier 1.” The chapter shows that issue content is extremely important for understanding political polarization and that many of the empirical facts about polarization depend on not disaggregating policy by issue areas.
Ross English
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719063084
- eISBN:
- 9781781700228
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719063084.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an ...
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The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.Less
The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.
Devin Caughey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181806
- eISBN:
- 9780691184005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181806.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and ...
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This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and representatives, focusing again on their positions on economic issues. Using an item response theory (IRT) model similar to that used to estimate mass conservatism, this chapter shows that between the 1930s and 1940s Southern members of Congress (MCs), like the Southern white public, turned sharply but incompletely against New Deal liberalism. By the mid-1940s, Southern Democrats in Congress had come to occupy a pivotal position on economic issues midway between non-Southern Democrats and Republicans, giving them outsized influence over national policymaking in the wake of the New Deal. The chapter illustrates these developments with three of the four policy areas which Chapter 3 examines at the mass level. Moreover, taking proper account of the ideological diversity of Southern MCs requires treating them as a collection of individuals, not a reified bloc. This chapter therefore analyzes Southern Democrats (along with other MCs) as individuals with possibly distinct preferences.Less
This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and representatives, focusing again on their positions on economic issues. Using an item response theory (IRT) model similar to that used to estimate mass conservatism, this chapter shows that between the 1930s and 1940s Southern members of Congress (MCs), like the Southern white public, turned sharply but incompletely against New Deal liberalism. By the mid-1940s, Southern Democrats in Congress had come to occupy a pivotal position on economic issues midway between non-Southern Democrats and Republicans, giving them outsized influence over national policymaking in the wake of the New Deal. The chapter illustrates these developments with three of the four policy areas which Chapter 3 examines at the mass level. Moreover, taking proper account of the ideological diversity of Southern MCs requires treating them as a collection of individuals, not a reified bloc. This chapter therefore analyzes Southern Democrats (along with other MCs) as individuals with possibly distinct preferences.
Robert W. Righter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195149470
- eISBN:
- 9780199788934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149470.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Hetch Hetchy fight was greatly influenced by the nascent battle over who would provide the public with electrical power. Would it be public power or a private power company? Would it be San ...
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The Hetch Hetchy fight was greatly influenced by the nascent battle over who would provide the public with electrical power. Would it be public power or a private power company? Would it be San Francisco or the newly-formed (1905) Pacific Gas and Electric Company? For some, such as Senator George Norris of Nebraska, the heart of the Hetch Hetchy fight was to keep power in the public's hands. Therefore, the Raker Act granted San Francisco the right to build and operate electrical generating stations, but specifically prohibiting the city from selling that power to a privately owned company. In 1925, however, San Francisco violated the Raker Act by contracting with PG&E to purchase for $2 million per year all of the power generated by the Hetch Hetchy system. Most of this chapter chronicles the long fight between San Francisco and the federal government. It particularly focuses on Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes' determination to bring public power to San Francsico, rejected eight times in public bond issues. Although Ickes view was sustained by a U.S. Supreme Court ruling (US vs. City and County of San Francisco, 1940), by the late 1940s he had lost his battle. Today, the people of San Franciscan still pay the PG&E for their electricity. Congress expected the Hetch Hetchy system to provide the city with municipal water and power. Only 50 percent of that goal was realized. Today, most of the Hetch Hetchy system electricity is sold to the Modesto and Turlock Irrigation Districts.Less
The Hetch Hetchy fight was greatly influenced by the nascent battle over who would provide the public with electrical power. Would it be public power or a private power company? Would it be San Francisco or the newly-formed (1905) Pacific Gas and Electric Company? For some, such as Senator George Norris of Nebraska, the heart of the Hetch Hetchy fight was to keep power in the public's hands. Therefore, the Raker Act granted San Francisco the right to build and operate electrical generating stations, but specifically prohibiting the city from selling that power to a privately owned company. In 1925, however, San Francisco violated the Raker Act by contracting with PG&E to purchase for $2 million per year all of the power generated by the Hetch Hetchy system. Most of this chapter chronicles the long fight between San Francisco and the federal government. It particularly focuses on Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes' determination to bring public power to San Francsico, rejected eight times in public bond issues. Although Ickes view was sustained by a U.S. Supreme Court ruling (US vs. City and County of San Francisco, 1940), by the late 1940s he had lost his battle. Today, the people of San Franciscan still pay the PG&E for their electricity. Congress expected the Hetch Hetchy system to provide the city with municipal water and power. Only 50 percent of that goal was realized. Today, most of the Hetch Hetchy system electricity is sold to the Modesto and Turlock Irrigation Districts.
