Jonathan Fox
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208852
- eISBN:
- 9780191709005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208852.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyzes persistent exclusionary electoral practices, using quantitative indicators of access to the secret ballot in Mexico's 1994 presidential election in rural areas. While the ...
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This chapter analyzes persistent exclusionary electoral practices, using quantitative indicators of access to the secret ballot in Mexico's 1994 presidential election in rural areas. While the opposition expected a re-run of the repertoire of fraud and manipulation that characterized the 1988 race, instead the state effectively deployed a range of levers of intervention in rural economic and social life that, in combination with the systematic lack of access to the secret ballot, reduced the ruling party's need to resort to fraud by inducing a widespread ‘fear vote’. This study draws on two previously unstudied data sets to estimate the degree of rural voter access to the secret ballot in the 1994 presidential elections, including a focus on opposition party oversight in indigenous municipalities in the states of Oaxaca, Veracruz, and Chiapas.Less
This chapter analyzes persistent exclusionary electoral practices, using quantitative indicators of access to the secret ballot in Mexico's 1994 presidential election in rural areas. While the opposition expected a re-run of the repertoire of fraud and manipulation that characterized the 1988 race, instead the state effectively deployed a range of levers of intervention in rural economic and social life that, in combination with the systematic lack of access to the secret ballot, reduced the ruling party's need to resort to fraud by inducing a widespread ‘fear vote’. This study draws on two previously unstudied data sets to estimate the degree of rural voter access to the secret ballot in the 1994 presidential elections, including a focus on opposition party oversight in indigenous municipalities in the states of Oaxaca, Veracruz, and Chiapas.
Jonathan A. Fox
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208852
- eISBN:
- 9780191709005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208852.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
How can the seeds of accountability ever grow in authoritarian environments? Embedding accountability into the state is an inherently uneven, partial, and contested process. Campaigns for public ...
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How can the seeds of accountability ever grow in authoritarian environments? Embedding accountability into the state is an inherently uneven, partial, and contested process. Campaigns for public accountability often win limited concessions at best, but they can leave cracks in the system that serve as handholds for subsequent efforts to open up the state to public scrutiny. This book explores how civil society ‘thickens’ by comparing two decades of rural citizens' struggles to hold the Mexican state accountable, exploring both change and continuity before, during, and after national electoral turning points. The book addresses how much power-sharing really happens in policy innovations that include participatory social and environmental councils, citizen oversight of elections and the secret ballot, decentralized social investment funds, participation reforms in World Bank projects, community-managed food programs, as well as new social oversight and public information access reforms. Meanwhile, efforts to exercise voice unfold at the same time as rural citizens consider their exit options, as millions migrate to the US, where many have since come together in a new migrant civil society. This book concludes that new analytical frameworks are needed to understand ‘transitions to accountability’. This involves unpacking the interaction between participation, transparency, and accountability.Less
How can the seeds of accountability ever grow in authoritarian environments? Embedding accountability into the state is an inherently uneven, partial, and contested process. Campaigns for public accountability often win limited concessions at best, but they can leave cracks in the system that serve as handholds for subsequent efforts to open up the state to public scrutiny. This book explores how civil society ‘thickens’ by comparing two decades of rural citizens' struggles to hold the Mexican state accountable, exploring both change and continuity before, during, and after national electoral turning points. The book addresses how much power-sharing really happens in policy innovations that include participatory social and environmental councils, citizen oversight of elections and the secret ballot, decentralized social investment funds, participation reforms in World Bank projects, community-managed food programs, as well as new social oversight and public information access reforms. Meanwhile, efforts to exercise voice unfold at the same time as rural citizens consider their exit options, as millions migrate to the US, where many have since come together in a new migrant civil society. This book concludes that new analytical frameworks are needed to understand ‘transitions to accountability’. This involves unpacking the interaction between participation, transparency, and accountability.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the organizational politics underlying speakership and other House officer contests during the period when elections were held by secret ballot—ending in 1837. It begins with a ...
