Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
This chapter challenges the dominant view that public bodies are unaccountable, and instead seeks to cultivate a more sophisticated frame of analysis which is aware of and sympathetic to different ...
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This chapter challenges the dominant view that public bodies are unaccountable, and instead seeks to cultivate a more sophisticated frame of analysis which is aware of and sympathetic to different forms and gradations of accountability as well as different forms of scrutiny.Less
This chapter challenges the dominant view that public bodies are unaccountable, and instead seeks to cultivate a more sophisticated frame of analysis which is aware of and sympathetic to different forms and gradations of accountability as well as different forms of scrutiny.
DIANA WOODHOUSE
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278924
- eISBN:
- 9780191684265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278924.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
In 1979, the system of the select committees based on the Expenditure Committee and descended from the former Estimates Committee was reformed to provide a series of specialist committees to examine ...
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In 1979, the system of the select committees based on the Expenditure Committee and descended from the former Estimates Committee was reformed to provide a series of specialist committees to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the principal government departments and associated public bodies. This reform was intended to redress the balance between the executive and Parliament by improving Parliament's ability to scrutinise the executive and hold ministers to account. Over a decade later, however, fundamental questions about the powers of the select committees had still not been resolved. In order to assess these powers and the limitations upon them, it is necessary to examine both their origins and recent developments. Such will also assist in providing an understanding of the relationship between the committees and the executive, and the inherent conflict between them.Less
In 1979, the system of the select committees based on the Expenditure Committee and descended from the former Estimates Committee was reformed to provide a series of specialist committees to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the principal government departments and associated public bodies. This reform was intended to redress the balance between the executive and Parliament by improving Parliament's ability to scrutinise the executive and hold ministers to account. Over a decade later, however, fundamental questions about the powers of the select committees had still not been resolved. In order to assess these powers and the limitations upon them, it is necessary to examine both their origins and recent developments. Such will also assist in providing an understanding of the relationship between the committees and the executive, and the inherent conflict between them.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
The means of parliamentary scrutiny are not as in the past mainly financial and exercised on the floor of the Commons. The twenty Opposition days are for political scrutiny. Estimates days, based on ...
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The means of parliamentary scrutiny are not as in the past mainly financial and exercised on the floor of the Commons. The twenty Opposition days are for political scrutiny. Estimates days, based on select committee reports, are a mixture of political, administrative, and financial scrutiny. These committees are the House's most effective scrutiny organ. Question‐time incorporates all aspects of scrutiny, though its effectiveness is limited by the small proportion of Questions receiving an oral answer. Congressional scrutiny of the Executive, judicial, and other activities is conducted in partisan authorization, appropriations and investigative committees and subcommittees, all with House‐ or Senate‐adopted investigative budgets, pursuant to law and internal rules. There is no Question‐time at the plenary level and all witnesses appear voluntarily or may be subpoenaed under rules balancing their constitutional rights with the need to gather and disclose information as the basis for legislation.Less
The means of parliamentary scrutiny are not as in the past mainly financial and exercised on the floor of the Commons. The twenty Opposition days are for political scrutiny. Estimates days, based on select committee reports, are a mixture of political, administrative, and financial scrutiny. These committees are the House's most effective scrutiny organ. Question‐time incorporates all aspects of scrutiny, though its effectiveness is limited by the small proportion of Questions receiving an oral answer. Congressional scrutiny of the Executive, judicial, and other activities is conducted in partisan authorization, appropriations and investigative committees and subcommittees, all with House‐ or Senate‐adopted investigative budgets, pursuant to law and internal rules. There is no Question‐time at the plenary level and all witnesses appear voluntarily or may be subpoenaed under rules balancing their constitutional rights with the need to gather and disclose information as the basis for legislation.
David Thomas, David Carlton, and Anne Etienne
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199260287
- eISBN:
- 9780191717390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260287.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
This chapter explores the political and theatrical context of the 1960s to establish why and how — after so many failed attempts — theatre censorship was finally abolished with the passing of the ...
