Hugh B. Urban
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195139013
- eISBN:
- 9780199871674
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195139011.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book is a companion volume to the author's The Economics of Ecstasy: Tantra, Secrecy, and Power in Colonial Bengal, but while The Economics of Ecstasy engages the theoretical issues of secrecy ...
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This book is a companion volume to the author's The Economics of Ecstasy: Tantra, Secrecy, and Power in Colonial Bengal, but while The Economics of Ecstasy engages the theoretical issues of secrecy and concealment associated with the Kartābhajās — a Bengali sect devoted to Tantra, an Indian religious movement notorious for its alleged use of shocking sexual language and rituals, this book presents the first English translation of the sect's body of highly esoteric, mystical poetry and songs. The period from the late eighteenth to the early nineteenth centuries, during which these lyrics were written, was an era of change, experimentation, and transition from the older medieval styles to the new literary forms of “modern” Bengal. The original songs presented are an important part of this transitional period, reflecting the search for new literary forms and experimentation in new poetic styles. Long disparaged as an inferior, low‐class, or corrupt form of Bengali literature, these songs are concerned with contemporary social life in colonial Calcutta and with the real lives of common lower‐class men and women. With their vision of a universal “religion of humanity,” open to men and women of all classes, the Kartābhajā songs offer an alternative model of community, which made a special appeal to the working classes of colonial Calcutta. They delight in ridiculing and satirizing the foppish British rulers and pretentious upper classes, although at the same time, however, the satirical urban imagery is mingled with older Tantric connotations and employed in ingenious new ways to express profoundly esoteric and mystical religious ideas.Less
This book is a companion volume to the author's The Economics of Ecstasy: Tantra, Secrecy, and Power in Colonial Bengal, but while The Economics of Ecstasy engages the theoretical issues of secrecy and concealment associated with the Kartābhajās — a Bengali sect devoted to Tantra, an Indian religious movement notorious for its alleged use of shocking sexual language and rituals, this book presents the first English translation of the sect's body of highly esoteric, mystical poetry and songs. The period from the late eighteenth to the early nineteenth centuries, during which these lyrics were written, was an era of change, experimentation, and transition from the older medieval styles to the new literary forms of “modern” Bengal. The original songs presented are an important part of this transitional period, reflecting the search for new literary forms and experimentation in new poetic styles. Long disparaged as an inferior, low‐class, or corrupt form of Bengali literature, these songs are concerned with contemporary social life in colonial Calcutta and with the real lives of common lower‐class men and women. With their vision of a universal “religion of humanity,” open to men and women of all classes, the Kartābhajā songs offer an alternative model of community, which made a special appeal to the working classes of colonial Calcutta. They delight in ridiculing and satirizing the foppish British rulers and pretentious upper classes, although at the same time, however, the satirical urban imagery is mingled with older Tantric connotations and employed in ingenious new ways to express profoundly esoteric and mystical religious ideas.
Ismo Dunderberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284962
- eISBN:
- 9780191603785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284962.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter shows that there is neither a sufficient basis for the identification of the Beloved Disciple with Thomas, nor for the theory that the Syrian Judas Thomas tradition had some impact on ...
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This chapter shows that there is neither a sufficient basis for the identification of the Beloved Disciple with Thomas, nor for the theory that the Syrian Judas Thomas tradition had some impact on how this disciple is described in John. A clear difference between the Johannine Beloved Disciple and the picture of Thomas drawn in the Gospel of Thomas is delineated. Unlike the latter, the Beloved Disciple is not described in terms of his better understanding or having access to the secret teaching of Jesus.Less
This chapter shows that there is neither a sufficient basis for the identification of the Beloved Disciple with Thomas, nor for the theory that the Syrian Judas Thomas tradition had some impact on how this disciple is described in John. A clear difference between the Johannine Beloved Disciple and the picture of Thomas drawn in the Gospel of Thomas is delineated. Unlike the latter, the Beloved Disciple is not described in terms of his better understanding or having access to the secret teaching of Jesus.
Jonathan Fox
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208852
- eISBN:
- 9780191709005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208852.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter explores several general conceptual propositions, in an effort to contribute to future research that will ‘map’ accountability pathways with greater precision. Empowerment is ...
