Jarle Trondal
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579426
- eISBN:
- 9780191722714
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579426.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Chapter 6 poses the question: Is the Commission all that different compared to other international bureaucracies? This chapter unpacks the executive arms—the bureaucratic interior—of international ...
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Chapter 6 poses the question: Is the Commission all that different compared to other international bureaucracies? This chapter unpacks the executive arms—the bureaucratic interior—of international organizations, and does so comparatively. By comparing the Commission with other international bureaucracies, the often‐claimed sui generis picture of the Commission is modified. The Commission is unique by its size, formal powers, political representation at top of the hierarchy, and by its profound impacts on domestic politics and policies. However, the Commission also shares important characteristics with other international bureaucracies—both with respect to organizational structures and actual decision‐making dynamics. This chapter argues that international bureaucracies are compound systems that blend departmental, epistemic, and supranational decision‐making dynamics. Even international bureaucracies embedded in intergovernmental organizations—like the WTO and OECD—seem to transcend intergovernmentalism in everyday decision‐making processes. The decision‐making dynamics within international bureaucracies seems to occur rather independently of the larger international organization in which they are embedded. This chapter advocates that international bureaucracies seem to share important decision‐making dynamics due to organizational characteristics of the international bureaucracies themselves.Less
Chapter 6 poses the question: Is the Commission all that different compared to other international bureaucracies? This chapter unpacks the executive arms—the bureaucratic interior—of international organizations, and does so comparatively. By comparing the Commission with other international bureaucracies, the often‐claimed sui generis picture of the Commission is modified. The Commission is unique by its size, formal powers, political representation at top of the hierarchy, and by its profound impacts on domestic politics and policies. However, the Commission also shares important characteristics with other international bureaucracies—both with respect to organizational structures and actual decision‐making dynamics. This chapter argues that international bureaucracies are compound systems that blend departmental, epistemic, and supranational decision‐making dynamics. Even international bureaucracies embedded in intergovernmental organizations—like the WTO and OECD—seem to transcend intergovernmentalism in everyday decision‐making processes. The decision‐making dynamics within international bureaucracies seems to occur rather independently of the larger international organization in which they are embedded. This chapter advocates that international bureaucracies seem to share important decision‐making dynamics due to organizational characteristics of the international bureaucracies themselves.
Jessica F. Green
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157580
- eISBN:
- 9781400848669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157580.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines why states decided to delegate key monitoring tasks to private actors in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. It first provides an overview of the ...
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This chapter examines why states decided to delegate key monitoring tasks to private actors in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. It first provides an overview of the origins of the CDM before discussing the involvement of the Global Environment Facility, the World Bank, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat, and the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) in the CDM. It also presents three reasons behind delegated authority in the CDM, and specifically why private actors were selected to serve as the “atmospheric police” of the CDM. First, the private sector had relatively long-standing experience in the intricacies of measuring carbon offsets. Second, powerful states agreed that this market mechanism should be part of the Protocol, and that a third-party verifier was needed to monitor the quality of offset projects. Finally, there was a focal institution, the CDM Executive Board, to screen and oversee agents.Less
This chapter examines why states decided to delegate key monitoring tasks to private actors in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. It first provides an overview of the origins of the CDM before discussing the involvement of the Global Environment Facility, the World Bank, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat, and the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) in the CDM. It also presents three reasons behind delegated authority in the CDM, and specifically why private actors were selected to serve as the “atmospheric police” of the CDM. First, the private sector had relatively long-standing experience in the intricacies of measuring carbon offsets. Second, powerful states agreed that this market mechanism should be part of the Protocol, and that a third-party verifier was needed to monitor the quality of offset projects. Finally, there was a focal institution, the CDM Executive Board, to screen and oversee agents.
Netto Maria and Barani Schmidt Kai-Uwe
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199565931
- eISBN:
- 9780191722028
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199565931.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law, Private International Law
The Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) provides for three ‘market-oriented mechanisms’: joint implementation (JI); emissions trading (ET); and the ...
