Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Chapter 8 is woven around the author's trip to Saudi Arabia six months prior to 9/11. There are two faces of Saudi Arabia: Mecca, the birthplace of Islam and the prophet Mohammed, and Riyadh in the ...
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Chapter 8 is woven around the author's trip to Saudi Arabia six months prior to 9/11. There are two faces of Saudi Arabia: Mecca, the birthplace of Islam and the prophet Mohammed, and Riyadh in the Nadj region, the home of Mohammed bin Abd al-Wahhab and the birthplace of Osama Bin Laden. The chapter explores the tensions between the two kingdoms, and the connections between Islam and Islamist extremism, especially as manifested in Saudi understandings of jihad and tawhid. It traces the pernicious Wahhabi public theology from its origins in the 13th century to its ideological covenant with the House of Saud. The author's experiences with Saudi officials, religious minorities in the kingdom, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and the State Department lead him to conclude that Wahhabism will remain a source of terrorism, and a threat to U.S. national security, until the Saudis contain or destroy it via political reform grounded in religious freedom.Less
Chapter 8 is woven around the author's trip to Saudi Arabia six months prior to 9/11. There are two faces of Saudi Arabia: Mecca, the birthplace of Islam and the prophet Mohammed, and Riyadh in the Nadj region, the home of Mohammed bin Abd al-Wahhab and the birthplace of Osama Bin Laden. The chapter explores the tensions between the two kingdoms, and the connections between Islam and Islamist extremism, especially as manifested in Saudi understandings of jihad and tawhid. It traces the pernicious Wahhabi public theology from its origins in the 13th century to its ideological covenant with the House of Saud. The author's experiences with Saudi officials, religious minorities in the kingdom, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and the State Department lead him to conclude that Wahhabism will remain a source of terrorism, and a threat to U.S. national security, until the Saudis contain or destroy it via political reform grounded in religious freedom.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth ...
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This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth century. It explains how these policies and techniques combine to produce a genealogical rule of governance that underpins political practice in Saudi Arabia. It also considers how the Saudi state's efforts to standardize citizen identities according to genealogical criteria through identification papers called tūbiʻiyya, promote lineal authentication as a core political function, and privilege kinship as a dominant symbol of Āl-Saʻud rule have made genealogy a pervasive aspect of social and political life in the modern kingdom. The chapter concludes by analyzing the territorial dispute over the oasis of Buraymī.Less
This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth century. It explains how these policies and techniques combine to produce a genealogical rule of governance that underpins political practice in Saudi Arabia. It also considers how the Saudi state's efforts to standardize citizen identities according to genealogical criteria through identification papers called tūbiʻiyya, promote lineal authentication as a core political function, and privilege kinship as a dominant symbol of Āl-Saʻud rule have made genealogy a pervasive aspect of social and political life in the modern kingdom. The chapter concludes by analyzing the territorial dispute over the oasis of Buraymī.
Bahgat Korany and Ali E. Hillal Dessouki
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163609
- eISBN:
- 9781617970375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163609.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The path chosen by Saudi Arabia is not only a function of objective factors determined by geopolitics and economic interests, but also the effect of a new king taking office, the current King ...
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The path chosen by Saudi Arabia is not only a function of objective factors determined by geopolitics and economic interests, but also the effect of a new king taking office, the current King Abdullah. This chapter focuses on how domestic and international changes are forcing Saudi Arabia to redefine its foreign policy role. It applies the general framework and starts by tracing the components of the domestic environment from the evolution of population and social structure to economic and military capabilities. It emphasizes especially the multiplicity of groups and their dynamics, the pressures for reform and the recent additions in political structure. In the analysis of foreign policy proper, the characteristics of general orientation and specific behavior are sorted out, at the regional or global policy level. Special emphasis is put on the still obscure decision-making process, with Saudi reaction toward the 2006 Israel–Hizbullah war as a case in point.Less
The path chosen by Saudi Arabia is not only a function of objective factors determined by geopolitics and economic interests, but also the effect of a new king taking office, the current King Abdullah. This chapter focuses on how domestic and international changes are forcing Saudi Arabia to redefine its foreign policy role. It applies the general framework and starts by tracing the components of the domestic environment from the evolution of population and social structure to economic and military capabilities. It emphasizes especially the multiplicity of groups and their dynamics, the pressures for reform and the recent additions in political structure. In the analysis of foreign policy proper, the characteristics of general orientation and specific behavior are sorted out, at the regional or global policy level. Special emphasis is put on the still obscure decision-making process, with Saudi reaction toward the 2006 Israel–Hizbullah war as a case in point.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter discusses the twentieth-century history of Saudi Arabia through the biography of Hamad al-Jāsir. More than any other single person, al-Jāsir was responsible for shaping the modern ...