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This concluding chapter explores several general conceptual propositions, in an effort to contribute to future research that will ‘map’ accountability pathways with greater precision. Empowerment is distinguished from rights, defined in terms of enforceable claims. The chapter also details the problems of ‘low accountability traps’ and the ‘positioning’ of accountability agents in terms of their relationships to state and society. The difficulty of launching pro-accountability ‘virtuous circles’ is addressed with the proposed concept of ‘accountabilities of scale’, drawing on an analogy with ‘economies of scale’. The ‘vertical integration’ of civil society actors takes into account the challenge of scale, followed by a questioning of the ‘power of sunshine’ to leverage accountability outcomes. These concepts offer analytical tools for understanding when voice can change the balance of power by embedding accountability reforms into the state. Meanwhile, millions of citizens are weighing the decision of whether to pursue exit instead.Less
This concluding chapter explores several general conceptual propositions, in an effort to contribute to future research that will ‘map’ accountability pathways with greater precision. Empowerment is distinguished from rights, defined in terms of enforceable claims. The chapter also details the problems of ‘low accountability traps’ and the ‘positioning’ of accountability agents in terms of their relationships to state and society. The difficulty of launching pro-accountability ‘virtuous circles’ is addressed with the proposed concept of ‘accountabilities of scale’, drawing on an analogy with ‘economies of scale’. The ‘vertical integration’ of civil society actors takes into account the challenge of scale, followed by a questioning of the ‘power of sunshine’ to leverage accountability outcomes. These concepts offer analytical tools for understanding when voice can change the balance of power by embedding accountability reforms into the state. Meanwhile, millions of citizens are weighing the decision of whether to pursue exit instead.
Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the first book to systematically analyze the ways that powerful states covertly participate in foreign wars, showing a recurring pattern of such behavior stretching from World War I to ...
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This is the first book to systematically analyze the ways that powerful states covertly participate in foreign wars, showing a recurring pattern of such behavior stretching from World War I to U.S.-occupied Iraq. Investigating what governments keep secret during wars and why, the book argues that leaders maintain the secrecy of state involvement as a response to the persistent concern of limiting war. Keeping interventions “backstage” helps control escalation dynamics, insulating leaders from domestic pressures while communicating their interest in keeping a war contained. It shows that covert interventions can help control escalation, but they are almost always detected by other major powers. However, the shared value of limiting war can lead adversaries to keep secret the interventions they detect, as when American leaders concealed clashes with Soviet pilots during the Korean War. Escalation concerns can also cause leaders to ignore covert interventions that have become an open secret. From Nazi Germany's role in the Spanish Civil War to American covert operations during the Vietnam War, the book presents new insights about some of the most influential conflicts of the twentieth century. Parting the curtain on the secret side of modern war, the book provides important lessons about how rival state powers collude and compete, and the ways in which they avoid outright military confrontations.Less
This is the first book to systematically analyze the ways that powerful states covertly participate in foreign wars, showing a recurring pattern of such behavior stretching from World War I to U.S.-occupied Iraq. Investigating what governments keep secret during wars and why, the book argues that leaders maintain the secrecy of state involvement as a response to the persistent concern of limiting war. Keeping interventions “backstage” helps control escalation dynamics, insulating leaders from domestic pressures while communicating their interest in keeping a war contained. It shows that covert interventions can help control escalation, but they are almost always detected by other major powers. However, the shared value of limiting war can lead adversaries to keep secret the interventions they detect, as when American leaders concealed clashes with Soviet pilots during the Korean War. Escalation concerns can also cause leaders to ignore covert interventions that have become an open secret. From Nazi Germany's role in the Spanish Civil War to American covert operations during the Vietnam War, the book presents new insights about some of the most influential conflicts of the twentieth century. Parting the curtain on the secret side of modern war, the book provides important lessons about how rival state powers collude and compete, and the ways in which they avoid outright military confrontations.
William Miller, Annis‐May Timpson, and Michael Lessnoff
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The relationship between press freedom, individual liberty, and democracy is somewhat ambiguous. Bias, censorship, and sensational or intrusive reporting arouse special concern. A survey of broadly ...