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The Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) provides for three ‘market-oriented mechanisms’: joint implementation (JI); emissions trading (ET); and the clean development mechanism (CDM). The main purpose of the three mechanisms is to maximize the cost-effectiveness of climate change mitigation by providing an opportunity to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions inexpensively abroad, rather than at home. This chapter provides an overview of the CDM actors and the steps in the CDM project cycle with an analysis of the role of the Secretariat in supporting these stages.Less
The Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) provides for three ‘market-oriented mechanisms’: joint implementation (JI); emissions trading (ET); and the clean development mechanism (CDM). The main purpose of the three mechanisms is to maximize the cost-effectiveness of climate change mitigation by providing an opportunity to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions inexpensively abroad, rather than at home. This chapter provides an overview of the CDM actors and the steps in the CDM project cycle with an analysis of the role of the Secretariat in supporting these stages.
Simon J. Nuttall
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273189
- eISBN:
- 9780191684005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273189.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter discusses the activities of the European Political Co-operation (EPC) during the period from 1982 to 1986. After the adoption of the London Report in 1981, the EPC established a ...
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This chapter discusses the activities of the European Political Co-operation (EPC) during the period from 1982 to 1986. After the adoption of the London Report in 1981, the EPC established a Secretariat and ended the restrictions on its full association with the European Commission (EC). During the following years, there was an increasing unease in Europe, particularly on the issue of East—West relations, and this left the EPC torn between supporting its ally and maintaining the policies it believed to be right. This was further complicated by the Solemn Declaration of Stuttgart initiated by Federal German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and his Italian counterpart Emilio Colombo. But the EPC was able to effectively deal with these issues with the assistance provided by the EC.Less
This chapter discusses the activities of the European Political Co-operation (EPC) during the period from 1982 to 1986. After the adoption of the London Report in 1981, the EPC established a Secretariat and ended the restrictions on its full association with the European Commission (EC). During the following years, there was an increasing unease in Europe, particularly on the issue of East—West relations, and this left the EPC torn between supporting its ally and maintaining the policies it believed to be right. This was further complicated by the Solemn Declaration of Stuttgart initiated by Federal German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and his Italian counterpart Emilio Colombo. But the EPC was able to effectively deal with these issues with the assistance provided by the EC.
Maurice Wright
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199250530
- eISBN:
- 9780191697937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199250530.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The Ministry of Finance (MOF) has occupied a commanding and dominating position in fiscal, financial, and economic policy-making in Japan. However, by the end of the 20th century, the MOF's formal ...
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The Ministry of Finance (MOF) has occupied a commanding and dominating position in fiscal, financial, and economic policy-making in Japan. However, by the end of the 20th century, the MOF's formal powers were being eroded, the reputation of its elite administrators for honest and effective management of the economy tarnished by scandal and ineptitude, and its authority and influence in central government challenged by other organizations. This chapter outlines the structure, functions, and organization of the MOF, its constituent bureaux, and its advisory councils. Particular attention is drawn to the central role of the Budget Bureau and the Minister's Secretariat, and to the processes for the coordination of budgetary and other policy-making through them and other mechanisms. It describes the boundaries of the ministry's supervisory jurisdiction, within which were to be found several of the most important public banks and finance corporations. This chapter argues that in the 1990s, the MOF suffered a crisis of confidence and authority, and traces the origins of the erosion of its formal powers in the reorganization of the central executive in January 2001.Less
The Ministry of Finance (MOF) has occupied a commanding and dominating position in fiscal, financial, and economic policy-making in Japan. However, by the end of the 20th century, the MOF's formal powers were being eroded, the reputation of its elite administrators for honest and effective management of the economy tarnished by scandal and ineptitude, and its authority and influence in central government challenged by other organizations. This chapter outlines the structure, functions, and organization of the MOF, its constituent bureaux, and its advisory councils. Particular attention is drawn to the central role of the Budget Bureau and the Minister's Secretariat, and to the processes for the coordination of budgetary and other policy-making through them and other mechanisms. It describes the boundaries of the ministry's supervisory jurisdiction, within which were to be found several of the most important public banks and finance corporations. This chapter argues that in the 1990s, the MOF suffered a crisis of confidence and authority, and traces the origins of the erosion of its formal powers in the reorganization of the central executive in January 2001.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0033
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Lavon's departure as the Histadrut secretary-general did not put an end to the Affair. Immediately after the Central Committee meeting that had voted on the sacking, a third stage, in which Sharett ...