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This chapter examines the organizational politics underlying speakership and other House officer contests during the period when elections were held by secret ballot—ending in 1837. It begins with a discussion of House organization from 1789 to 1811, a period characterized by weak political parties. In particular, it considers how the increasing partisanship in both House politics and speakership elections overlapped with changing norms of doing business in the chamber. It then looks at House organization during the years 1811–1837, a time when the formal structure of the House became more complex, the role of political parties was transformed, and the value of House offices, including positions like the Printer and Clerk, was much enhanced. The chapter shows that, prior to the use of public roll call votes for electing House officers, organizational politics unfolded around a variety of factors such as party, personality, and region.Less
This chapter examines the organizational politics underlying speakership and other House officer contests during the period when elections were held by secret ballot—ending in 1837. It begins with a discussion of House organization from 1789 to 1811, a period characterized by weak political parties. In particular, it considers how the increasing partisanship in both House politics and speakership elections overlapped with changing norms of doing business in the chamber. It then looks at House organization during the years 1811–1837, a time when the formal structure of the House became more complex, the role of political parties was transformed, and the value of House offices, including positions like the Printer and Clerk, was much enhanced. The chapter shows that, prior to the use of public roll call votes for electing House officers, organizational politics unfolded around a variety of factors such as party, personality, and region.
Dorothy Overstreet Pratt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496815460
- eISBN:
- 9781496815507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496815460.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines the proposals before the convention delegates to disfranchise African Americans and some white voters. These proposals revealed a split among the delegates between paternalists ...
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This chapter examines the proposals before the convention delegates to disfranchise African Americans and some white voters. These proposals revealed a split among the delegates between paternalists and hardliners. While both groups were racists, the hardliners resisted any attempts to affect poor whites voting. The arguments began with issues of seating delegates from Bolivar County and Pearl River County, which would have affected the voting strength in both camps. The delegates went to committee to consider how to circumvent the provisions of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and then debated plural voting, secret ballots, the poll tax, and the understanding clause. Delegates made open pleas to compromise so to ensure success.Less
This chapter examines the proposals before the convention delegates to disfranchise African Americans and some white voters. These proposals revealed a split among the delegates between paternalists and hardliners. While both groups were racists, the hardliners resisted any attempts to affect poor whites voting. The arguments began with issues of seating delegates from Bolivar County and Pearl River County, which would have affected the voting strength in both camps. The delegates went to committee to consider how to circumvent the provisions of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and then debated plural voting, secret ballots, the poll tax, and the understanding clause. Delegates made open pleas to compromise so to ensure success.
MATTHEW CRAGOE
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205944
- eISBN:
- 9780191676864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205944.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the period covered by this book, the basis of politics in Carmarthenshire underwent a fundamental shift. Until the 1860s, at least, the dominant feature was the prevalence of ‘the interest’, bound ...
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In the period covered by this book, the basis of politics in Carmarthenshire underwent a fundamental shift. Until the 1860s, at least, the dominant feature was the prevalence of ‘the interest’, bound together by ties of patronage, dependence, and marriage, and thus having essentially local reference points. After 1868, however, and particularly after 1880, national political parties increasingly dominated local thinking about politics. Votes were sought, and given, with an explicit appeal to national issues and personalities. The crucial factors in this change were the enlarged electorate brought about by the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and the introduction of the secret ballot, factors which undermined the old rules governing the conduct of county politics. This chapter traces the change from interest to party-based politics by considering the ideological and practical aspects of electioneering. It examines ‘the interest’ and ‘party’, as well as the way in which the essential ground rules of one political culture were replaced by the other. It also examines specific organizational changes, including voter registration and canvassing practice, together with how politics was actually financed.Less
In the period covered by this book, the basis of politics in Carmarthenshire underwent a fundamental shift. Until the 1860s, at least, the dominant feature was the prevalence of ‘the interest’, bound together by ties of patronage, dependence, and marriage, and thus having essentially local reference points. After 1868, however, and particularly after 1880, national political parties increasingly dominated local thinking about politics. Votes were sought, and given, with an explicit appeal to national issues and personalities. The crucial factors in this change were the enlarged electorate brought about by the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and the introduction of the secret ballot, factors which undermined the old rules governing the conduct of county politics. This chapter traces the change from interest to party-based politics by considering the ideological and practical aspects of electioneering. It examines ‘the interest’ and ‘party’, as well as the way in which the essential ground rules of one political culture were replaced by the other. It also examines specific organizational changes, including voter registration and canvassing practice, together with how politics was actually financed.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804757249
- eISBN:
- 9780804779609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804757249.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines Burson v. Freeman, a case involving Tennessee's prohibition on “electioneering” (the solicitation of votes and the display/ distribution of campaign literature) within one ...