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The relationship between press freedom, individual liberty, and democracy is somewhat ambiguous. Bias, censorship, and sensational or intrusive reporting arouse special concern. A survey of broadly conceived elite opinion in Britain shows that they trust TV and radio more than the press; educated and political elites were more committed to press freedom than the general public in matters of government secrecy; the left are far less willing to ban publication of government secrets but more willing to ban publication in matters of sensational or intrusive reporting into private lives. Elites are more intolerant than the public only towards racial or religious incitement.Less
The relationship between press freedom, individual liberty, and democracy is somewhat ambiguous. Bias, censorship, and sensational or intrusive reporting arouse special concern. A survey of broadly conceived elite opinion in Britain shows that they trust TV and radio more than the press; educated and political elites were more committed to press freedom than the general public in matters of government secrecy; the left are far less willing to ban publication of government secrets but more willing to ban publication in matters of sensational or intrusive reporting into private lives. Elites are more intolerant than the public only towards racial or religious incitement.
Paul Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297840
- eISBN:
- 9780191602016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829784X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Irish state inherited many features of the Westminster parliamentary system, but with some important divergences: a written constitution protected by a Supreme Court, a proportional ...
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The Irish state inherited many features of the Westminster parliamentary system, but with some important divergences: a written constitution protected by a Supreme Court, a proportional representation electoral system with a single transferable vote, and a directly elected President as Head of State. Irish political parties are cohesive, disciplined, and centralized under the direction of the party leaderships. The electoral system allows the electorate to vote directly for individual candidates in multimember constituencies, which increases the individual accountability of legislators and helps to contain agency loss. Irish governments have not been heavily constrained or monitored by other institutions or agents, including Parliament.Less
The Irish state inherited many features of the Westminster parliamentary system, but with some important divergences: a written constitution protected by a Supreme Court, a proportional representation electoral system with a single transferable vote, and a directly elected President as Head of State. Irish political parties are cohesive, disciplined, and centralized under the direction of the party leaderships. The electoral system allows the electorate to vote directly for individual candidates in multimember constituencies, which increases the individual accountability of legislators and helps to contain agency loss. Irish governments have not been heavily constrained or monitored by other institutions or agents, including Parliament.
Rahul Sagar
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691168180
- eISBN:
- 9781400880850
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691168180.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the complex relationships among executive power, national security, and secrecy. State secrecy is vital for national security, but it can also be used to conceal wrongdoing. How ...
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This book examines the complex relationships among executive power, national security, and secrecy. State secrecy is vital for national security, but it can also be used to conceal wrongdoing. How then can we ensure that this power is used responsibly? Typically, the onus is put on lawmakers and judges, who are expected to oversee the executive. Yet because these actors lack access to the relevant information and the ability to determine the harm likely to be caused by its disclosure, they often defer to the executive's claims about the need for secrecy. As a result, potential abuses are more often exposed by unauthorized disclosures published in the press. But should such disclosures, which violate the law, be condoned? Drawing on several cases, this book argues that though whistleblowing can be morally justified, the fear of retaliation usually prompts officials to act anonymously—that is, to “leak” information. As a result, it becomes difficult for the public to discern when an unauthorized disclosure is intended to further partisan interests. Because such disclosures are the only credible means of checking the executive, the book claims, they must be tolerated, and, at times, even celebrated. However, the public should treat such disclosures skeptically and subject irresponsible journalism to concerted criticism.Less
This book examines the complex relationships among executive power, national security, and secrecy. State secrecy is vital for national security, but it can also be used to conceal wrongdoing. How then can we ensure that this power is used responsibly? Typically, the onus is put on lawmakers and judges, who are expected to oversee the executive. Yet because these actors lack access to the relevant information and the ability to determine the harm likely to be caused by its disclosure, they often defer to the executive's claims about the need for secrecy. As a result, potential abuses are more often exposed by unauthorized disclosures published in the press. But should such disclosures, which violate the law, be condoned? Drawing on several cases, this book argues that though whistleblowing can be morally justified, the fear of retaliation usually prompts officials to act anonymously—that is, to “leak” information. As a result, it becomes difficult for the public to discern when an unauthorized disclosure is intended to further partisan interests. Because such disclosures are the only credible means of checking the executive, the book claims, they must be tolerated, and, at times, even celebrated. However, the public should treat such disclosures skeptically and subject irresponsible journalism to concerted criticism.
Jacob N. Shapiro
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157214
- eISBN:
- 9781400848645
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157214.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
How do terrorist groups control their members? Do the tools that groups use to monitor their operatives and enforce discipline create security vulnerabilities that governments can exploit? This is ...