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This chapter explores the political and theatrical context of the 1960s to establish why and how — after so many failed attempts — theatre censorship was finally abolished with the passing of the 1968 Theatres Act. It demonstrates that this was only made possible by the simultaneous efforts of playwrights (notably John Osborne and Edward Bond), directors, critics, and Members of both Houses of Parliament. The combined efforts of these different groups persuaded the government of Harold Wilson to establish in 1966 a Joint Select Committee to investigate theatre censorship. The chapter then shows how, despite growing opposition from Wilson, the committed support of the Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins ensured that the unanimous recommendations of the Joint Select Committee were implemented in new legislation. The attempts by the Queen, Wilson, and the Lord Chamberlain (Lord Cobbold) to oppose the complete abolition of theatre censorship are documented. Possible reasons for the anxieties of the Royal Household are suggested.Less
This chapter explores the political and theatrical context of the 1960s to establish why and how — after so many failed attempts — theatre censorship was finally abolished with the passing of the 1968 Theatres Act. It demonstrates that this was only made possible by the simultaneous efforts of playwrights (notably John Osborne and Edward Bond), directors, critics, and Members of both Houses of Parliament. The combined efforts of these different groups persuaded the government of Harold Wilson to establish in 1966 a Joint Select Committee to investigate theatre censorship. The chapter then shows how, despite growing opposition from Wilson, the committed support of the Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins ensured that the unanimous recommendations of the Joint Select Committee were implemented in new legislation. The attempts by the Queen, Wilson, and the Lord Chamberlain (Lord Cobbold) to oppose the complete abolition of theatre censorship are documented. Possible reasons for the anxieties of the Royal Household are suggested.
Diana Woodhouse
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278924
- eISBN:
- 9780191684265
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278924.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
In constitutional theory, the convention of individual ministerial responsibility ensures the accountability of ministers to Parliament. In practice, it is frequently used by government to limit ...
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In constitutional theory, the convention of individual ministerial responsibility ensures the accountability of ministers to Parliament. In practice, it is frequently used by government to limit rather than facilitate accountability. This book examines the divergence between theory and practice. It analyses the situations in which ministers resign, the effectiveness of resignation as a means of accountability, and the abdication by ministers of responsibility. It also examines the powers and limitations of Select Committees, the effect of the new Next Steps Agencies on individual ministerial responsibility, and draws comparisons with mechanisms of accountability adopted by other countries operating under the Westminster system of government. The inclusion of detailed case studies of the resignations, actual and threatened, of Lord Carrington, Leon Brittan, Edwina Currie, David Mellor, James Prior, and Kenneth Baker make this book especially pertinent to our understanding of the current political scene and to recent institutional changes within Parliament and government. By highlighting the present deficiencies and possible future failing in public accountability, this book complements recent debates about constitutional reform.Less
In constitutional theory, the convention of individual ministerial responsibility ensures the accountability of ministers to Parliament. In practice, it is frequently used by government to limit rather than facilitate accountability. This book examines the divergence between theory and practice. It analyses the situations in which ministers resign, the effectiveness of resignation as a means of accountability, and the abdication by ministers of responsibility. It also examines the powers and limitations of Select Committees, the effect of the new Next Steps Agencies on individual ministerial responsibility, and draws comparisons with mechanisms of accountability adopted by other countries operating under the Westminster system of government. The inclusion of detailed case studies of the resignations, actual and threatened, of Lord Carrington, Leon Brittan, Edwina Currie, David Mellor, James Prior, and Kenneth Baker make this book especially pertinent to our understanding of the current political scene and to recent institutional changes within Parliament and government. By highlighting the present deficiencies and possible future failing in public accountability, this book complements recent debates about constitutional reform.
David Thomas, David Carlton, and Anne Etienne
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199260287
- eISBN:
- 9780191717390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260287.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
This chapter shows how playwrights at the beginning of the 20th century (notably G. B. Shaw and Harley Granville Barker) led the first serious challenge to the system of statutory theatre censorship. ...