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This chapter examines Burson v. Freeman, a case involving Tennessee's prohibition on “electioneering” (the solicitation of votes and the display/ distribution of campaign literature) within one hundred feet of the entrance to the polling place on election day. Desiring both to advocate for a candidate “down the ballot” and to take advantage of the opportunity for last-minute campaigning, generally, Rebecca Freeman challenged this provision of the state's electoral code, alleging that the law violated her First Amendment right to communicate with voters in this quintessentially political environment. But for the state, while the grounds of the polling place may avail themselves to such activities 364 days a year, on election day they took on a different character, acting as a kind of embodiment of the premise of a “secret ballot”—meaning that, as the Court agreed, “campaign free zones” of this sort were necessary to protect voters and the process itself, in light of the increased potential for fraud, harassment, and intimidation where electioneering was allowed.Less
This chapter examines Burson v. Freeman, a case involving Tennessee's prohibition on “electioneering” (the solicitation of votes and the display/ distribution of campaign literature) within one hundred feet of the entrance to the polling place on election day. Desiring both to advocate for a candidate “down the ballot” and to take advantage of the opportunity for last-minute campaigning, generally, Rebecca Freeman challenged this provision of the state's electoral code, alleging that the law violated her First Amendment right to communicate with voters in this quintessentially political environment. But for the state, while the grounds of the polling place may avail themselves to such activities 364 days a year, on election day they took on a different character, acting as a kind of embodiment of the premise of a “secret ballot”—meaning that, as the Court agreed, “campaign free zones” of this sort were necessary to protect voters and the process itself, in light of the increased potential for fraud, harassment, and intimidation where electioneering was allowed.
Alexander Thomas T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079696
- eISBN:
- 9781781703052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079696.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter examines one important challenge for the Conservative Party's senior strategists as they sought to address their apparent ‘crisis’ of irrelevance: how to establish the voting intentions ...
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This chapter examines one important challenge for the Conservative Party's senior strategists as they sought to address their apparent ‘crisis’ of irrelevance: how to establish the voting intentions of potential supporters in what is otherwise an election by secret ballot. Working within various legal constraints, Conservative activists in Scotland developed a variety of strategies to render the Electoral Roll ‘transparent’ so that the political allegiances of thousands of local voters could be discerned (imagined). The chapter analyses two particular discursive artefacts – the survey and the canvass sheet – as performing a politics of self-knowledge for local Tories, and also considers the target letter, through which senior Conservatives hoped to achieve a positive outcome for local Party candidates in the forthcoming elections. Almost inevitably, however, Tory activists became preoccupied with the banal concerns of designing, producing and distributing these various discursive instruments, in addition to the most efficient bureaucratic means of managing the canvass and other data they generated.Less
This chapter examines one important challenge for the Conservative Party's senior strategists as they sought to address their apparent ‘crisis’ of irrelevance: how to establish the voting intentions of potential supporters in what is otherwise an election by secret ballot. Working within various legal constraints, Conservative activists in Scotland developed a variety of strategies to render the Electoral Roll ‘transparent’ so that the political allegiances of thousands of local voters could be discerned (imagined). The chapter analyses two particular discursive artefacts – the survey and the canvass sheet – as performing a politics of self-knowledge for local Tories, and also considers the target letter, through which senior Conservatives hoped to achieve a positive outcome for local Party candidates in the forthcoming elections. Almost inevitably, however, Tory activists became preoccupied with the banal concerns of designing, producing and distributing these various discursive instruments, in addition to the most efficient bureaucratic means of managing the canvass and other data they generated.
William O. Coleman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198753254
- eISBN:
- 9780191814853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198753254.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, Public and Welfare
The chapter brings out five features of the Australian electoral system: the original use of the secret ballot, preferential voting, compulsory voting, an independent Australian Electoral Commission, ...