Dorothy Overstreet Pratt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496815460
- eISBN:
- 9781496815507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496815460.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Opponents of the newly promulgated constitution had two avenues for remedy: Congress and the Federal Courts. Still pending in the Senate was the Lodge Elections Bill. Debate in the Senate began just ...
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Opponents of the newly promulgated constitution had two avenues for remedy: Congress and the Federal Courts. Still pending in the Senate was the Lodge Elections Bill. Debate in the Senate began just as the Mississippi convention finished its work. Senator George and Walthall returned to Washington to oppose the bill, but also to defend the new constitution, which the Republicans used as an example of the perfidy of the Southern states. Senator George handled most of the effort to defeat the bill, particularly because the Republicans correctly hit at the problems within the new constitution using the published accounts by the Clarion-Ledger. The bill failed to pass because of the machinations of the western wing of the Republican Party, who were more interested in the money issue and feared similar attention to their own racist agenda in the West. Even though hit, the Mississippi constitution survived its first national attack.Less
Opponents of the newly promulgated constitution had two avenues for remedy: Congress and the Federal Courts. Still pending in the Senate was the Lodge Elections Bill. Debate in the Senate began just as the Mississippi convention finished its work. Senator George and Walthall returned to Washington to oppose the bill, but also to defend the new constitution, which the Republicans used as an example of the perfidy of the Southern states. Senator George handled most of the effort to defeat the bill, particularly because the Republicans correctly hit at the problems within the new constitution using the published accounts by the Clarion-Ledger. The bill failed to pass because of the machinations of the western wing of the Republican Party, who were more interested in the money issue and feared similar attention to their own racist agenda in the West. Even though hit, the Mississippi constitution survived its first national attack.
Bertram Wyatt-Brown
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195109825
- eISBN:
- 9780199854240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195109825.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Family History
This chapter introduces the complexity of the noble House of Percy. The knight statue marking the grave of Senator LeRoy Percy, 1861–1929, was meant to convey the distinguished character of the ...
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This chapter introduces the complexity of the noble House of Percy. The knight statue marking the grave of Senator LeRoy Percy, 1861–1929, was meant to convey the distinguished character of the Percys' past. It was also meant to embody Will Percy's conception of his forebears and his wish that they all—not the senator alone—should be known. In their active pursuits, the Percy men usually kept up with the times in which they lived. Their occupations as planters, lawyers, physicians, militia officers, corporation lawyers, and bank directors complemented their energetic civic work—from establishing the first public library in Huntsville, Alabama, to leadership of relief work in the Mississippi Flood of 1927. No less important was their contribution to Southern letters in both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In the latter period, the Percys with lively ambitions were the women, who had extraordinary literary careers.Less
This chapter introduces the complexity of the noble House of Percy. The knight statue marking the grave of Senator LeRoy Percy, 1861–1929, was meant to convey the distinguished character of the Percys' past. It was also meant to embody Will Percy's conception of his forebears and his wish that they all—not the senator alone—should be known. In their active pursuits, the Percy men usually kept up with the times in which they lived. Their occupations as planters, lawyers, physicians, militia officers, corporation lawyers, and bank directors complemented their energetic civic work—from establishing the first public library in Huntsville, Alabama, to leadership of relief work in the Mississippi Flood of 1927. No less important was their contribution to Southern letters in both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In the latter period, the Percys with lively ambitions were the women, who had extraordinary literary careers.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0003
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
Caesar became a senator in 68 bc, finally asserting himself as a leader. From this point he formulated his own policies and commanded attention in ‘high’ politics. Throughout this ‘march’ — in which ...