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Lavon's departure as the Histadrut secretary-general did not put an end to the Affair. Immediately after the Central Committee meeting that had voted on the sacking, a third stage, in which Sharett would also play an important role, began to take shape. In the meantime, however, Mapai had to proceed through the actual ritual of the dismissal of Lavon, which reminded Sharett strongly of his own ordeal a few years earlier. In a further meeting of the Mapai Secretariat, from his great concern for the party's position in Israel's polity, Sharett suggested that party representatives in the Histadrut must prevent a general debate on the Affair by thanking Lavon warmly for his five years of leadership, by stating that the decision to replace him was an agonizing one, and that it was caused by internal developments in the party. Once this proposal was adopted, and Sharett had carefully drafted the resolution, it was placed before the relevant Histadrut bodies and dutifully supported by the vast majority in the organization which was composed of Mapai members. That vote marked the end of Lavon's tangled political career.Less
Lavon's departure as the Histadrut secretary-general did not put an end to the Affair. Immediately after the Central Committee meeting that had voted on the sacking, a third stage, in which Sharett would also play an important role, began to take shape. In the meantime, however, Mapai had to proceed through the actual ritual of the dismissal of Lavon, which reminded Sharett strongly of his own ordeal a few years earlier. In a further meeting of the Mapai Secretariat, from his great concern for the party's position in Israel's polity, Sharett suggested that party representatives in the Histadrut must prevent a general debate on the Affair by thanking Lavon warmly for his five years of leadership, by stating that the decision to replace him was an agonizing one, and that it was caused by internal developments in the party. Once this proposal was adopted, and Sharett had carefully drafted the resolution, it was placed before the relevant Histadrut bodies and dutifully supported by the vast majority in the organization which was composed of Mapai members. That vote marked the end of Lavon's tangled political career.
Elli Louka
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374131
- eISBN:
- 9780199871841
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374131.003.0024
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter focuses on the role of secretariats in international water commissions. It argues that the implementation of the water framework directive will depend on political will. This political ...
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This chapter focuses on the role of secretariats in international water commissions. It argues that the implementation of the water framework directive will depend on political will. This political will is expressed by the annual gatherings of state parties (COPs) for the purpose of defining the future of international water commissions. The political will is translated further in the day-to-day work of commissions through the various coordinating and working groups that have been established. Political will can be transmitted through the mandates given to secretariats and how secretariats are to use these mandates to further the mission of the convention they have been entrusted to serve.Less
This chapter focuses on the role of secretariats in international water commissions. It argues that the implementation of the water framework directive will depend on political will. This political will is expressed by the annual gatherings of state parties (COPs) for the purpose of defining the future of international water commissions. The political will is translated further in the day-to-day work of commissions through the various coordinating and working groups that have been established. Political will can be transmitted through the mandates given to secretariats and how secretariats are to use these mandates to further the mission of the convention they have been entrusted to serve.
Herman T. Salton
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198733591
- eISBN:
- 9780191797972
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198733591.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book assesses the role of the UN Secretariat in the Rwandan genocide. With the help of new sources, including the personal diaries and private papers of the late Sir Marrack Goulding, it ...
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This book assesses the role of the UN Secretariat in the Rwandan genocide. With the help of new sources, including the personal diaries and private papers of the late Sir Marrack Goulding, it situates the Rwanda operation within the context of bureaucratic friction existing at Headquarters in the early 1990s between the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). The book argues that these units clashed not only over resources (a classic symptom of bureaucratic pathology) but also over the scope of peacekeeping and the role of the Secretary-General (SG) within it. This rivalry also reflected a split between a strong-willed SG determined to leave his mark on international affairs and to use his ‘political’ department independently of states, and Washington and the politico-military apparatus of the Pentagon, which in Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Haiti found itself increasingly at odds with Boutros-Ghali. Although the book looks at how this bureaucratic and power-political confrontation impacted on the Rwanda mission, it identifies the conceptual reasons for the DPA–DPKO split in the grey area that separates peacebuilding and peacekeeping. The difficulty of distinguishing these two key UN functions, coupled with the creative tension between SGs and states, explains why six decades after the birth of the UN, it has still not been possible to demarcate the exact roles of DPA and DPKO. Far from being dull and irrelevant, the book concludes that the UN bureaucracy is an intriguing barometer of the role of the Secretary-General in world politics.Less
This book assesses the role of the UN Secretariat in the Rwandan genocide. With the help of new sources, including the personal diaries and private papers of the late Sir Marrack Goulding, it situates the Rwanda operation within the context of bureaucratic friction existing at Headquarters in the early 1990s between the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). The book argues that these units clashed not only over resources (a classic symptom of bureaucratic pathology) but also over the scope of peacekeeping and the role of the Secretary-General (SG) within it. This rivalry also reflected a split between a strong-willed SG determined to leave his mark on international affairs and to use his ‘political’ department independently of states, and Washington and the politico-military apparatus of the Pentagon, which in Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Haiti found itself increasingly at odds with Boutros-Ghali. Although the book looks at how this bureaucratic and power-political confrontation impacted on the Rwanda mission, it identifies the conceptual reasons for the DPA–DPKO split in the grey area that separates peacebuilding and peacekeeping. The difficulty of distinguishing these two key UN functions, coupled with the creative tension between SGs and states, explains why six decades after the birth of the UN, it has still not been possible to demarcate the exact roles of DPA and DPKO. Far from being dull and irrelevant, the book concludes that the UN bureaucracy is an intriguing barometer of the role of the Secretary-General in world politics.