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The chapter brings out five features of the Australian electoral system: the original use of the secret ballot, preferential voting, compulsory voting, an independent Australian Electoral Commission, and a rural and regional party of national significance. These peculiar institutions are a settled and unquestioned part of the Australian political framework. Most provide the occasion for national self-congratulation. This chapter surveys the origins of these particularities, and weighs what they actually indicate about the nature of Australian society, arguing that, contrary to the common Australian presumption, none of these constitute a proof of the strength of democracy. Australian democracy is, in fact, weak, and that the poverty of its parliamentarism is its key weakness.Less
The chapter brings out five features of the Australian electoral system: the original use of the secret ballot, preferential voting, compulsory voting, an independent Australian Electoral Commission, and a rural and regional party of national significance. These peculiar institutions are a settled and unquestioned part of the Australian political framework. Most provide the occasion for national self-congratulation. This chapter surveys the origins of these particularities, and weighs what they actually indicate about the nature of Australian society, arguing that, contrary to the common Australian presumption, none of these constitute a proof of the strength of democracy. Australian democracy is, in fact, weak, and that the poverty of its parliamentarism is its key weakness.
Angela Woollacott
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199641802
- eISBN:
- 9780191779091
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641802.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Cultural History
In the Australian colonies—as in Canada, South Africa, and New Zealand—the status of fully independent manhood with political rights was linked to the quest for colonial self-government. While they ...
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In the Australian colonies—as in Canada, South Africa, and New Zealand—the status of fully independent manhood with political rights was linked to the quest for colonial self-government. While they looked to Canada for the model of self-government, Australian settlers and residents reconceived themselves as new actors on the imperial and global stage, forging democratic modernity through constitutional innovation. Responsible government constitutions for New South Wales, Tasmania, and Victoria were enacted in 1855, for South Australia in 1856, and for Queensland in 1859 when it separated from New South Wales. Other electoral reforms followed, especially male suffrage and the secret ballot. To explore the ways in which political reformers in the Australian colonies embodied imperial connections and experience, and were aware of questions of indigenous dispossession, this chapter considers Henry Samuel Chapman, one of the leading advocates of responsible government in the white settler colonies.Less
In the Australian colonies—as in Canada, South Africa, and New Zealand—the status of fully independent manhood with political rights was linked to the quest for colonial self-government. While they looked to Canada for the model of self-government, Australian settlers and residents reconceived themselves as new actors on the imperial and global stage, forging democratic modernity through constitutional innovation. Responsible government constitutions for New South Wales, Tasmania, and Victoria were enacted in 1855, for South Australia in 1856, and for Queensland in 1859 when it separated from New South Wales. Other electoral reforms followed, especially male suffrage and the secret ballot. To explore the ways in which political reformers in the Australian colonies embodied imperial connections and experience, and were aware of questions of indigenous dispossession, this chapter considers Henry Samuel Chapman, one of the leading advocates of responsible government in the white settler colonies.
Paula Baker
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036606
- eISBN:
- 9780252093654
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting ...
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This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting requirements, pose an important challenge to political values that Americans have long embraced. Not only do the stunning amounts raised render obsolete the nation's four-decades-old system of public campaign financing; the fact that much of this money was raised from a large number of small donors, and that these donors can be readily identified in online campaign finance reports, challenges one of the most important innovations in the electoral process of the late nineteenth century, the secret ballot.Less
This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting requirements, pose an important challenge to political values that Americans have long embraced. Not only do the stunning amounts raised render obsolete the nation's four-decades-old system of public campaign financing; the fact that much of this money was raised from a large number of small donors, and that these donors can be readily identified in online campaign finance reports, challenges one of the most important innovations in the electoral process of the late nineteenth century, the secret ballot.
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190271718
- eISBN:
- 9780190271749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the interwar period, Florence Sillers Ogden, Mary Dawson Cain, and Cornelia Dabney Tucker, segregationists in the Deep South, capitalized on their enfranchisement to mobilize voters to shape the ...