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Caesar became a senator in 68 bc, finally asserting himself as a leader. From this point he formulated his own policies and commanded attention in ‘high’ politics. Throughout this ‘march’ — in which he and Crassus were often side by side — he never lost sight of Pompey, the real master of Roman politics in those years. In 67 bc he supported the Lex Gabinia, by which Pompey was granted command in the struggle against the pirates. In 66 bc, with Cicero, he supported the Lex Manilia, which gave Pompey command in the war against Mithridates. These were two astute and far-sighted decisions that would assume some importance when Caesar, having upset many people and disrupted traditional power-balances, made the most decisive move of his career and in the history of the republic by reaching a rapprochement and a political understanding with Pompey.Less
Caesar became a senator in 68 bc, finally asserting himself as a leader. From this point he formulated his own policies and commanded attention in ‘high’ politics. Throughout this ‘march’ — in which he and Crassus were often side by side — he never lost sight of Pompey, the real master of Roman politics in those years. In 67 bc he supported the Lex Gabinia, by which Pompey was granted command in the struggle against the pirates. In 66 bc, with Cicero, he supported the Lex Manilia, which gave Pompey command in the war against Mithridates. These were two astute and far-sighted decisions that would assume some importance when Caesar, having upset many people and disrupted traditional power-balances, made the most decisive move of his career and in the history of the republic by reaching a rapprochement and a political understanding with Pompey.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0029
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
In his Defence of Marcellus (late summer of 46 bc) Cicero had urged the senators he was addressing to be on the alert and protect Caesar from possible conspiracies. And he talked at length about the ...
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In his Defence of Marcellus (late summer of 46 bc) Cicero had urged the senators he was addressing to be on the alert and protect Caesar from possible conspiracies. And he talked at length about the ‘madness’ of those who would conceive or plan an attempt on Caesar's life, even — he specifies, turning directly to Caesar — ‘among the ranks of your own’. It is strange that he felt the need to point out this possibility to the Senate and, above all, to Caesar himself. The insistence with which Cicero stresses that there are no more enemies suggests a wish to signal that some such wild scheme could arise only among the Caesarians. That he has something definite in mind may be deduced from the fact that, after a brilliant demonstration that there could not be any potential conspirators, he nevertheless arrives at the conclusion that the minds of men are such that vigilance must be stepped up.Less
In his Defence of Marcellus (late summer of 46 bc) Cicero had urged the senators he was addressing to be on the alert and protect Caesar from possible conspiracies. And he talked at length about the ‘madness’ of those who would conceive or plan an attempt on Caesar's life, even — he specifies, turning directly to Caesar — ‘among the ranks of your own’. It is strange that he felt the need to point out this possibility to the Senate and, above all, to Caesar himself. The insistence with which Cicero stresses that there are no more enemies suggests a wish to signal that some such wild scheme could arise only among the Caesarians. That he has something definite in mind may be deduced from the fact that, after a brilliant demonstration that there could not be any potential conspirators, he nevertheless arrives at the conclusion that the minds of men are such that vigilance must be stepped up.
CLAUDE EILERS
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199248483
- eISBN:
- 9780191714641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248483.003.0007
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter shows that patronage of cities was common in the late Republic. Authors of the period treat it as unremarkable, and feel no need to explain it to their readers. Dozens of patrons of ...
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This chapter shows that patronage of cities was common in the late Republic. Authors of the period treat it as unremarkable, and feel no need to explain it to their readers. Dozens of patrons of individual cities are attested. Still, it is unsafe to assert that all cities had patrons or that all senators (or even all ex-governors) had provincial cities in their clientele. Different senators may have had different attitudes towards patronage, and the practice might have been commoner in some regions than in others. The chapter then considers how diligent Roman senators were in protecting the interests of their provincial clients.Less
This chapter shows that patronage of cities was common in the late Republic. Authors of the period treat it as unremarkable, and feel no need to explain it to their readers. Dozens of patrons of individual cities are attested. Still, it is unsafe to assert that all cities had patrons or that all senators (or even all ex-governors) had provincial cities in their clientele. Different senators may have had different attitudes towards patronage, and the practice might have been commoner in some regions than in others. The chapter then considers how diligent Roman senators were in protecting the interests of their provincial clients.
Kathleen M. German
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812353
- eISBN:
- 9781496812391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812353.003.0012
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This ...
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Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This chapter looks at the effects of military desegregation in the wake of the Gillem Commission and Executive Order 9981, which still reverberates in American society.Less
Finally, the changes in representation of African Americans in the films of World War II provides the platform for evolving attitudes and behaviors in American social and military institutions. This chapter looks at the effects of military desegregation in the wake of the Gillem Commission and Executive Order 9981, which still reverberates in American society.
