S. J. Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199543472
- eISBN:
- 9780191716553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543472.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The French Revolution revived radical enthusiasm in Ireland, notably with the establishment of the United Irishmen. The government, concerned to contain disaffection, forced through a major Catholic ...
More
The French Revolution revived radical enthusiasm in Ireland, notably with the establishment of the United Irishmen. The government, concerned to contain disaffection, forced through a major Catholic Relief Act. But by this time, sectarian conflict between the Protestant Orange Society and the Catholic Defenders, was rising out of control. The United Irish rebellion of 1798, ostensibly in support of a secular, democratic republicanism, degenerated in some areas into vicious sectarian warfare. The government's decision, immediately afterwards, to end Ireland's status as a separate kingdom reflected a longer term frustration with the unmanageable demands of Irish patriotism, as well as a belief that religious conflict could be satisfactorily resolved within the framework of an act of union.Less
The French Revolution revived radical enthusiasm in Ireland, notably with the establishment of the United Irishmen. The government, concerned to contain disaffection, forced through a major Catholic Relief Act. But by this time, sectarian conflict between the Protestant Orange Society and the Catholic Defenders, was rising out of control. The United Irish rebellion of 1798, ostensibly in support of a secular, democratic republicanism, degenerated in some areas into vicious sectarian warfare. The government's decision, immediately afterwards, to end Ireland's status as a separate kingdom reflected a longer term frustration with the unmanageable demands of Irish patriotism, as well as a belief that religious conflict could be satisfactorily resolved within the framework of an act of union.
Joanne Randa Nucho
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691168968
- eISBN:
- 9781400883004
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691168968.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
This chapter takes a closer look at the way in which political actors and popular discourses mobilize sectarianism as an explanation for conflict as well as justification for actions taken in the ...
More
This chapter takes a closer look at the way in which political actors and popular discourses mobilize sectarianism as an explanation for conflict as well as justification for actions taken in the aftermath of violence, creating a sectarian narrative that appears rigid, intractable, and deeply historical. Moreover, the sectarian explanation appears to give it a sense of unending repetition. The aftermaths of three violent incidents that took place in Beirut in recent years shape the analysis: a 2009 fatal shooting in a Beirut neighborhood that was quickly forgotten; a larger street clash in Beirut in 2010 that was perceived as a harbinger of political instability; and a fight in 2011 in Bourj Hammoud that launched a large-scale eviction of Kurdish and Syrian migrant workers. This final example is explored in the most ethnographic detail and reveals just how a wholly new kind of “sectarian conflict” (between Armenians and Syrian-Kurds) emerges as an explanation in the aftermath of a violent incident.Less
This chapter takes a closer look at the way in which political actors and popular discourses mobilize sectarianism as an explanation for conflict as well as justification for actions taken in the aftermath of violence, creating a sectarian narrative that appears rigid, intractable, and deeply historical. Moreover, the sectarian explanation appears to give it a sense of unending repetition. The aftermaths of three violent incidents that took place in Beirut in recent years shape the analysis: a 2009 fatal shooting in a Beirut neighborhood that was quickly forgotten; a larger street clash in Beirut in 2010 that was perceived as a harbinger of political instability; and a fight in 2011 in Bourj Hammoud that launched a large-scale eviction of Kurdish and Syrian migrant workers. This final example is explored in the most ethnographic detail and reveals just how a wholly new kind of “sectarian conflict” (between Armenians and Syrian-Kurds) emerges as an explanation in the aftermath of a violent incident.
Brian Barton
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217527
- eISBN:
- 9780191678240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217527.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the 1925 Northern Ireland general election, three Labour party candidates and four independent unionists were returned for constituencies in the east of the province. This suggested that, outside ...
More
In the 1925 Northern Ireland general election, three Labour party candidates and four independent unionists were returned for constituencies in the east of the province. This suggested that, outside border areas, voters could look beyond constitutional and religious issues. A further encouraging feature of the poll for the northern government was the relative failure of the Sinn Féin party. During the years that followed, however, no new spirit arose. North-South relations were characterised by a pervasive cold war. Internally, Northern Ireland became the most economically disadvantaged region in the United Kingdom and it remained the most politically divided. Moreover, the economic and political context in the late 1920s and 1930s was not conducive to increased tolerance and mutual understanding. Persistent recession not only accentuated sectarian conflict, it lessened the government's chance of winning over a section at least of the nationalist community.Less
In the 1925 Northern Ireland general election, three Labour party candidates and four independent unionists were returned for constituencies in the east of the province. This suggested that, outside border areas, voters could look beyond constitutional and religious issues. A further encouraging feature of the poll for the northern government was the relative failure of the Sinn Féin party. During the years that followed, however, no new spirit arose. North-South relations were characterised by a pervasive cold war. Internally, Northern Ireland became the most economically disadvantaged region in the United Kingdom and it remained the most politically divided. Moreover, the economic and political context in the late 1920s and 1930s was not conducive to increased tolerance and mutual understanding. Persistent recession not only accentuated sectarian conflict, it lessened the government's chance of winning over a section at least of the nationalist community.