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This chapter shows how playwrights at the beginning of the 20th century (notably G. B. Shaw and Harley Granville Barker) led the first serious challenge to the system of statutory theatre censorship. It also shows how they were supported by Robert Harcourt MP, whose parliamentary interventions persuaded the Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, to establish in 1909 a Joint Select Committee to investigate theatre censorship. The chapter then demonstrates how the constitutional battle between Lords and Commons, ignited by David Lloyd George's People's Budget in 1909, had the effect of pushing to the sidelines reform of theatre censorship. Material from the Royal Archives reveals that Edward VII adamantly refused to countenance the abolition of theatre censorship. This was a significant factor in the Asquith Government's decision to ignore the recommendations of the 1909 Joint Select Committee to replace, with a voluntary system, the theatre censorship provisions of the 1843 Theatres Act.Less
This chapter shows how playwrights at the beginning of the 20th century (notably G. B. Shaw and Harley Granville Barker) led the first serious challenge to the system of statutory theatre censorship. It also shows how they were supported by Robert Harcourt MP, whose parliamentary interventions persuaded the Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, to establish in 1909 a Joint Select Committee to investigate theatre censorship. The chapter then demonstrates how the constitutional battle between Lords and Commons, ignited by David Lloyd George's People's Budget in 1909, had the effect of pushing to the sidelines reform of theatre censorship. Material from the Royal Archives reveals that Edward VII adamantly refused to countenance the abolition of theatre censorship. This was a significant factor in the Asquith Government's decision to ignore the recommendations of the 1909 Joint Select Committee to replace, with a voluntary system, the theatre censorship provisions of the 1843 Theatres Act.
David Thomas, David Carlton, and Anne Etienne
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199260287
- eISBN:
- 9780191717390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260287.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
This chapter provides an account of the historical and theatrical context of the 1730s, emphasizing in particular Henry Fielding's satirical attacks on Walpole and George II. It explains why ...
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This chapter provides an account of the historical and theatrical context of the 1730s, emphasizing in particular Henry Fielding's satirical attacks on Walpole and George II. It explains why statutory theatre censorship was introduced in 1737 and why Walpole chose the particular form of statutory control specified in the Licensing Act. After a detailed exposition of the censorship and theatre licensing provisions in the Act, the chapter moves on to explore why no attempt was made to abolish statutory theatre censorship during the 19th century even though three parliamentary Select Committees made some reference to the topic in 1832, 1866, and 1892. In addition, the chapter gives an overview of the political context in which reform of theatre licensing in London was first discussed in 1832 and subsequently implemented in the 1843 Theatres Act. This Act confirmed the censorship powers given to the Lord Chamberlain and was to provide the statutory framework for the exercise of theatre censorship until 1968.Less
This chapter provides an account of the historical and theatrical context of the 1730s, emphasizing in particular Henry Fielding's satirical attacks on Walpole and George II. It explains why statutory theatre censorship was introduced in 1737 and why Walpole chose the particular form of statutory control specified in the Licensing Act. After a detailed exposition of the censorship and theatre licensing provisions in the Act, the chapter moves on to explore why no attempt was made to abolish statutory theatre censorship during the 19th century even though three parliamentary Select Committees made some reference to the topic in 1832, 1866, and 1892. In addition, the chapter gives an overview of the political context in which reform of theatre licensing in London was first discussed in 1832 and subsequently implemented in the 1843 Theatres Act. This Act confirmed the censorship powers given to the Lord Chamberlain and was to provide the statutory framework for the exercise of theatre censorship until 1968.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics ...
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The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics requirements or how procedural rules permit minorities fair access to legislative time before majorities prevail. British successes include the enhanced authority and effectiveness of select committees and the acquisition of more debating time by the creation of a parallel Chamber. Unsolved problems at Westminster begin with the powers and status of the Lords, and go on through the search for more effective review of EU activities, adapting parliamentary scrutiny to more sophisticated government financial information, and making better use of legislative time without diminishing back‐bench rights. The accelerated pace and extent of procedural changes in Congress is problematic. Constant pursuit of campaign funds, increased party exploitation of Members' ethical shortcomings, and partisan reapportionments have diminished collegiality and compromise. Business is conducted with greater predictability, with fewer quorum calls, postponement and clustering of votes, and by utilization of ad hoc special orders, often in derogation of openness and minority rights in the House. Minority complaints have been frequent and occasionally extreme. Conversely, constant filibuster threats in the Senate have enhanced minority party power there. An ‘inverse ratio’ between the greater complexity, importance, and urgency of pending legislation on the one hand, and diminution of deliberative capacity, fairness, and transparency on the other, has been repeatedly demonstrated, especially at the stage of final compromises between the Houses.Less
The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics requirements or how procedural rules permit minorities fair access to legislative time before majorities prevail. British successes include the enhanced authority and effectiveness of select committees and the acquisition of more debating time by the creation of a parallel Chamber. Unsolved problems at Westminster begin with the powers and status of the Lords, and go on through the search for more effective review of EU activities, adapting parliamentary scrutiny to more sophisticated government financial information, and making better use of legislative time without diminishing back‐bench rights. The accelerated pace and extent of procedural changes in Congress is problematic. Constant pursuit of campaign funds, increased party exploitation of Members' ethical shortcomings, and partisan reapportionments have diminished collegiality and compromise. Business is conducted with greater predictability, with fewer quorum calls, postponement and clustering of votes, and by utilization of ad hoc special orders, often in derogation of openness and minority rights in the House. Minority complaints have been frequent and occasionally extreme. Conversely, constant filibuster threats in the Senate have enhanced minority party power there. An ‘inverse ratio’ between the greater complexity, importance, and urgency of pending legislation on the one hand, and diminution of deliberative capacity, fairness, and transparency on the other, has been repeatedly demonstrated, especially at the stage of final compromises between the Houses.