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This chapter discusses the twentieth-century history of Saudi Arabia through the biography of Hamad al-Jāsir. More than any other single person, al-Jāsir was responsible for shaping the modern genealogical culture of Saudi Arabia. The chapter examines al-Jāsir's life from his birth in 1909 in a central Arabian village to the beginnings of his genealogical project in the 1970s. It considers al-Jāsir's sometimes tumultuous relationship with his patrons in the Wahhabi religious establishment, his contributions to the development of the Saudi press and public culture, and his views on Arabia's bedouin populations and on the Arabic language. It also explores al-Jāsir's turn toward scholarship and the documenting of Saudi lineages in the last third of his life.Less
This chapter discusses the twentieth-century history of Saudi Arabia through the biography of Hamad al-Jāsir. More than any other single person, al-Jāsir was responsible for shaping the modern genealogical culture of Saudi Arabia. The chapter examines al-Jāsir's life from his birth in 1909 in a central Arabian village to the beginnings of his genealogical project in the 1970s. It considers al-Jāsir's sometimes tumultuous relationship with his patrons in the Wahhabi religious establishment, his contributions to the development of the Saudi press and public culture, and his views on Arabia's bedouin populations and on the Arabic language. It also explores al-Jāsir's turn toward scholarship and the documenting of Saudi lineages in the last third of his life.
Paul Marshall and Nina Shea
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199812264
- eISBN:
- 9780199919383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199812264.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Saudi Arabia has perhaps the broadest blasphemy and apostasy prohibitions. The government uses its position as custodian of Islam's two holiest shrines, Mecca and Medina, to assert that its Wahhabi ...
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Saudi Arabia has perhaps the broadest blasphemy and apostasy prohibitions. The government uses its position as custodian of Islam's two holiest shrines, Mecca and Medina, to assert that its Wahhabi interpretation of the faith is the authoritative one. Effectively, this means that Muslims of different views, whether Shias, Sufis, reformers or political dissidents, may be condemned as apostates. For example, the opening fatwa of a government educational pamphlet rebukes a European imam for his “infidelity” because he “casts doubts about the infidelity of Jews and Christians.” This is a serious charge since, according to the country's textbooks, it is permissible to kill someone for infidelity, though within the Kingdom, prison terms and flogging are more likely. Saudi Arabia's Shia minority, including Ismailis, suffer disproportionately for blasphemy offenses. Among those in the Sunni majority Sunni convicted in recent years were democracy activists, imprisoned for using “unIslamic” terminology, such as “democracy” and “human rights.” Among those given prison terms and lashes for “mocking religion” were teachers who discussed the Bible in class and made favorable comments about Jews, or who maintained that the dominance of radical Islamists over Saudi university culture had harmed the quality of programs.Less
Saudi Arabia has perhaps the broadest blasphemy and apostasy prohibitions. The government uses its position as custodian of Islam's two holiest shrines, Mecca and Medina, to assert that its Wahhabi interpretation of the faith is the authoritative one. Effectively, this means that Muslims of different views, whether Shias, Sufis, reformers or political dissidents, may be condemned as apostates. For example, the opening fatwa of a government educational pamphlet rebukes a European imam for his “infidelity” because he “casts doubts about the infidelity of Jews and Christians.” This is a serious charge since, according to the country's textbooks, it is permissible to kill someone for infidelity, though within the Kingdom, prison terms and flogging are more likely. Saudi Arabia's Shia minority, including Ismailis, suffer disproportionately for blasphemy offenses. Among those in the Sunni majority Sunni convicted in recent years were democracy activists, imprisoned for using “unIslamic” terminology, such as “democracy” and “human rights.” Among those given prison terms and lashes for “mocking religion” were teachers who discussed the Bible in class and made favorable comments about Jews, or who maintained that the dominance of radical Islamists over Saudi university culture had harmed the quality of programs.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter extends the analysis to Palestine and Saudi Arabia. In 2002, the road map for peace adopted by the European Union, United States, Russian, and the United Nations called for the necessity ...