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In the interwar period, Florence Sillers Ogden, Mary Dawson Cain, and Cornelia Dabney Tucker, segregationists in the Deep South, capitalized on their enfranchisement to mobilize voters to shape the system of Jim Crow at the polls. They encouraged women to uphold segregation through political parties, but their politics were as varied as the Jim Crow order they sought to serve. Ogden supported President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal for helping out Mississippians and for following the dictates of racial segregation. Cain opposed the Roosevelt’s expansion of social services and worked against the national party as a Jeffersonian Democrat. After Roosevelt’s proposal to re-organize the Supreme Court, Tucker organized a national anti–court-packing campaign, became a Republican, and lobbied for a secret ballot in South Carolina. These women criticized state-level officials for sacrificing conservative political principles for political gain and nourished the seeds of partisan dissent in the Solid South.Less
In the interwar period, Florence Sillers Ogden, Mary Dawson Cain, and Cornelia Dabney Tucker, segregationists in the Deep South, capitalized on their enfranchisement to mobilize voters to shape the system of Jim Crow at the polls. They encouraged women to uphold segregation through political parties, but their politics were as varied as the Jim Crow order they sought to serve. Ogden supported President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal for helping out Mississippians and for following the dictates of racial segregation. Cain opposed the Roosevelt’s expansion of social services and worked against the national party as a Jeffersonian Democrat. After Roosevelt’s proposal to re-organize the Supreme Court, Tucker organized a national anti–court-packing campaign, became a Republican, and lobbied for a secret ballot in South Carolina. These women criticized state-level officials for sacrificing conservative political principles for political gain and nourished the seeds of partisan dissent in the Solid South.
Elaine Hadley
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226311883
- eISBN:
- 9780226311906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226311906.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This chapter presents an introduction to political liberalism in mid-Victorian Britain between the mid-1850s and the early 1880s. It describes Victorian society that mid-century political liberalism ...
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This chapter presents an introduction to political liberalism in mid-Victorian Britain between the mid-1850s and the early 1880s. It describes Victorian society that mid-century political liberalism ambivalently inhabits and its distinctive response to it. It discusses the form liberal individualism took and examines mid-century political liberalism's attempted revision of the public sphere. It explores the politics of liberal citizenship and the version of abstract embodiment in the political public sphere, the liberal citizen of the ballot box, a formation that emerges in the debates concerning secret balloting, which was made into law in 1872. It describes the mid-century political liberalism's deeply fraught relation to Ireland and in this way placing mid-century liberalism in its appropriate imperial context but also to a consideration of how mid-century liberal politics sought grounding authority in a precarious world of opinion.Less
This chapter presents an introduction to political liberalism in mid-Victorian Britain between the mid-1850s and the early 1880s. It describes Victorian society that mid-century political liberalism ambivalently inhabits and its distinctive response to it. It discusses the form liberal individualism took and examines mid-century political liberalism's attempted revision of the public sphere. It explores the politics of liberal citizenship and the version of abstract embodiment in the political public sphere, the liberal citizen of the ballot box, a formation that emerges in the debates concerning secret balloting, which was made into law in 1872. It describes the mid-century political liberalism's deeply fraught relation to Ireland and in this way placing mid-century liberalism in its appropriate imperial context but also to a consideration of how mid-century liberal politics sought grounding authority in a precarious world of opinion.
James W. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813169118
- eISBN:
- 9780813169965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813169118.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how Louisville interests tried to persuade the KHSAA board to return the state high school basketball tournament to Louisville, over the objections of Lexington supporters. ...
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This chapter describes how Louisville interests tried to persuade the KHSAA board to return the state high school basketball tournament to Louisville, over the objections of Lexington supporters. Louisville experienced racial unrest after African Americans boycotted a local movie theater that refused to admit blacks to a showing of Porgy and Bess, which featured an all-black cast. For this and other reasons, Lexington was the preferred site for the state tournament, and it took a secret vote of KHSAA board members to return the event to Louisville. The Lincoln players were hoping for a rematch with Louisville Central, but the Yellowjackets were upset in the regional tournament by Flaget High School. Flaget's African American point guard John McGill was also an outstanding tennis player who had spent the previous summer traveling as Arthur Ashe's doubles partner.Less
This chapter describes how Louisville interests tried to persuade the KHSAA board to return the state high school basketball tournament to Louisville, over the objections of Lexington supporters. Louisville experienced racial unrest after African Americans boycotted a local movie theater that refused to admit blacks to a showing of Porgy and Bess, which featured an all-black cast. For this and other reasons, Lexington was the preferred site for the state tournament, and it took a secret vote of KHSAA board members to return the event to Louisville. The Lincoln players were hoping for a rematch with Louisville Central, but the Yellowjackets were upset in the regional tournament by Flaget High School. Flaget's African American point guard John McGill was also an outstanding tennis player who had spent the previous summer traveling as Arthur Ashe's doubles partner.