JOHN BARNES and RICHARD COCKETT
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of ...
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This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of an increasingly sophisticated policy structure, and identifies both an inner and an outer circle. Whilst the writers confirm that the leader is still the single most important arbiter of the party's official position, in practice the choices which the leader makes are shaped by a range of groups and interests in an essentially dynamic process. The chapter explains the methods by which the party has constructed its manifesto. It describes the history and varied fortunes of the network of party policy bodies, ranging from the secretariat of 1924 and the foundation of the Conservative Research Department in 1930, through the wartime and post-war clearing houses to the part played by the extra-mural think-tanks since the 1970s.Less
This chapter highlights the focus upon the short term rather than the long, upon practical politics rather than theory, and upon action rather than reflection. It explores the creation and roles of an increasingly sophisticated policy structure, and identifies both an inner and an outer circle. Whilst the writers confirm that the leader is still the single most important arbiter of the party's official position, in practice the choices which the leader makes are shaped by a range of groups and interests in an essentially dynamic process. The chapter explains the methods by which the party has constructed its manifesto. It describes the history and varied fortunes of the network of party policy bodies, ranging from the secretariat of 1924 and the foundation of the Conservative Research Department in 1930, through the wartime and post-war clearing houses to the part played by the extra-mural think-tanks since the 1970s.
Ruth Hellier-Tinoco
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195340365
- eISBN:
- 9780199896998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340365.003.0004
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music, Dance
This chapter contextualizes the historical, political, and ideological trajectory through eras of prehispanicity, colonization, independence with burgeoning forms of nationalism and indigenismo, ...
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This chapter contextualizes the historical, political, and ideological trajectory through eras of prehispanicity, colonization, independence with burgeoning forms of nationalism and indigenismo, leading to a period of revolution in the early twentieth century. Focusing on the postrevolutionary period, particular emphasis is placed on issues of ethnicity, race, nationalism, indigenismo, and mestizaje. The role of governmental institutions, and artists, intellectuals, and politicians working in an official capacity through state organizations is discussed, specifically centering on education and anthropology, the Secretariat of Education (SEP), Misiones Culturales (Cultural Missions), José Vasconcelos, and Manuel Gamio. Elements of folklore, music, dance, and theater are outlined, with particular reference to the regional, folkloric, synthetic, and open-air theater movements, the magazine Mexican Folkways, and two events of 1921, Noche Mexicana (Mexican Night) and the Exhibición de Artes Populares (Exhibition of Popular Arts).Less
This chapter contextualizes the historical, political, and ideological trajectory through eras of prehispanicity, colonization, independence with burgeoning forms of nationalism and indigenismo, leading to a period of revolution in the early twentieth century. Focusing on the postrevolutionary period, particular emphasis is placed on issues of ethnicity, race, nationalism, indigenismo, and mestizaje. The role of governmental institutions, and artists, intellectuals, and politicians working in an official capacity through state organizations is discussed, specifically centering on education and anthropology, the Secretariat of Education (SEP), Misiones Culturales (Cultural Missions), José Vasconcelos, and Manuel Gamio. Elements of folklore, music, dance, and theater are outlined, with particular reference to the regional, folkloric, synthetic, and open-air theater movements, the magazine Mexican Folkways, and two events of 1921, Noche Mexicana (Mexican Night) and the Exhibición de Artes Populares (Exhibition of Popular Arts).