DIANA WOODHOUSE
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278924
- eISBN:
- 9780191684265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278924.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
It is hoped that the Next Steps agencies will engineer an increase in efficiency of government in the delivery of services. However, there is confusion and uncertainty as to whether they will improve ...
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It is hoped that the Next Steps agencies will engineer an increase in efficiency of government in the delivery of services. However, there is confusion and uncertainty as to whether they will improve accountability, and even concern that accountability may be the causalty of the drive for efficient government. There are two aspects to the accountability of a department: internal accountability, which involves the arrangements for accounting between the minister and his officials, and external accountability, which is concerned with the accountability of the department of Parliament and the public. If reform is to be made, it needs a corresponding change in accountability so that full political acceptance may result. Ultimately, it would seem to require the establishment of a system of administrative law procedures to process individual grievances.Less
It is hoped that the Next Steps agencies will engineer an increase in efficiency of government in the delivery of services. However, there is confusion and uncertainty as to whether they will improve accountability, and even concern that accountability may be the causalty of the drive for efficient government. There are two aspects to the accountability of a department: internal accountability, which involves the arrangements for accounting between the minister and his officials, and external accountability, which is concerned with the accountability of the department of Parliament and the public. If reform is to be made, it needs a corresponding change in accountability so that full political acceptance may result. Ultimately, it would seem to require the establishment of a system of administrative law procedures to process individual grievances.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. ...
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Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. Second, there has to be a coherent reform agenda in place that provides a package behind which MPs might organise. Third, leadership must exist to exploit the window of opportunity and promote the reform agenda. In the summer of 1998, Charter 88 complained of the ‘disappointingly slow’ pace of reform and the ‘extremely cautious’ nature of the Modernisation Committee's recommendations. The Liaison Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir Terence Higgins, used its 1997 report on the work of the select committees as an opportunity to explore the issues in greater depth. This chapter examines effectiveness in the House of Commons since 1997, focusing on various reports prepared by the Liaison Committee, the Commission to Strengthen Parliament, and the Hansard Society Commission on Parliamentary Scrutiny. It also discusses the support of the Labour Party led by Robin Cook to institute reforms in the House of Commons.Less
Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. Second, there has to be a coherent reform agenda in place that provides a package behind which MPs might organise. Third, leadership must exist to exploit the window of opportunity and promote the reform agenda. In the summer of 1998, Charter 88 complained of the ‘disappointingly slow’ pace of reform and the ‘extremely cautious’ nature of the Modernisation Committee's recommendations. The Liaison Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir Terence Higgins, used its 1997 report on the work of the select committees as an opportunity to explore the issues in greater depth. This chapter examines effectiveness in the House of Commons since 1997, focusing on various reports prepared by the Liaison Committee, the Commission to Strengthen Parliament, and the Hansard Society Commission on Parliamentary Scrutiny. It also discusses the support of the Labour Party led by Robin Cook to institute reforms in the House of Commons.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271597
- eISBN:
- 9780191709234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271597.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the ...
More
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.Less
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.
DIANA WOODHOUSE
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278924
- eISBN:
- 9780191684265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278924.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The preceding chapters have examined the recent operation of the convention of individual ministerial responsibility and the institutional changes which affect its operation. The purpose of this ...