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This chapter extends the analysis to Palestine and Saudi Arabia. In 2002, the road map for peace adopted by the European Union, United States, Russian, and the United Nations called for the necessity of Palestinian reforms in moving the peace process forward. The United States was vocal about the need for the Palestinians to reform their system of government and pushed for Palestinian elections in the early years of the new millennium. However, the United States was hoping that a pro-Fatah alliance would emerge and neglected to state publicly that it would nullify any outcome that was not favorable to its own interests. The Palestinians learned the hard way that the United States would indeed punish the entire population for exercising democracy the wrong way. The case of Saudi Arabia mirrors in many ways the experiences of non-oil-rich states captured in this manuscript. Significant segments of the Saudi public recognize the importance of the Saudi regime in maintaining close alliances with the United States.Less
This chapter extends the analysis to Palestine and Saudi Arabia. In 2002, the road map for peace adopted by the European Union, United States, Russian, and the United Nations called for the necessity of Palestinian reforms in moving the peace process forward. The United States was vocal about the need for the Palestinians to reform their system of government and pushed for Palestinian elections in the early years of the new millennium. However, the United States was hoping that a pro-Fatah alliance would emerge and neglected to state publicly that it would nullify any outcome that was not favorable to its own interests. The Palestinians learned the hard way that the United States would indeed punish the entire population for exercising democracy the wrong way. The case of Saudi Arabia mirrors in many ways the experiences of non-oil-rich states captured in this manuscript. Significant segments of the Saudi public recognize the importance of the Saudi regime in maintaining close alliances with the United States.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This book examines why tribal genealogies continue to be a central facet of modern Saudi identity despite the erosion of kinship ties resulting from almost 300 years of religious conditioning, and ...
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This book examines why tribal genealogies continue to be a central facet of modern Saudi identity despite the erosion of kinship ties resulting from almost 300 years of religious conditioning, and despite the unprecedented material transformation of Saudi society in the oil age. It considers what accounts for the compulsion to affirm tribal belonging in modern Saudi Arabia by focusing on verse 49:13 of the Quran and the multiple contexts in which it is embedded in the kingdom. More specifically, the book asks why this verse is interpreted by so many Saudis as a license to assert their particularist tribal identities, while its ostensibly equalizing final clause is dismissed as an afterthought. It also explores the politicization of the Arabian oral culture by documenting the life and work of the Arabian genealogist and historian Hamad al-Jāsir.Less
This book examines why tribal genealogies continue to be a central facet of modern Saudi identity despite the erosion of kinship ties resulting from almost 300 years of religious conditioning, and despite the unprecedented material transformation of Saudi society in the oil age. It considers what accounts for the compulsion to affirm tribal belonging in modern Saudi Arabia by focusing on verse 49:13 of the Quran and the multiple contexts in which it is embedded in the kingdom. More specifically, the book asks why this verse is interpreted by so many Saudis as a license to assert their particularist tribal identities, while its ostensibly equalizing final clause is dismissed as an afterthought. It also explores the politicization of the Arabian oral culture by documenting the life and work of the Arabian genealogist and historian Hamad al-Jāsir.
Geoffrey F. Gresh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794206
- eISBN:
- 9780804795067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794206.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter explores the origins of the U.S. military’s complex relationship with the Gulf Arab monarchies, especially with the Saud royal family, following the Second World War. A more permanent ...