HOWARD M. HOLTZMANN and EDDA KRISTJÁNSDÓTTIR
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199207442
- eISBN:
- 9780191708695
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207442.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Private International Law
This chapter discusses the funding of the claims process. Topics covered include the costs of running the Claims Process; the roles, if any, that Secretariat staff and decision-makers play in ...
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This chapter discusses the funding of the claims process. Topics covered include the costs of running the Claims Process; the roles, if any, that Secretariat staff and decision-makers play in establishing periodic budgets; the source(s) of funds to pay for the expenses of the Claims Process as a whole; and whether an outside auditor is employed to audit the claims process. An Editors' Commentary and separate Annotations show how each of these Mass Claims Processes has handled the matter.Less
This chapter discusses the funding of the claims process. Topics covered include the costs of running the Claims Process; the roles, if any, that Secretariat staff and decision-makers play in establishing periodic budgets; the source(s) of funds to pay for the expenses of the Claims Process as a whole; and whether an outside auditor is employed to audit the claims process. An Editors' Commentary and separate Annotations show how each of these Mass Claims Processes has handled the matter.
Xu Yi-chong and Patrick Weller
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198719496
- eISBN:
- 9780191788598
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198719496.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
International organizations (IOs) matter. Based on extensive interviews and exchanges with key players in IOs in the past decade, this book uncovers the regular working world of IOs, to challenge the ...
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International organizations (IOs) matter. Based on extensive interviews and exchanges with key players in IOs in the past decade, this book uncovers the regular working world of IOs, to challenge the orthodox view that member states alone decide what IOs do and how they operate. This book provides a realistic and provocative account of the way IOs really work, a picture that would be recognized by those who work there. The Working World of International Organizations specifically examines three groups of players in IOs—state representatives, as proxy for states and often with schizophrenic demands, the head of IOs as diplomat, manager, and politician, and the staff of the permanent secretariat with their competing solutions. It explores their actions and interactions by asking who or what shapes their decisions; how and when decisions are made; how players interact within an IO; and how the interactions vary across six IOs. It argues that each and all of them must contribute if any progress is to be achieved in managing global problems. It shows why this is the case by examining how decisions are made in three key areas: agenda-setting, financing, and decentralization.Less
International organizations (IOs) matter. Based on extensive interviews and exchanges with key players in IOs in the past decade, this book uncovers the regular working world of IOs, to challenge the orthodox view that member states alone decide what IOs do and how they operate. This book provides a realistic and provocative account of the way IOs really work, a picture that would be recognized by those who work there. The Working World of International Organizations specifically examines three groups of players in IOs—state representatives, as proxy for states and often with schizophrenic demands, the head of IOs as diplomat, manager, and politician, and the staff of the permanent secretariat with their competing solutions. It explores their actions and interactions by asking who or what shapes their decisions; how and when decisions are made; how players interact within an IO; and how the interactions vary across six IOs. It argues that each and all of them must contribute if any progress is to be achieved in managing global problems. It shows why this is the case by examining how decisions are made in three key areas: agenda-setting, financing, and decentralization.
Antonio R. Parra
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199660568
- eISBN:
- 9780191743382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660568.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This chapter examines activities of the Centre in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Section I begins by reviewing ratifications of the ICSID Convention in the period 2000 to 2010. It then ...
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This chapter examines activities of the Centre in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Section I begins by reviewing ratifications of the ICSID Convention in the period 2000 to 2010. It then turns to the management, staffing, and finances of the Secretariat during the period. Additions to the Panels of Conciliators and of Arbitrators are also considered. Two sets of amendments of the Regulations and Rules of the Centre were passed during the decade to meet changing demands on ICSID. These amendments are examined in Section II. An overview of the expanded caseload is provided in Section III.Less
This chapter examines activities of the Centre in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Section I begins by reviewing ratifications of the ICSID Convention in the period 2000 to 2010. It then turns to the management, staffing, and finances of the Secretariat during the period. Additions to the Panels of Conciliators and of Arbitrators are also considered. Two sets of amendments of the Regulations and Rules of the Centre were passed during the decade to meet changing demands on ICSID. These amendments are examined in Section II. An overview of the expanded caseload is provided in Section III.
Kevin Jon Heller
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199554317
- eISBN:
- 9780191728624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199554317.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter discusses the structure of the Nuremberg Military Tribunals (NMTs), which conducted the twelve NMT trials. Section 1 examines Ordinance No. 7, the military directive that established the ...