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The preceding chapters have examined the recent operation of the convention of individual ministerial responsibility and the institutional changes which affect its operation. The purpose of this examination has been to assess, first, the extent to which resignations have been in accordance with the convention; secondly, what effect the reform of the select committee system and the establishment of the Next Steps agencies have had — or might have in future — upon the accountability of ministers and the broader structure of public accountability; and, thirdly, whether the changes require a reformulation of individual ministerial responsibility. The corruption of ministerial accountability to Parliament, mainly through the operation of party solidarity, challenges Parliament to continue to play its constitutional role in accountable government, or to accept a diminished constitutional position and concede the accountability function to others.Less
The preceding chapters have examined the recent operation of the convention of individual ministerial responsibility and the institutional changes which affect its operation. The purpose of this examination has been to assess, first, the extent to which resignations have been in accordance with the convention; secondly, what effect the reform of the select committee system and the establishment of the Next Steps agencies have had — or might have in future — upon the accountability of ministers and the broader structure of public accountability; and, thirdly, whether the changes require a reformulation of individual ministerial responsibility. The corruption of ministerial accountability to Parliament, mainly through the operation of party solidarity, challenges Parliament to continue to play its constitutional role in accountable government, or to accept a diminished constitutional position and concede the accountability function to others.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative ...
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Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative relations. This chapter examines some of the reforms implemented in the years prior to 1997, suggested for and implemented in the House of Commons to enhance its effectiveness. While effectiveness reforms in the early part of the century tended to suggest particularly radical solutions to the ‘problem of parliament’, such as electoral reform and devolution, that tendency was largely replaced in the post-war era by a desire to enhance effectiveness by promoting internal reform of the House of Commons itself. The chapter also considers the creation of investigative committees in the House of Commons, the decline of parliament, the establishment of Commons committees during 1961–1997, the Procedure Committee report of 1965 on parliamentary reform and how to improve the effectiveness of the Commons, the reforms initiated by Richard Crossman, and the introduction of select committees.Less
Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative relations. This chapter examines some of the reforms implemented in the years prior to 1997, suggested for and implemented in the House of Commons to enhance its effectiveness. While effectiveness reforms in the early part of the century tended to suggest particularly radical solutions to the ‘problem of parliament’, such as electoral reform and devolution, that tendency was largely replaced in the post-war era by a desire to enhance effectiveness by promoting internal reform of the House of Commons itself. The chapter also considers the creation of investigative committees in the House of Commons, the decline of parliament, the establishment of Commons committees during 1961–1997, the Procedure Committee report of 1965 on parliamentary reform and how to improve the effectiveness of the Commons, the reforms initiated by Richard Crossman, and the introduction of select committees.
Meg Russell and Daniel Gover
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198753827
- eISBN:
- 9780191815461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198753827.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter explores the various means by which specialist select committees in both the House of Commons and House of Lords interact with and influence government legislation. The development of ...
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This chapter explores the various means by which specialist select committees in both the House of Commons and House of Lords interact with and influence government legislation. The development of select committees is widely seen as important at Westminster, having encouraged greater expertise and specialization among members, and cross-party work. Yet the select committees have only a limited formal role in the legislative process, because the ‘committee stage’ occurs elsewhere. Nonetheless, this chapter shows extensive select committee influence on the 12 case study bills. The committees can be important to setting the policy agenda, informing members, influencing debate, encouraging amendments, and—potentially—supporting the government. This particularly applies to the constitutional committees in the House of Lords, and select committees conducting pre-legislative scrutiny of draft bills. However, other committees can also be important, as demonstrated by the Commons Health Committee’s intervention over the smoking ban in the Health Bill (2005–06).Less
This chapter explores the various means by which specialist select committees in both the House of Commons and House of Lords interact with and influence government legislation. The development of select committees is widely seen as important at Westminster, having encouraged greater expertise and specialization among members, and cross-party work. Yet the select committees have only a limited formal role in the legislative process, because the ‘committee stage’ occurs elsewhere. Nonetheless, this chapter shows extensive select committee influence on the 12 case study bills. The committees can be important to setting the policy agenda, informing members, influencing debate, encouraging amendments, and—potentially—supporting the government. This particularly applies to the constitutional committees in the House of Lords, and select committees conducting pre-legislative scrutiny of draft bills. However, other committees can also be important, as demonstrated by the Commons Health Committee’s intervention over the smoking ban in the Health Bill (2005–06).