Michael Gaddis
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241046
- eISBN:
- 9780520930902
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241046.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
“There is no crime for those who have Christ,” claimed a fifth-century zealot, neatly expressing the belief of religious extremists that righteous zeal for God trumps worldly law. This book looks at ...
More
“There is no crime for those who have Christ,” claimed a fifth-century zealot, neatly expressing the belief of religious extremists that righteous zeal for God trumps worldly law. This book looks at religious violence and the attitudes that drove it in the Christian Roman Empire of the fourth and fifth centuries, a unique period shaped by the marriage of Christian ideology and Roman imperial power. Drawing together materials spanning a wide chronological and geographical range, the book asks what religious conflict meant to those involved, both perpetrators and victims, and how violence was experienced, represented, justified, or contested. This analysis reveals how various groups employed the language of religious violence to construct their own identities, to undermine the legitimacy of their rivals, and to advance themselves in the competitive and high-stakes process of Christianizing the Roman Empire. The book pursues case studies and themes including martyrdom and persecution, the Donatist controversy and other sectarian conflicts, zealous monks' assaults on pagan temples, the tyrannical behavior of powerful bishops, and the intrigues of church councils. In addition to illuminating a core issue of late antiquity, this book also sheds light on thematic and comparative dimensions of religious violence in other times, including our own.Less
“There is no crime for those who have Christ,” claimed a fifth-century zealot, neatly expressing the belief of religious extremists that righteous zeal for God trumps worldly law. This book looks at religious violence and the attitudes that drove it in the Christian Roman Empire of the fourth and fifth centuries, a unique period shaped by the marriage of Christian ideology and Roman imperial power. Drawing together materials spanning a wide chronological and geographical range, the book asks what religious conflict meant to those involved, both perpetrators and victims, and how violence was experienced, represented, justified, or contested. This analysis reveals how various groups employed the language of religious violence to construct their own identities, to undermine the legitimacy of their rivals, and to advance themselves in the competitive and high-stakes process of Christianizing the Roman Empire. The book pursues case studies and themes including martyrdom and persecution, the Donatist controversy and other sectarian conflicts, zealous monks' assaults on pagan temples, the tyrannical behavior of powerful bishops, and the intrigues of church councils. In addition to illuminating a core issue of late antiquity, this book also sheds light on thematic and comparative dimensions of religious violence in other times, including our own.
Elizabeth C. Tingle
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719067266
- eISBN:
- 9781781700860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719067266.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This book explores the theory and practice of authority during the later sixteenth century, in the religious culture and political institutions of the city of Nantes, where the religious wars ...
More
This book explores the theory and practice of authority during the later sixteenth century, in the religious culture and political institutions of the city of Nantes, where the religious wars traditionally came to an end with the great Edict of 1598. The Wars of Religion witnessed serious challenges to the authority of the last Valois kings of France. In an examination of the municipal and ecclesiastical records of Nantes, the author considers challenges to authority, and its renegotiation and reconstruction in the city, during the civil war period. After a detailed survey of the socio-economic structures of the mid-sixteenth-century city, successive chapters detail the growth of the Protestant church, assess the impact of sectarian conflict and the early counter reform movement on the Catholic Church, and evaluate the changing political relations of the city council with the urban population and with the French crown. Finally, the book focuses on the Catholic League rebellion against the king and the question of why Nantes held out against Henry IV longer than any other French city.Less
This book explores the theory and practice of authority during the later sixteenth century, in the religious culture and political institutions of the city of Nantes, where the religious wars traditionally came to an end with the great Edict of 1598. The Wars of Religion witnessed serious challenges to the authority of the last Valois kings of France. In an examination of the municipal and ecclesiastical records of Nantes, the author considers challenges to authority, and its renegotiation and reconstruction in the city, during the civil war period. After a detailed survey of the socio-economic structures of the mid-sixteenth-century city, successive chapters detail the growth of the Protestant church, assess the impact of sectarian conflict and the early counter reform movement on the Catholic Church, and evaluate the changing political relations of the city council with the urban population and with the French crown. Finally, the book focuses on the Catholic League rebellion against the king and the question of why Nantes held out against Henry IV longer than any other French city.
Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526122735
- eISBN:
- 9781526136190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526122735.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
A basic feature of the universal human condition is the need to find commonality with others and form larger associations at the individual, group, and community level. This is at the heart of the ...
More
A basic feature of the universal human condition is the need to find commonality with others and form larger associations at the individual, group, and community level. This is at the heart of the concept of identity. A variety of factors ranging from physical attributes, language, and culture to societal norms and structures work to promote a self-awareness and self-consciousness of sameness with a larger collective. Probably nowhere else in the world is group identity—be it ethnic, racial, religious, sectarian or communal—so closely associated with persistent, and even genocidal, violence than in Africa. This makes identity conflict a primary threat to peace and security on the continent.Less
A basic feature of the universal human condition is the need to find commonality with others and form larger associations at the individual, group, and community level. This is at the heart of the concept of identity. A variety of factors ranging from physical attributes, language, and culture to societal norms and structures work to promote a self-awareness and self-consciousness of sameness with a larger collective. Probably nowhere else in the world is group identity—be it ethnic, racial, religious, sectarian or communal—so closely associated with persistent, and even genocidal, violence than in Africa. This makes identity conflict a primary threat to peace and security on the continent.
Jennifer M. Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264478
- eISBN:
- 9780191734779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264478.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The situation in Lebanon shared many features with that in Syria. Education and language were symbolic pillars of political power and collective identity in both countries. That said, there were ...
More
The situation in Lebanon shared many features with that in Syria. Education and language were symbolic pillars of political power and collective identity in both countries. That said, there were marked differences between the educational systems in Syria and Lebanon. In spite of the occasional threat of violence, schools in Lebanon did not become targets for popular aggression as they did in Syria. Struggles over education were confined to the political sphere where the debates were sometimes intense. The actual practice of politics was dominated by intra-sectarian conflict in which Christians and Muslims formed cross-confessional allegiances to further their interests within their own communities. The discussion also considers how educational provision affected the network of relationships between the French government, the French missionaries, the Maronite Patriarchy, and the Maqāsid Islamic Charitable Association.Less
The situation in Lebanon shared many features with that in Syria. Education and language were symbolic pillars of political power and collective identity in both countries. That said, there were marked differences between the educational systems in Syria and Lebanon. In spite of the occasional threat of violence, schools in Lebanon did not become targets for popular aggression as they did in Syria. Struggles over education were confined to the political sphere where the debates were sometimes intense. The actual practice of politics was dominated by intra-sectarian conflict in which Christians and Muslims formed cross-confessional allegiances to further their interests within their own communities. The discussion also considers how educational provision affected the network of relationships between the French government, the French missionaries, the Maronite Patriarchy, and the Maqāsid Islamic Charitable Association.
Andreas Rieck
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190240967
- eISBN:
- 9780190492113
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240967.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Following waves of Sunni Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent, Shi’ism has spread there mainly due to the influence of Sufism and Persian culture. Since the eighteenth century regular Shia ...
More
Following waves of Sunni Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent, Shi’ism has spread there mainly due to the influence of Sufism and Persian culture. Since the eighteenth century regular Shia mourning processions have been an important additional factor in strengthening communal bonds and winning new converts. But the growing assertiveness and visibility of Shias has often led to enmity and even persecution from the Sunni majority. Sunni-Shia sectarian conflicts have been widespread in India since the seventeenth century, including polemical writings by religious scholars which are still being reprinted today. With the decline of the Sunni Mughal empire in the eighteenth century the principality of Awadh around Lucknow emerged as an important Shia stronghold. Later, Shias benefited from British rule, which guaranteed religious freedom for all denominations, and many members of the Shia aristocracy became staunch British allies, including influential landlords of the Punjab. In the early decades of the twentieth century Shia communal organisations emerged, centered in Lucknow, and sectarian tensions increased, culminating in the 1939 “Tabarra Agitation.”Less
Following waves of Sunni Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent, Shi’ism has spread there mainly due to the influence of Sufism and Persian culture. Since the eighteenth century regular Shia mourning processions have been an important additional factor in strengthening communal bonds and winning new converts. But the growing assertiveness and visibility of Shias has often led to enmity and even persecution from the Sunni majority. Sunni-Shia sectarian conflicts have been widespread in India since the seventeenth century, including polemical writings by religious scholars which are still being reprinted today. With the decline of the Sunni Mughal empire in the eighteenth century the principality of Awadh around Lucknow emerged as an important Shia stronghold. Later, Shias benefited from British rule, which guaranteed religious freedom for all denominations, and many members of the Shia aristocracy became staunch British allies, including influential landlords of the Punjab. In the early decades of the twentieth century Shia communal organisations emerged, centered in Lucknow, and sectarian tensions increased, culminating in the 1939 “Tabarra Agitation.”