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This chapter discusses the structure of the Nuremberg Military Tribunals (NMTs), which conducted the twelve NMT trials. Section 1 examines Ordinance No. 7, the military directive that established the NMT and specified its evidentiary and procedural rules. Section 2 explores the structure and funding of the tribunals' prosecutorial wing, Telford Taylor's OCC. Section 3 focuses on the Military Tribunals themselves — their location; the structure and function of their administrative section, the Central Secretariat; and the selection of judges. The chapter also begins the discussion of the significant effect the Cold War had on the trials by examining the allegations made by American senators that the OCC was overrun by communists — allegations that were often based on thinly-veiled anti-Semitism.Less
This chapter discusses the structure of the Nuremberg Military Tribunals (NMTs), which conducted the twelve NMT trials. Section 1 examines Ordinance No. 7, the military directive that established the NMT and specified its evidentiary and procedural rules. Section 2 explores the structure and funding of the tribunals' prosecutorial wing, Telford Taylor's OCC. Section 3 focuses on the Military Tribunals themselves — their location; the structure and function of their administrative section, the Central Secretariat; and the selection of judges. The chapter also begins the discussion of the significant effect the Cold War had on the trials by examining the allegations made by American senators that the OCC was overrun by communists — allegations that were often based on thinly-veiled anti-Semitism.
Manuel Fröhlich and Abiodun Williams (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198748915
- eISBN:
- 9780191811609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198748915.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important ...
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The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.Less
The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.
Khadija Haq (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199474684
- eISBN:
- 9780199089833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199474684.003.0019
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare, Development, Growth, and Environmental
In this chapter, Haq expresses deep concern for UNCTAD as an organization. He explains how UNCTAD became more of a partisan secretariat for developing countries rather than fulfilling its role as the ...
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In this chapter, Haq expresses deep concern for UNCTAD as an organization. He explains how UNCTAD became more of a partisan secretariat for developing countries rather than fulfilling its role as the mediator between developed and developing countries. Both sets of countries wrongly employed UNCTAD as a forum for debates rather than meaningful negotiation. Haq, in this piece, outlines key areas for action that can help make UNCTAD a more effective organization.Less
In this chapter, Haq expresses deep concern for UNCTAD as an organization. He explains how UNCTAD became more of a partisan secretariat for developing countries rather than fulfilling its role as the mediator between developed and developing countries. Both sets of countries wrongly employed UNCTAD as a forum for debates rather than meaningful negotiation. Haq, in this piece, outlines key areas for action that can help make UNCTAD a more effective organization.
Hussein Kassim
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199599523
- eISBN:
- 9780191751530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599523.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Coordination is a challenge for any organization, but in the Commission’s case it is especially problematic. According to the scholarly literature and insider testimony, centrifugal forces are ...
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Coordination is a challenge for any organization, but in the Commission’s case it is especially problematic. According to the scholarly literature and insider testimony, centrifugal forces are strong: cabinets are national enclaves, who champion the interests of their Commissioner’s home state, the services are warring baronies, and the cabinets and the services are perpetually at odds. At the same time, central coordinating actors and mechanisms are weak. The EUCIQ data challenges the image of the Commission as a fragmented organization. It finds, first, that officials do not consider interdepartmental coordination to be ineffective. Second, cabinets have been denationalised. They focus mainly on managing the Commissioner’s portolio responsibilities rather channeling demands from the national capital, and intergovernmental logic no longer governs their interaction. Third, cabinet-services relations have improved significantly. Cabinet reforms, a more interventionist Secretariat General, interdepartmental mechanisms introduced by the Prodi Commission, and a strong Commission Presidency have significantly improved coordination.Less
Coordination is a challenge for any organization, but in the Commission’s case it is especially problematic. According to the scholarly literature and insider testimony, centrifugal forces are strong: cabinets are national enclaves, who champion the interests of their Commissioner’s home state, the services are warring baronies, and the cabinets and the services are perpetually at odds. At the same time, central coordinating actors and mechanisms are weak. The EUCIQ data challenges the image of the Commission as a fragmented organization. It finds, first, that officials do not consider interdepartmental coordination to be ineffective. Second, cabinets have been denationalised. They focus mainly on managing the Commissioner’s portolio responsibilities rather channeling demands from the national capital, and intergovernmental logic no longer governs their interaction. Third, cabinet-services relations have improved significantly. Cabinet reforms, a more interventionist Secretariat General, interdepartmental mechanisms introduced by the Prodi Commission, and a strong Commission Presidency have significantly improved coordination.