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How do terrorist groups control their members? Do the tools that groups use to monitor their operatives and enforce discipline create security vulnerabilities that governments can exploit? This is the first book to systematically examine the great variation in how terrorist groups are structured. Employing a broad range of agency theory, historical case studies, and terrorists' own internal documents, the book discusses the core managerial challenges that terrorists face and illustrates how their political goals interact with the operational environment to push them to organize in particular ways. The book provides a historically informed explanation for why some groups have little hierarchy, while others resemble miniature firms, complete with line charts and written disciplinary codes. Looking at groups in Africa, Asia, Europe, and North America, the book highlights how consistent and widespread the terrorist's dilemma—balancing the desire to maintain control with the need for secrecy—has been since the 1880s. Through an analysis of more than a hundred terrorist autobiographies, the book shows how prevalent bureaucracy has been, and the book utilizes a cache of internal documents from al-Qa'ida in Iraq to outline why this deadly group used so much paperwork to handle its people. Tracing the strategic interaction between terrorist leaders and their operatives, the book closes with a series of comparative case studies, indicating that the differences in how groups in the same conflict approach their dilemmas are consistent with an agency theory perspective. This book demonstrates the management constraints inherent to terrorist groups and sheds light on specific organizational details that can be exploited to more efficiently combat terrorist activity.Less
How do terrorist groups control their members? Do the tools that groups use to monitor their operatives and enforce discipline create security vulnerabilities that governments can exploit? This is the first book to systematically examine the great variation in how terrorist groups are structured. Employing a broad range of agency theory, historical case studies, and terrorists' own internal documents, the book discusses the core managerial challenges that terrorists face and illustrates how their political goals interact with the operational environment to push them to organize in particular ways. The book provides a historically informed explanation for why some groups have little hierarchy, while others resemble miniature firms, complete with line charts and written disciplinary codes. Looking at groups in Africa, Asia, Europe, and North America, the book highlights how consistent and widespread the terrorist's dilemma—balancing the desire to maintain control with the need for secrecy—has been since the 1880s. Through an analysis of more than a hundred terrorist autobiographies, the book shows how prevalent bureaucracy has been, and the book utilizes a cache of internal documents from al-Qa'ida in Iraq to outline why this deadly group used so much paperwork to handle its people. Tracing the strategic interaction between terrorist leaders and their operatives, the book closes with a series of comparative case studies, indicating that the differences in how groups in the same conflict approach their dilemmas are consistent with an agency theory perspective. This book demonstrates the management constraints inherent to terrorist groups and sheds light on specific organizational details that can be exploited to more efficiently combat terrorist activity.
Anne Storch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199768974
- eISBN:
- 9780199914425
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199768974.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This book deals with a specific form of language change: deliberate manipulations of a language by its speakers. These manipulations are based and depending on cultural and social contexts, they are ...
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This book deals with a specific form of language change: deliberate manipulations of a language by its speakers. These manipulations are based and depending on cultural and social contexts, they are often—if not always—considered to be secret, and are at the same time expressions of difference and power. The central thesis on which the explorations of manipulated language in this book are based is that language here—deliberately diverging from the norm—is central to the construction of social norms, and that exactly by manipulation and alteration identity may be explored and defined. Manipulated language and deliberate linguistic change are thus seen as the creation of a medium through which speakers attempt to preserve certain structures. The complexity and diversity of linguistic manipulation and how it is linked to the structure of society are dealt with in this book by referring to secrecy, mimesis, sacrilege, and ambiguity as leading concepts of power. This study concentrates on case studies from the Jukun-speaking areas of Nigeria, as well as Nilotic and Bantu-speaking parts of Uganda (and to a lesser extent Sudan), but also presents data on manipulated languages from many other parts and speaker communities of the continent, as well as examples from the African diaspora.Less
This book deals with a specific form of language change: deliberate manipulations of a language by its speakers. These manipulations are based and depending on cultural and social contexts, they are often—if not always—considered to be secret, and are at the same time expressions of difference and power. The central thesis on which the explorations of manipulated language in this book are based is that language here—deliberately diverging from the norm—is central to the construction of social norms, and that exactly by manipulation and alteration identity may be explored and defined. Manipulated language and deliberate linguistic change are thus seen as the creation of a medium through which speakers attempt to preserve certain structures. The complexity and diversity of linguistic manipulation and how it is linked to the structure of society are dealt with in this book by referring to secrecy, mimesis, sacrilege, and ambiguity as leading concepts of power. This study concentrates on case studies from the Jukun-speaking areas of Nigeria, as well as Nilotic and Bantu-speaking parts of Uganda (and to a lesser extent Sudan), but also presents data on manipulated languages from many other parts and speaker communities of the continent, as well as examples from the African diaspora.
