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This chapter shows that toward the end of the Weimar Republic the Jewish school system became an institution of protection against antisemitism and of strengthening Jewish consciousness. As the Nazis blocked this advancement by limiting access to secondary schools and higher education and strove to lower the Jewish level of education, Jews turned more toward their own history and culture, while preparing for emigration and also attempting not to lose sight of “general” history and culture.

The third chapter moves on to examine the period 1860-84, looking at the impact of the developing statutory system and its central features. Underpinning the whole analysis is examination of cases illustrating the way the system was applied in practice. It demonstrates the unforeseen consequences of this legislative and centralising process: in essence, the distinctiveness of the Scottish day industrial school system was sacrificed, its original welfarist principles undermined as it became aligned to the British system regulating certified residential industrial and reformatory schools of a penal character. The chapter also covers efforts to restore the original elements of the project and the calls for reappraisal, culminating in Watson’s final, poignant public appearance when he passionately denounced the statutory system.

The development of knowledge—which also includes social sciences, humanities, sciences, and technology—is found to be associated with the development of human societies. Several different forms of education are utilized so that knowledge may be disseminated and passed on to future generations. Education—a product of cultural, economic, and social development—also plays an integral role in the major indicators of social development. The rapid economic development of industrialized countries since the 1960s is often attributed to how the entire society is enabled with access to basic education. As such, modernization may be perceived to be achieved through modern education. This chapter concentrates mainly on the Tibet Autonomous Region's education through looking into education before 1952, analyzing school system development, and addressing various issues for educational development.

This chapter examines how working-class African American women retained their deep faith in education as a tool of upward mobility in the face of the racist policies adopted by the Philadelphia public school system. Of all the institutions that women approached, the public education system was the most discriminatory and unresponsive, and it played a powerful role in shaping African Americans' future prospects. While civil rights activists sought to eliminate the racial segregation within the school system, most working-class mothers focused their attention on performing the daily labor required to facilitate their children's education. Mothers tried to maintain some limited contact with the schools, even after encountering teachers and principals who viewed them with contempt and blamed them for their children's problems. Some women looked outside of the school system to secure resources that they needed to educate their children. They tried to convince the municipal government to help them address problems in their neighborhoods that impeded their children's successful pursuit of education.

The mark by which one could recognise a Frenchman was often not so much his appearance but something much deeper and much subtler: the way he used language, the way he thought, the way he argued. This was by no means true of all Frenchmen and the traditional generalisation about their being logical or ‘Cartesian’ cannot be accepted at its face value, but it points to a genuine idiosyncrasy, which requires explanation. The institution which specialised in developing, instilling, and defending these qualities was the secondary school system. What the schools taught was assimilated with varying degrees of comprehension, and much speech and writing attempting to conform to their noble ideals was only a parody of it: they could never fully approve of the mediocrity they engendered. Their claim, that they contributed to increasing clarity, must be judged by studying how Frenchmen behaved in practice. The prestige of rhetoric and philosophy also led to some paradoxical and unexpected consequences. Precisely because their methods could be dogmatic, they stimulated fecund rebellion: they produced not just conformity but also innovation, and sociology, for example, was one of the children of the rebellion against philosophy.

Much has been written about the early exploration, settlement, and conquest of Kentucky. From the earliest days of settlement in “Kentucke”, there were children to be educated. Elementary, or grammar, school education began early. The academy system presented failed because there were too few academies created, and they were not always situated in the right places. Also the land grant academy system utterly failed to create the funding necessary for an adequate elementary and secondary public school system statewide. The most positive outcome of the land grant system is that several of the more successful academies evolved into colleges. If public education in Kentucky in the first third of the nineteenth century, particularly in the more rural counties, lagged behind education in the rest of the nation, there were some signs of progressivism with the chartering of state-supported schools for the deaf and the blind. The school law of 1838 established numerous standards, both positive and negative, that guided public school education in the commonwealth for more than a century.