Sebastian Elsasser
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199368396
- eISBN:
- 9780199368419
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199368396.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Part of the legacy of the Mubarak era (1980–2011) in Egypt is the unsettled state of Muslim-Christian relations and the increasing volatility of sectarian tensions, which also overshadowed the first ...
More
Part of the legacy of the Mubarak era (1980–2011) in Egypt is the unsettled state of Muslim-Christian relations and the increasing volatility of sectarian tensions, which also overshadowed the first years of the post-Mubarak period. Egypt’s Christians, the Copts, are the largest Christian community in the Middle East. While they have always been considered an integral component of the Egyptian nation, their precise status within Egyptian politics and society has been subject to ongoing negotiations and debates throughout the twentieth century until the present day. The so-called “Coptic question,” as it evolved during the course of modern Egyptian history, involves a complex set of issues, ranging from the petty struggles of daily coexistence in a bi-religious society and everyday issues of religious distinction and discrimination to intricate legal and constitutional questions (family law, conversion, and church-building), to the issue of the political participation of the Coptic minority, and to intellectual debates about Egyptian national identity. Investigating the socioeconomic, political, legal, and ideological background of the Coptic question as it appeared in the Mubarak era, the book uncovers different historical layers, traces important continuities and identifies significant ruptures from the early nineteenth century to the beginning of the twenty-first. It delves into the discourses that dominated public debates and political agenda-setting during the Mubarak era, and explains why politicians and the public in Egypt have had such enormous difficulties in recognizing the real roots of sectarian strife and devising effective counter-measures.Less
Part of the legacy of the Mubarak era (1980–2011) in Egypt is the unsettled state of Muslim-Christian relations and the increasing volatility of sectarian tensions, which also overshadowed the first years of the post-Mubarak period. Egypt’s Christians, the Copts, are the largest Christian community in the Middle East. While they have always been considered an integral component of the Egyptian nation, their precise status within Egyptian politics and society has been subject to ongoing negotiations and debates throughout the twentieth century until the present day. The so-called “Coptic question,” as it evolved during the course of modern Egyptian history, involves a complex set of issues, ranging from the petty struggles of daily coexistence in a bi-religious society and everyday issues of religious distinction and discrimination to intricate legal and constitutional questions (family law, conversion, and church-building), to the issue of the political participation of the Coptic minority, and to intellectual debates about Egyptian national identity. Investigating the socioeconomic, political, legal, and ideological background of the Coptic question as it appeared in the Mubarak era, the book uncovers different historical layers, traces important continuities and identifies significant ruptures from the early nineteenth century to the beginning of the twenty-first. It delves into the discourses that dominated public debates and political agenda-setting during the Mubarak era, and explains why politicians and the public in Egypt have had such enormous difficulties in recognizing the real roots of sectarian strife and devising effective counter-measures.
Aaron Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719078743
- eISBN:
- 9781781702390
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719078743.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This is a definitive history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), a unique political force that drew its support from Protestants and Catholics and became electorally viable despite ...
More
This is a definitive history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), a unique political force that drew its support from Protestants and Catholics and became electorally viable despite deep-seated ethnic, religious and national divisions. Formed in 1924 and disbanded in 1987, it succeeded in returning several of its members to the locally based Northern Ireland parliament in 1925–29 and 1958–72, and polled some 100,000 votes in the 1964 and 1970 British general elections. Despite its political successes, the NILP's significance has been downplayed by historians, partly because of the lack of empirical evidence and partly to reinforce the simplistic view of Northern Ireland as the site of the most protracted sectarian conflict in modern Europe. The book brings together archival sources and the oral testimonies of the NILP's former members to explain the enigma of an extraordinary political party operating in extraordinary circumstances. It situates the NILP's successes and failures in a broad historical framework, providing the reader with a balanced account of twentieth-century Northern Irish political history.Less
This is a definitive history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), a unique political force that drew its support from Protestants and Catholics and became electorally viable despite deep-seated ethnic, religious and national divisions. Formed in 1924 and disbanded in 1987, it succeeded in returning several of its members to the locally based Northern Ireland parliament in 1925–29 and 1958–72, and polled some 100,000 votes in the 1964 and 1970 British general elections. Despite its political successes, the NILP's significance has been downplayed by historians, partly because of the lack of empirical evidence and partly to reinforce the simplistic view of Northern Ireland as the site of the most protracted sectarian conflict in modern Europe. The book brings together archival sources and the oral testimonies of the NILP's former members to explain the enigma of an extraordinary political party operating in extraordinary circumstances. It situates the NILP's successes and failures in a broad historical framework, providing the reader with a balanced account of twentieth-century Northern Irish political history.