Suzanne Vromen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195181289
- eISBN:
- 9780199870752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181289.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter draws on interviews with surviving nuns to show that mothers superior were responsible for accepting children in the convents and that they did so while maintaining all possible secrecy ...
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This chapter draws on interviews with surviving nuns to show that mothers superior were responsible for accepting children in the convents and that they did so while maintaining all possible secrecy about their actions. Not only children were hidden in convents, sometimes right under the noses of the occupiers, but also entire families as well as young people who avoided labor conscription. Jewish children were expected to go to mass and were treated like all the other boarders, a strategy that, from the point of view of nuns, served to conceal them. In the contemporary interviews nuns argue that at the time hidden Jewish children were not coerced into baptism and communion; they depict rescue in a humanitarian light. In running the convents in wartime, German nuns facilitated relationships with the German occupiers. Assuring a sufficient food supply demanded great skill and the occasional recourse to collective resources from other orders. In the nuns' recollections the fear of bombardments is the most vivid one. The chapter affirms the nuns' general active stance and highlights many facets of the entrepreneurial and affective authority of mothers superior. In conclusion the contributions of these mothers superior to the Resistance and to rescue have been taken for granted and not accorded the recognition that they deserve.Less
This chapter draws on interviews with surviving nuns to show that mothers superior were responsible for accepting children in the convents and that they did so while maintaining all possible secrecy about their actions. Not only children were hidden in convents, sometimes right under the noses of the occupiers, but also entire families as well as young people who avoided labor conscription. Jewish children were expected to go to mass and were treated like all the other boarders, a strategy that, from the point of view of nuns, served to conceal them. In the contemporary interviews nuns argue that at the time hidden Jewish children were not coerced into baptism and communion; they depict rescue in a humanitarian light. In running the convents in wartime, German nuns facilitated relationships with the German occupiers. Assuring a sufficient food supply demanded great skill and the occasional recourse to collective resources from other orders. In the nuns' recollections the fear of bombardments is the most vivid one. The chapter affirms the nuns' general active stance and highlights many facets of the entrepreneurial and affective authority of mothers superior. In conclusion the contributions of these mothers superior to the Resistance and to rescue have been taken for granted and not accorded the recognition that they deserve.
Patrick Waiter and Ivana Marková
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263136
- eISBN:
- 9780191734922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp ...
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Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.Less
Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.
Eviatar Zerubavel
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195187175
- eISBN:
- 9780199943371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195187175.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter explores institutionalized prohibitions against looking, listening, and speaking that help keep certain matters off-limits. It is noted that what is seen, heard, and talked about is ...
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This chapter explores institutionalized prohibitions against looking, listening, and speaking that help keep certain matters off-limits. It is noted that what is seen, heard, and talked about is influenced by both normative and political pressures. The role of power in the social organization of attention and discourse is then addressed. Power enables people to control the amount of information that is conveyed to them. It also involves control over the bounds of acceptable discourse and involves the ability to redirect others' attention by “changing the subject.” Silencing is used “as a weapon of subjugation…the suffocation of the Other's voice.” Imposing secrecy need not involve any verbal exchange at all, as when a potential witness is promoted or given a raise in tacit exchange for his or her silence, or when a child molester simply closes the blinds or locks the door. Silencing is thus often done in utter silence.Less
This chapter explores institutionalized prohibitions against looking, listening, and speaking that help keep certain matters off-limits. It is noted that what is seen, heard, and talked about is influenced by both normative and political pressures. The role of power in the social organization of attention and discourse is then addressed. Power enables people to control the amount of information that is conveyed to them. It also involves control over the bounds of acceptable discourse and involves the ability to redirect others' attention by “changing the subject.” Silencing is used “as a weapon of subjugation…the suffocation of the Other's voice.” Imposing secrecy need not involve any verbal exchange at all, as when a potential witness is promoted or given a raise in tacit exchange for his or her silence, or when a child molester simply closes the blinds or locks the door. Silencing is thus often done in utter silence.