This concluding chapter looks at the good that Advanced Placement (AP) is doing against the challenges that it faces now. When AP emerged in the 1950s, and for decades thereafter, poor and minority youngsters had limited access to the best that American education had to offer, and those limits were part of what kept them poor. Today, however, AP's rich curriculum, sophisticated pedagogy, and rigorous expectations are coming within reach of many girls and boys from disadvantaged circumstances, thanks in no small part to the College Board's wholehearted embrace of that additional mission as well as the hard work and support of policy makers, educators, and philanthropists. Yet desirable as it is to open AP-level academics to more kids in more schools and thereby help level the playing fields of life, the reason this is hard to make happen is that genuine success requires so many other things to move in sync, both in school systems and in the lives of kids. Nevertheless, opening the AP door to more kids is a good thing to do, not only for the benefit of those immediately affected but also because its implications should reverberate through what precedes and follows it. The chapter then considers the future of AP program.

This chapter focuses on the quest for education by black Atlantans. Like other African Americans who were awarded greater freedoms after the civil war, the black Atlantans recognized the significance of education. Recognizing the potent power of education, black leaders made education and learning the top priority of their racial agenda. However, despite these efforts, in the middle of the twentieth century, the black writings, essays, and studies revealed that black education was still separated and unequal. By 1950, the black leaders of Atlanta decided to sue for equality, but not for the elimination of the system of dual schooling. This action was amended in 1952, when African Americans argued that segregated schools were inherently unequal. They asked for a unitary school system but their case was later dismissed for lack of prosecution. After 1954, the Atlanta Board of Education passed a case for abolishing the dual school system but the case was treated by the board with laxity. On January 1958, a lawsuit known as Calhoun v. Latimer was filed, it was decided that the segregation schemes in schools were unlawful. The most significant result of the white reaction to desegregation was white flight. These reactions provided an unintended opportunity for African Americans to become the majority population in the city and for black elected officials to control the government of the city for generations to come.

This chapter considers how the Caplanian approach might in time become embedded in a whole school system committed to a child's wellbeing and resilient mental health. The first part outlines policy and practice proposals, and looks further at how this approach to primary prevention should be applied not only in state schools but in the context of private boarding schools as well. The second part considers its potential application in the context of child-related litigation in family courts. The third part touches on its relevance to child and adolescent mental health services, and argues for the development of a broader consultative preventive mental health approach to augment and complement their specialist therapeutic intervention.

This chapter discusses the factors to consider in introducing a school choice program in multidistrict public school systems. It highlights the importance of modeling the current school system realistically before attempting to predict the effects of school choice, and provides evidence on the link between housing and school consumption and the impact that private schools can have by severing this link. The analysis reveals that under the most pessimistic assumptions, increasing school choice may lead to surprisingly small declines in average public school quality and in the overall level of inequality in the system, whereas it may yield substantial gains under more optimistic assumptions.

This chapter explores the reforms brought about through the Kentucky Education Reform Act and the changes that occurred in higher education from the Patton years to the near present. Education in Kentucky in the latter decades of the twentieth century could not help but change, owing to the forces both within the state and beyond that pushed for reform. In the early twenty-first century, Kentucky appeared to have the most integrated public school system in the nation. Public higher education in Kentucky, under the leadership of the Council on Higher Education from the mid-1980s into the 1990s, continued to search for a better way to fund an increasingly expensive system. The year 2006 may have been a high-water mark early in the new century for public higher education in Kentucky. As it has happened throughout the history of Kentucky, education moves forward in fits and starts, regressing during difficult economic times or because of indifference by the citizens of the state.

As South Carolina's illiteracy rate was at 20 percent, the state was revealed to be as the second most illiterate in America. Also, it was important to note that three out of four adults in the state were not even able to finish elementary education. Both the black and white reformers believed that the state's poverty, dependence on cotton agriculture, and insufficient state services was compounded by the undereducated and the illiterate population as well as the public school system. As such, education reform remained as one of the fundamental goals of the reformers. Educated black leaders believed that better education would serve as a means for gaining greater opportunities for achieving economic independence for the African Americans while white reformers believed that other reforms may be accelerated through raising education and lessening illiteracy. This chapter focuses on the means for obtaining resources to support educational reform.

This chapter introduces readers to Jackson High and provides an historical perspective by tracing the evolution of California's continuation high school system from its inception in 1919 to the present. First, it shows how continuation high schools developed in the context of increasing educational hierarchization over the past century of education reform. Second, it explores how the concept of a last chance high school was constructed, in tandem with the last chance student, as a particular kind of school serving a particular kind of kid—a defective and inferior adolescent for whom special schooling in a segregated context was needed. This “kind of kid”—the troubled, maladjusted, or at-risk youth—remains a staple of contemporary policy, practitioner, and research discourse on educational failure, and such kids are referred to as these kids.