William St. Clair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780192880536
- eISBN:
- 9780191670596
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192880536.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When the new Parliamentary session started in February 1816, Lord Elgin put forward his Petition as he requested that the House of Commons should be able to appoint a Select Committee to look into ...
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When the new Parliamentary session started in February 1816, Lord Elgin put forward his Petition as he requested that the House of Commons should be able to appoint a Select Committee to look into the circumstances of how he was able to acquire the much discussed collection, and determine whether it be advisable or not to sell the collection to the government. Although the Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested that the move be accepted, many were not inclined to accept the proposal without reservation. After discussing several points, the petition was accepted and the Select Committee was appointed. This chapter investigates the witnesses, their arguments, and how the marbles were then advised to be sold.Less
When the new Parliamentary session started in February 1816, Lord Elgin put forward his Petition as he requested that the House of Commons should be able to appoint a Select Committee to look into the circumstances of how he was able to acquire the much discussed collection, and determine whether it be advisable or not to sell the collection to the government. Although the Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested that the move be accepted, many were not inclined to accept the proposal without reservation. After discussing several points, the petition was accepted and the Select Committee was appointed. This chapter investigates the witnesses, their arguments, and how the marbles were then advised to be sold.
DIANA WOODHOUSE
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278924
- eISBN:
- 9780191684265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278924.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Previous chapters examined the reform of the select committee system and the changes within the civil service, both of which have an impact upon the operation of ministerial responsibility. A ...
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Previous chapters examined the reform of the select committee system and the changes within the civil service, both of which have an impact upon the operation of ministerial responsibility. A significant feature of these reforms, which were conceived and executed independently of each other, is that they have been undertaken in isolation from wider concerns about public accountability. Indeed, while the reform of the select committee system at least engendered debate about the possible implications for ministerial accountability, the changes in the structure and operation of the civil service have not been related to any consideration of the constitution. Public accountability has not been on the agenda for reform or even discussion. There has been no overall perspective on, or theory of, accountability nor any attempt to co-ordinate management reforms and constitutional requirements.Less
Previous chapters examined the reform of the select committee system and the changes within the civil service, both of which have an impact upon the operation of ministerial responsibility. A significant feature of these reforms, which were conceived and executed independently of each other, is that they have been undertaken in isolation from wider concerns about public accountability. Indeed, while the reform of the select committee system at least engendered debate about the possible implications for ministerial accountability, the changes in the structure and operation of the civil service have not been related to any consideration of the constitution. Public accountability has not been on the agenda for reform or even discussion. There has been no overall perspective on, or theory of, accountability nor any attempt to co-ordinate management reforms and constitutional requirements.
Christine Hine
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262083713
- eISBN:
- 9780262275408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262083713.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
This chapter can be regarded as the continuation of the preceding chapter; in this section, the author extends his views in the field of systematics in a detailed way. The chapter explores the role ...
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This chapter can be regarded as the continuation of the preceding chapter; in this section, the author extends his views in the field of systematics in a detailed way. The chapter explores the role of ICTs in systematics as a case study through the analysis of high-profile and public commentary. Politicization issues, the relationship between material and virtual cultures, and the historical specificity of systematics are briefly covered in the next parts of the chapter. The chapter also investigates the role of new and existing digital computer technologies and the Select Committee Report in the field of systematics. The data for this case study, drawn from the 2002 policy report, was produced by the United Kingdom's House of Lords Select Committee on Science and Technology. The conclusion of the chapter explains that further exploration is needed on the study results.Less
This chapter can be regarded as the continuation of the preceding chapter; in this section, the author extends his views in the field of systematics in a detailed way. The chapter explores the role of ICTs in systematics as a case study through the analysis of high-profile and public commentary. Politicization issues, the relationship between material and virtual cultures, and the historical specificity of systematics are briefly covered in the next parts of the chapter. The chapter also investigates the role of new and existing digital computer technologies and the Select Committee Report in the field of systematics. The data for this case study, drawn from the 2002 policy report, was produced by the United Kingdom's House of Lords Select Committee on Science and Technology. The conclusion of the chapter explains that further exploration is needed on the study results.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
Considered over the years since 1776, the progressive tightening of government control over the UK Parliament may be relaxing somewhat. Select committees in particular have led the way in the ...