Onora O’neill
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263839
- eISBN:
- 9780191734915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263839.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Transparency is widely supposed to make institutions and their officeholders both more trustworthy and more trusted. Yet in the United Kingdom many institutions and office-holders on whom ...
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Transparency is widely supposed to make institutions and their officeholders both more trustworthy and more trusted. Yet in the United Kingdom many institutions and office-holders on whom transparency requirements have been imposed across the last fifteen years are now seen as less trustworthy, and are apparently less trusted than they were before the requirements were introduced. Does this suggest that transparency does not improve trustworthiness? Or that it increases trustworthiness without increasing trust? Or is the supposed evidence for declining trustworthiness and declining trust misleading? How confident can we be that transparency supports either trustworthiness or trust? Government, corporations, and their critics seemingly converge in seeing transparency as indispensable for accountability and good governance, for preventing corruption and improving performance, and for increasing trustworthiness and trust. But does transparency have these desirable effects? Transparency requirements may fail to improve either trustworthiness or trust because they set a one-sided standard for public, corporate, or other communication. Although transparency demands too little for effective communication, it is an effective antidote to secrecy.Less
Transparency is widely supposed to make institutions and their officeholders both more trustworthy and more trusted. Yet in the United Kingdom many institutions and office-holders on whom transparency requirements have been imposed across the last fifteen years are now seen as less trustworthy, and are apparently less trusted than they were before the requirements were introduced. Does this suggest that transparency does not improve trustworthiness? Or that it increases trustworthiness without increasing trust? Or is the supposed evidence for declining trustworthiness and declining trust misleading? How confident can we be that transparency supports either trustworthiness or trust? Government, corporations, and their critics seemingly converge in seeing transparency as indispensable for accountability and good governance, for preventing corruption and improving performance, and for increasing trustworthiness and trust. But does transparency have these desirable effects? Transparency requirements may fail to improve either trustworthiness or trust because they set a one-sided standard for public, corporate, or other communication. Although transparency demands too little for effective communication, it is an effective antidote to secrecy.
Alasdair Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263839
- eISBN:
- 9780191734915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263839.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In January 2005, the United Kingdom's Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) came into force, providing British citizens with a limited but justiciable right to government information. The Blair ...
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In January 2005, the United Kingdom's Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) came into force, providing British citizens with a limited but justiciable right to government information. The Blair government promised that the new law would make two important contributions to British political life. The first would be a fundamental change in the predispositions of officials regarding the release of government information. Lord Chancellor Charles Falconer predicted that the FOIA would lead to ‘a new culture of openness: a change in the way we are governed’. This fundamental ‘change in the way we are governed’ was expected to produce a follow-on effect: the restoration of public trust in government. The linkage between a ‘vigorous commitment to freedom of information’ and the ‘renewal of trust’ was often made in the months before implementation of the law. The critical point is that the FOIA does not reduce the political salience of complaints about governmental secrecy and lack of transparency in the public sector.Less
In January 2005, the United Kingdom's Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) came into force, providing British citizens with a limited but justiciable right to government information. The Blair government promised that the new law would make two important contributions to British political life. The first would be a fundamental change in the predispositions of officials regarding the release of government information. Lord Chancellor Charles Falconer predicted that the FOIA would lead to ‘a new culture of openness: a change in the way we are governed’. This fundamental ‘change in the way we are governed’ was expected to produce a follow-on effect: the restoration of public trust in government. The linkage between a ‘vigorous commitment to freedom of information’ and the ‘renewal of trust’ was often made in the months before implementation of the law. The critical point is that the FOIA does not reduce the political salience of complaints about governmental secrecy and lack of transparency in the public sector.
Andrew McDonald
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263839
- eISBN:
- 9780191734915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263839.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter assesses freedom of information (FOI) in the United Kingdom. It discusses the terminology associated with FOI, namely, transparency and openness. FOI refers to access to non-personal ...