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This chapter explores the origins of the U.S. military’s complex relationship with the Gulf Arab monarchies, especially with the Saud royal family, following the Second World War. A more permanent U.S. military basing presence was never an inevitable conclusion and depended upon a combination of shifting national security dynamics and U.S. military and economic aid packages. This chapter examines the key domestic opposition groups influenced by pan-Arab nationalism that threatened the monarchy versus external security factors, including threats emanating from the Hashemite Kingdom and a rising Soviet Union. Though pan-Arab nationalism played a certain role in stimulating domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, three separate regional factors played a more influential role in determining the Saud monarchy’s decision to permit the continued U.S. military basing presence: Hashemite threats to invade the kingdom, the ongoing Buraimi Oasis crisis between Great Britain and the Trucial Shaykhdoms, and the Suez Canal crisis.Less
This chapter explores the origins of the U.S. military’s complex relationship with the Gulf Arab monarchies, especially with the Saud royal family, following the Second World War. A more permanent U.S. military basing presence was never an inevitable conclusion and depended upon a combination of shifting national security dynamics and U.S. military and economic aid packages. This chapter examines the key domestic opposition groups influenced by pan-Arab nationalism that threatened the monarchy versus external security factors, including threats emanating from the Hashemite Kingdom and a rising Soviet Union. Though pan-Arab nationalism played a certain role in stimulating domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, three separate regional factors played a more influential role in determining the Saud monarchy’s decision to permit the continued U.S. military basing presence: Hashemite threats to invade the kingdom, the ongoing Buraimi Oasis crisis between Great Britain and the Trucial Shaykhdoms, and the Suez Canal crisis.
Toby C. Jones
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199768677
- eISBN:
- 9780199979608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199768677.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Oil and the great wealth it generated over the twentieth century profoundly shaped Saudi Arabia's political system. Oil revenues allowed the Al Saud, the kingdom's ruling family, to consolidate their ...
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Oil and the great wealth it generated over the twentieth century profoundly shaped Saudi Arabia's political system. Oil revenues allowed the Al Saud, the kingdom's ruling family, to consolidate their grip on power, protect themselves from domestic political challenges, and build a modern state in the Arabian Peninsula. That Saudi Arabia is one of the world's most powerful petro-states, a state whose stability and authority depends on the abundance of a single natural resource, is well known. But the importance of the environment to politics and power in Saudi Arabia transcends oil. Equally important to the making of modern Saudi Arabia was water, a resource as scarce in Arabia as oil was abundant. While oil wealth enabled the consolidation of Saudi political authority, the use of that wealth to conquer, control, and develop water also profoundly shaped politics and the political order. This chapter examines Saudi Arabia's efforts to master its scarce water resources, the role that oil and the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) played in those efforts, and the impact of these endeavors on environmental politics and power. It was largely through these efforts that the Saudi state and its autocratic character were forged.Less
Oil and the great wealth it generated over the twentieth century profoundly shaped Saudi Arabia's political system. Oil revenues allowed the Al Saud, the kingdom's ruling family, to consolidate their grip on power, protect themselves from domestic political challenges, and build a modern state in the Arabian Peninsula. That Saudi Arabia is one of the world's most powerful petro-states, a state whose stability and authority depends on the abundance of a single natural resource, is well known. But the importance of the environment to politics and power in Saudi Arabia transcends oil. Equally important to the making of modern Saudi Arabia was water, a resource as scarce in Arabia as oil was abundant. While oil wealth enabled the consolidation of Saudi political authority, the use of that wealth to conquer, control, and develop water also profoundly shaped politics and the political order. This chapter examines Saudi Arabia's efforts to master its scarce water resources, the role that oil and the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) played in those efforts, and the impact of these endeavors on environmental politics and power. It was largely through these efforts that the Saudi state and its autocratic character were forged.
Gawdat Bahgat
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031668
- eISBN:
- 9780813039114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031668.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines different allegations that Saudi Arabia has sought to acquire nuclear weapons. It describes the national security environment in Saudi Arabia and discusses perceived threats ...
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This chapter examines different allegations that Saudi Arabia has sought to acquire nuclear weapons. It describes the national security environment in Saudi Arabia and discusses perceived threats from Israel, Iran, Iraq, and Yemen. It analyzes Saudis' unofficial alliance with the U.S. and evaluates the potential impact of domestic and political reforms on the kingdom's strategic posture. The findings suggest that Saudi Arabia should not be considered a serious nuclear proliferation threat and that Saudi leaders are highly unlikely to consider a nuclear option in the foreseeable future.Less
This chapter examines different allegations that Saudi Arabia has sought to acquire nuclear weapons. It describes the national security environment in Saudi Arabia and discusses perceived threats from Israel, Iran, Iraq, and Yemen. It analyzes Saudis' unofficial alliance with the U.S. and evaluates the potential impact of domestic and political reforms on the kingdom's strategic posture. The findings suggest that Saudi Arabia should not be considered a serious nuclear proliferation threat and that Saudi leaders are highly unlikely to consider a nuclear option in the foreseeable future.