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Considered over the years since 1776, the progressive tightening of government control over the UK Parliament may be relaxing somewhat. Select committees in particular have led the way in the recovery of parliamentary authority. At the same time, courts, both domestic and European, are challenging the concept of parliamentary sovereignty. The principles of separation of powers and of federalism embodied in the US Constitution were initially reactions to British monarchical supremacy during the period of colonial rule. Consistent with that basic document, limitations imposed upon each of the branches of the Federal government, the retention of some power to the States or to the people, as well as internal separation of some House and Senate legislative and also quasi‐executive and quasi‐judicial functions have all evolved over 221 years. Internally, the diminution of procedural fairness, deliberative capacity, and transparency has been demonstrated in both Houses.Less
Considered over the years since 1776, the progressive tightening of government control over the UK Parliament may be relaxing somewhat. Select committees in particular have led the way in the recovery of parliamentary authority. At the same time, courts, both domestic and European, are challenging the concept of parliamentary sovereignty. The principles of separation of powers and of federalism embodied in the US Constitution were initially reactions to British monarchical supremacy during the period of colonial rule. Consistent with that basic document, limitations imposed upon each of the branches of the Federal government, the retention of some power to the States or to the people, as well as internal separation of some House and Senate legislative and also quasi‐executive and quasi‐judicial functions have all evolved over 221 years. Internally, the diminution of procedural fairness, deliberative capacity, and transparency has been demonstrated in both Houses.
Geoffrey Marshall
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198762027
- eISBN:
- 9780191695179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198762027.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In this chapter, collective responsibility is first discussed by illustrating the three traditional branches of the collective responsibility convention: the confidence rule, the unanimity rule, and ...
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In this chapter, collective responsibility is first discussed by illustrating the three traditional branches of the collective responsibility convention: the confidence rule, the unanimity rule, and the confidentiality rule. In exploring individual ministerial responsibility, the author recalls some of the well-known cases of non-resignations by Ministers when matters of one sort or another have gone wrong. Further, this chapter also examines the civil service responsibility of Ministers by discussing the Sachsenhausen case and the role of the Select Committee. Two forms of accountability of Ministers are also discussed in this chapter.Less
In this chapter, collective responsibility is first discussed by illustrating the three traditional branches of the collective responsibility convention: the confidence rule, the unanimity rule, and the confidentiality rule. In exploring individual ministerial responsibility, the author recalls some of the well-known cases of non-resignations by Ministers when matters of one sort or another have gone wrong. Further, this chapter also examines the civil service responsibility of Ministers by discussing the Sachsenhausen case and the role of the Select Committee. Two forms of accountability of Ministers are also discussed in this chapter.
BERNARD RUDDEN
- Published in print:
- 1985
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198254973
- eISBN:
- 9780191681547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198254973.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The nineteenth century saw four Royal Commissions, dozens of Select Committees, scores of unsuccessful Bills, and over a hundred Acts of Parliament devoted to the metropolitan water supply; at the ...
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The nineteenth century saw four Royal Commissions, dozens of Select Committees, scores of unsuccessful Bills, and over a hundred Acts of Parliament devoted to the metropolitan water supply; at the end of the century it was still in private hands. Firstly, there was the problem of the sources from which the growing conurbation was to obtain so vital a necessity. Secondly, there was the issue of the quality of the water. Thirdly, the disputes about the supply of water raged in committees. Fourthly, there was the problem of what the householder was to do with water after use. The resolution of this conflict introduced the fifth problem: Sir Edwin Chadwick. He, along with his Benthamite colleagues, fought for a scheme which was later taken for granted: that water should be used not merely for household and industrial purposes but also as the motive power for cleansing away human excrement and other refuse.Less
The nineteenth century saw four Royal Commissions, dozens of Select Committees, scores of unsuccessful Bills, and over a hundred Acts of Parliament devoted to the metropolitan water supply; at the end of the century it was still in private hands. Firstly, there was the problem of the sources from which the growing conurbation was to obtain so vital a necessity. Secondly, there was the issue of the quality of the water. Thirdly, the disputes about the supply of water raged in committees. Fourthly, there was the problem of what the householder was to do with water after use. The resolution of this conflict introduced the fifth problem: Sir Edwin Chadwick. He, along with his Benthamite colleagues, fought for a scheme which was later taken for granted: that water should be used not merely for household and industrial purposes but also as the motive power for cleansing away human excrement and other refuse.