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This chapter assesses freedom of information (FOI) in the United Kingdom. It discusses the terminology associated with FOI, namely, transparency and openness. FOI refers to access to non-personal information; the regulation of personal information is typically governed by privacy or data-protection laws. Some jurisdictions take an integrated approach to both categories of information, but this chapter focuses on information that does not relate primarily to the individual. The family of information statutes – encompassing FOI, privacy, official secrecy and the like – are known collectively as Access to Information laws. Finally, open government is a term close to openness, since both are concerned with systems and delivery.Less
This chapter assesses freedom of information (FOI) in the United Kingdom. It discusses the terminology associated with FOI, namely, transparency and openness. FOI refers to access to non-personal information; the regulation of personal information is typically governed by privacy or data-protection laws. Some jurisdictions take an integrated approach to both categories of information, but this chapter focuses on information that does not relate primarily to the individual. The family of information statutes – encompassing FOI, privacy, official secrecy and the like – are known collectively as Access to Information laws. Finally, open government is a term close to openness, since both are concerned with systems and delivery.
William Twining
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263297
- eISBN:
- 9780191734519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263297.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the legal aspects of the Hutton Inquiry. It suggests that the Hutton Report is not of great legal significance and that though it was criticizes it was not extreme example of ...
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This chapter examines the legal aspects of the Hutton Inquiry. It suggests that the Hutton Report is not of great legal significance and that though it was criticizes it was not extreme example of the danger or risks of involving judges in political controversy. The chapter contends that the controversy surrounding the Hutton Report has less to do with the law relating to freedom of information than to the culture of secrecy that has now been more extensively canvassed by the Phillis Report.Less
This chapter examines the legal aspects of the Hutton Inquiry. It suggests that the Hutton Report is not of great legal significance and that though it was criticizes it was not extreme example of the danger or risks of involving judges in political controversy. The chapter contends that the controversy surrounding the Hutton Report has less to do with the law relating to freedom of information than to the culture of secrecy that has now been more extensively canvassed by the Phillis Report.
David Stasagage
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263839
- eISBN:
- 9780191734915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263839.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In the panoply of European institutions that have been criticized for their secrecy and lack of accountability, the European Council of Ministers certainly ranks near the top of the list. However, ...
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In the panoply of European institutions that have been criticized for their secrecy and lack of accountability, the European Council of Ministers certainly ranks near the top of the list. However, others insist that the secrecy of the policy process within the European Union is exaggerated, and that the public already has access to plentiful information about decision making. This chapter examines empirical evidence that may be used to determine the extent to which secrecy of the EU Council of Ministers is costly or beneficial. It also discusses the effect of efforts made by the Council since 1993 to become more open in its proceedings. Though the focus of the chapter is on whether contributions of individual members of a decision-making body are observable, there are more basic levels of transparency that might be considered, in particular whether there is a ‘giving reasons requirement’, whereby a decision-making body is obliged to provide an explanation for its decisions.Less
In the panoply of European institutions that have been criticized for their secrecy and lack of accountability, the European Council of Ministers certainly ranks near the top of the list. However, others insist that the secrecy of the policy process within the European Union is exaggerated, and that the public already has access to plentiful information about decision making. This chapter examines empirical evidence that may be used to determine the extent to which secrecy of the EU Council of Ministers is costly or beneficial. It also discusses the effect of efforts made by the Council since 1993 to become more open in its proceedings. Though the focus of the chapter is on whether contributions of individual members of a decision-making body are observable, there are more basic levels of transparency that might be considered, in particular whether there is a ‘giving reasons requirement’, whereby a decision-making body is obliged to provide an explanation for its decisions.
Letizia Paoli
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195157246
- eISBN:
- 9780199943982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195157246.003.0022
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Self-excluding from state jurisdiction through secrecy, mafia groups cannot do without violence to solve internal conflicts, defend common interests, or guarantee the effectiveness of their legal ...