This chapter argues that the public school crisis will continue unless the nation moves dramatically to reduce racial segregation of residential areas and to enact policies to reduce class distinctions. Equity in public schooling—a fair chance for every child—requires these changes. In the absence of actions to reduce the society's disabling racial class differences, an overall national program of school reform is called for, one that uses federal funding for economic stimulus. Such a reform would also radically rethink the nation's overall approach to public schools. Small successful American experiments suggest possibilities for such reform. Two examples stand out: special schools as parts of larger city school systems, and programs that help city children to attend suburban schools.

This chapter discusses the public school systems of Los Angeles and New York. The huge public school systems of New York and Los Angeles rank first and second in the nation in size, with New York serving just under a million students and Los Angeles counting close to 700,000. The two districts' political paths differed in the early twenty-first century, with Los Angeles operating on a more inchoate level, while Mayor Michael Bloomberg established firm control over the New York City school system. By 2011, their paths began to converge, with each under leadership strongly influenced by a national school reform movement supercharged by private wealth, federal power, and an ascendant ideology of accountability, school choice, and reliance on standardized tests. In New York and Los Angeles, Washington, DC, and many state capitals, reformers battled teachers unions over how teachers would be evaluated, how bonuses would be assigned, and how teachers would be fired.

In grasping the power of white supremacy, it is important to examine carefully how the whites exercised power and determine the various methods in which the manipulative potential of white supremacy was employed and manifested. The complexity and incidence of white supremacy was made evident through the legislative debate on the funding for educational reforms in 1924. In identifying the means utilized to hide the strategies and motives from rivals, it is important to account for the subtle details of the various legislative machinations. The most apparent manifestation of white supremacy remained in how the school system was segregated and how restrictions were intended for black schools. Attaining greater educational opportunity for the whites in South Carolina would thus entail asserting how the funding reforms would threaten white supremacy. This chapter identifies the important events in coming up with an appropriate system that would foster reform.

This chapter discusses some of the lessons that can be learned from the Union City school district. Skeptics will dismiss the narrative of Union City's accomplishments as a one-off—a rare and remarkable story that is irrelevant anyplace else. However, three change-minded school systems in Montgomery County, Maryland; Sanger, California; and Aldine, Texas, show otherwise. All three are steadily rewriting the script for poor and minority kids, boosting achievement and closing gaps, relying on strategies as research-tested and securing results as impressive as Union City's. Yet each of the three is missing one or more of the elements that skeptics might claim are the impossible-to-duplicate preconditions of Union City's success—its small size and homogeneity, its money, its political support, and its students raised in a culture of respeto.

This chapter describes the British public school system from 1902 to 1945. Topics covered include the passage of the Education Act of 1902, which marked the beginning of a massive expansion of secondary state education in England and Wales over the next thirty years; the huge casualties suffered by the public schools during the First World War; growth of boarding schools in the years after the end of the First World War; the impact of the Great Depression on the British economy; the role of public schools in the acquisition of empire; and proposals to turn public schools into semi-state, semi-public schools, which many of the day schools had become by taking the king's shilling and accepting government grants.

This chapter considers some of the factors behind the continuously improving school system of Union City, New Jersey. Many districts are run like a loose confederacy, with each principal calling the shots and each school free to go its own way. What sets Union City apart from the pack is that it has gone beyond this principal-as-savior approach and actually constructed an integrated school system. While there is no romance in this enterprise, the superintendent and his top aides are performing an indispensable role. Behind the scenes, largely invisible to the students, they buttress each school while tying all of them together, setting high expectations for the whole.

The chapter describes and discusses the Italian school system and school policies since the 90s from the point of view of the welfare state. First, the Italian school is described in comparative perspective, looking at its level of stratification, standardization and vocational specificity. Second, the main policy changes are described, in particular concerning the reform of upper secondary education, the major area of policy change since the late 1990s. Third, the main actors, both collective and individual, are discussed, with focus on teachers, as the main occupational group. Fourth, the equality outcomes of the system are presented, looking at school inequalities related to geography, gender and social class.