Philip Murphy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199214235
- eISBN:
- 9780191746680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214235.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The chapter considers the implications of the role of Head of the Commonwealth. It traces how it changed from being a purely symbolic role to one with quasi-ceremonial functions. It suggests that the ...
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The chapter considers the implications of the role of Head of the Commonwealth. It traces how it changed from being a purely symbolic role to one with quasi-ceremonial functions. It suggests that the Palace itself during the reign of Elizabeth II actively sought to give greater substance to the role through its association with Christmas and Commonwealth Day messages, Commonwealth tours, the Commonwealth Games, the Multi-Faith Observance, and the Commonwealth secretariat. It suggests that this enhanced role confronted the British government with a number of complex constitutional problemsLess
The chapter considers the implications of the role of Head of the Commonwealth. It traces how it changed from being a purely symbolic role to one with quasi-ceremonial functions. It suggests that the Palace itself during the reign of Elizabeth II actively sought to give greater substance to the role through its association with Christmas and Commonwealth Day messages, Commonwealth tours, the Commonwealth Games, the Multi-Faith Observance, and the Commonwealth secretariat. It suggests that this enhanced role confronted the British government with a number of complex constitutional problems
Hussein Kassim
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199599523
- eISBN:
- 9780191751530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599523.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The findings show the Commission to be a very different organization from understanding of the organization in the popular mind and its portrayal in earlier studies. Officials are not career ...
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The findings show the Commission to be a very different organization from understanding of the organization in the popular mind and its portrayal in earlier studies. Officials are not career bureaucrats, but have worked elsewhere before joining the Commssion and have been recruited from a variety of educational and professional backgrounds. Nor are they power-hungry federalists, eager to expand the competencies of the Union and therefore their own authority. The Commission is no longer weakly led or fragmented, although its officials are ambivalent about the strengthening of the Commission Presidency and of the Secretariat General that have concentrated power at the centre of the organization. They register similar ambivalence about the impact of administrative reform and of enlargement. More broadly, the study shows the advantages of a mixed methods research strategy and demonstrates the value for both parties of cooperation between outside researchers and the organization that is the object of study.Less
The findings show the Commission to be a very different organization from understanding of the organization in the popular mind and its portrayal in earlier studies. Officials are not career bureaucrats, but have worked elsewhere before joining the Commssion and have been recruited from a variety of educational and professional backgrounds. Nor are they power-hungry federalists, eager to expand the competencies of the Union and therefore their own authority. The Commission is no longer weakly led or fragmented, although its officials are ambivalent about the strengthening of the Commission Presidency and of the Secretariat General that have concentrated power at the centre of the organization. They register similar ambivalence about the impact of administrative reform and of enlargement. More broadly, the study shows the advantages of a mixed methods research strategy and demonstrates the value for both parties of cooperation between outside researchers and the organization that is the object of study.
Wendy H. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450792
- eISBN:
- 9780801466069
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450792.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on Amnesty International, the classic case of an NGO which has a centralized system for proposal and enforcement powers and a decentralized system for implementation. Amnesty ...
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This chapter focuses on Amnesty International, the classic case of an NGO which has a centralized system for proposal and enforcement powers and a decentralized system for implementation. Amnesty forged a structure and a technique that led to its political salience as an important agenda setter in terms of both ideas and organizational salience during the Cold War. While previous transnational organizations had largely struggled with centralized agenda setting, Amnesty was the first to have a strong central office—the International Secretariat—which controls proposal and enforcement powers of the agenda despite strong national sections throughout Europe. Since the end of the Cold War, this body has gone through some changes, which have solidified the Secretariat's agenda-setting powers.Less
This chapter focuses on Amnesty International, the classic case of an NGO which has a centralized system for proposal and enforcement powers and a decentralized system for implementation. Amnesty forged a structure and a technique that led to its political salience as an important agenda setter in terms of both ideas and organizational salience during the Cold War. While previous transnational organizations had largely struggled with centralized agenda setting, Amnesty was the first to have a strong central office—the International Secretariat—which controls proposal and enforcement powers of the agenda despite strong national sections throughout Europe. Since the end of the Cold War, this body has gone through some changes, which have solidified the Secretariat's agenda-setting powers.