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Self-excluding from state jurisdiction through secrecy, mafia groups cannot do without violence to solve internal conflicts, defend common interests, or guarantee the effectiveness of their legal order. In Sicily and Calabria, the groups' adoption of secrecy has never been a matter of principle only, promoted by ideals or by the desire to copy liberal secret sects. Variations and discontinuity in the enforcement of secrecy can be seen in dimensions other than that of time. This is because, far from being an unchanging property, secrecy is relational. As the history of families belonging to Cosa Nostra and 'Ndrangheta demonstrates, the degree to which it is used varies depending on the external referents with whom the individual or the organization has to deal. The cultural code that symbolizes, despite its multivocality, the obligation of secrecy is omertà. In the Cosa Nostra, the boundary between the initiates and the outsiders created by the rite of mafia initiation is strengthened by the rigid obligation to silence on members.Less
Self-excluding from state jurisdiction through secrecy, mafia groups cannot do without violence to solve internal conflicts, defend common interests, or guarantee the effectiveness of their legal order. In Sicily and Calabria, the groups' adoption of secrecy has never been a matter of principle only, promoted by ideals or by the desire to copy liberal secret sects. Variations and discontinuity in the enforcement of secrecy can be seen in dimensions other than that of time. This is because, far from being an unchanging property, secrecy is relational. As the history of families belonging to Cosa Nostra and 'Ndrangheta demonstrates, the degree to which it is used varies depending on the external referents with whom the individual or the organization has to deal. The cultural code that symbolizes, despite its multivocality, the obligation of secrecy is omertà. In the Cosa Nostra, the boundary between the initiates and the outsiders created by the rite of mafia initiation is strengthened by the rigid obligation to silence on members.
Letizia Paoli
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195157246
- eISBN:
- 9780199943982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195157246.003.0030
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This book has shown that Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta are secret and multifunctional brotherhoods each composed of about a hundred units. Though these are usually called families by their members, ...
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This book has shown that Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta are secret and multifunctional brotherhoods each composed of about a hundred units. Though these are usually called families by their members, they are clearly distinct from the latter's blood families. They rely instead on bonds of artificial kinship created through the ceremony of initiation of new members. Exploiting secrecy and violence, the families of Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta have traditionally employed the strength of mafia bonds to pursue a plurality of goals and to carry out numerous different functions, so much so that it is impossible to identify any one who is exclusive. The cosche are neither economic enterprises aiming at the maximization of profits nor an industry for private protection. Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta cannot be considered a universally valid ideal type of organized crime if it is understood as the provision of illegal goods and services.Less
This book has shown that Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta are secret and multifunctional brotherhoods each composed of about a hundred units. Though these are usually called families by their members, they are clearly distinct from the latter's blood families. They rely instead on bonds of artificial kinship created through the ceremony of initiation of new members. Exploiting secrecy and violence, the families of Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta have traditionally employed the strength of mafia bonds to pursue a plurality of goals and to carry out numerous different functions, so much so that it is impossible to identify any one who is exclusive. The cosche are neither economic enterprises aiming at the maximization of profits nor an industry for private protection. Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta cannot be considered a universally valid ideal type of organized crime if it is understood as the provision of illegal goods and services.
Letizia Paoli
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195157246
- eISBN:
- 9780199943982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195157246.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
The Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian 'Ndrangheta have been singled out as Italy's largest and most powerful mafia associations. The mafiosi's illegal businesses and their infiltration in ...
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The Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian 'Ndrangheta have been singled out as Italy's largest and most powerful mafia associations. The mafiosi's illegal businesses and their infiltration in legitimate industries have been targeted by criminal investigations. Analysis of the defectors' testimonies, criminal cases, and other sources shows many analogies between the most lasting and successful Italian American mafia association, Cosa Nostra, and its southern Italian counterparts, particularly the Sicilian Cosa Nostra. Just like the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, America's largest and most powerful mafia association is a loose confederation of mafia families that mutually recognize each other but are independent on most issues. The two organizations, however, differ in their internal organization and activities and their relationship with underworld competitors, civil society, politicians, and law enforcement. Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta resort systematically to violence and secrecy to defend themselves from state repression and to pursue their aims. In addition, they have a plurality of functions within their social environment.Less
The Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian 'Ndrangheta have been singled out as Italy's largest and most powerful mafia associations. The mafiosi's illegal businesses and their infiltration in legitimate industries have been targeted by criminal investigations. Analysis of the defectors' testimonies, criminal cases, and other sources shows many analogies between the most lasting and successful Italian American mafia association, Cosa Nostra, and its southern Italian counterparts, particularly the Sicilian Cosa Nostra. Just like the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, America's largest and most powerful mafia association is a loose confederation of mafia families that mutually recognize each other but are independent on most issues. The two organizations, however, differ in their internal organization and activities and their relationship with underworld competitors, civil society, politicians, and law enforcement. Cosa Nostra and the 'Ndrangheta resort systematically to violence and secrecy to defend themselves from state repression and to pursue their aims. In addition, they have a plurality of functions within their social environment.