Geoffrey F. Gresh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794206
- eISBN:
- 9780804795067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794206.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter studies the process that led to the Saudi decision to reestablish a U.S. military basing presence in 1990. Though Saudi Arabia maintained its partnership with the U.S. military ...
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This chapter studies the process that led to the Saudi decision to reestablish a U.S. military basing presence in 1990. Though Saudi Arabia maintained its partnership with the U.S. military throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the U.S. was not given control of local bases after 1962 until the First Gulf War. The external threat posed by Iraq was the main driver behind convincing the Saud monarchy to allow a U.S. military basing presence. From 1990 to 2003, the kingdom confronted major domestic security challenges, including several terrorist attacks motivated by the U.S. military basing presence, but it was not until Saddam Hussein was finally removed in 2003 that the U.S. military was asked to terminate its basing presence. Iran also posed less of a threat to the kingdom since U.S. military bases surrounded Iran on both its eastern and western borders, including in Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Afghanistan, and Kyrgyzstan.Less
This chapter studies the process that led to the Saudi decision to reestablish a U.S. military basing presence in 1990. Though Saudi Arabia maintained its partnership with the U.S. military throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the U.S. was not given control of local bases after 1962 until the First Gulf War. The external threat posed by Iraq was the main driver behind convincing the Saud monarchy to allow a U.S. military basing presence. From 1990 to 2003, the kingdom confronted major domestic security challenges, including several terrorist attacks motivated by the U.S. military basing presence, but it was not until Saddam Hussein was finally removed in 2003 that the U.S. military was asked to terminate its basing presence. Iran also posed less of a threat to the kingdom since U.S. military bases surrounded Iran on both its eastern and western borders, including in Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Afghanistan, and Kyrgyzstan.
Ferhad Ibrahim
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
As no elections and referendums have been held in Saudi Arabia, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Saudi kingdom. The developments leading to the ...
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As no elections and referendums have been held in Saudi Arabia, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Saudi kingdom. The developments leading to the establishment of the appointed Consultative Council and the legal provisions governing the activities of the Council are presented in detail.Less
As no elections and referendums have been held in Saudi Arabia, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Saudi kingdom. The developments leading to the establishment of the appointed Consultative Council and the legal provisions governing the activities of the Council are presented in detail.
Geoffrey F. Gresh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794206
- eISBN:
- 9780804795067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794206.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter sets the stage for how the United States came to establish its first military base in the region, while placing the Gulf in its larger strategic and global context. As the United States ...
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This chapter sets the stage for how the United States came to establish its first military base in the region, while placing the Gulf in its larger strategic and global context. As the United States became more entangled in the Second World War, the U.S. military grew adamant about securing base installations to support its war efforts. Additionally, the U.S. military needed easy access to the valuable oil resources of the Gulf to buoy its operations abroad. Political pressure from U.S. oil companies operating in the Gulf also helped convince the U.S. government to pursue a more active regional strategy to safeguard significant U.S. investments and other regional assets. The first establishment of a base at Dhahran would be crucial at the end of the war to assist with postwar construction efforts in Europe and Pacific Asia.Less
This chapter sets the stage for how the United States came to establish its first military base in the region, while placing the Gulf in its larger strategic and global context. As the United States became more entangled in the Second World War, the U.S. military grew adamant about securing base installations to support its war efforts. Additionally, the U.S. military needed easy access to the valuable oil resources of the Gulf to buoy its operations abroad. Political pressure from U.S. oil companies operating in the Gulf also helped convince the U.S. government to pursue a more active regional strategy to safeguard significant U.S. investments and other regional assets. The first establishment of a base at Dhahran would be crucial at the end of the war to assist with postwar construction efforts in Europe and Pacific Asia.
Harry Cook and Michael Newson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190608873
- eISBN:
- 9780190848484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190608873.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
In 2013, the Saudi government embarked on a nationwide strategy to restructure its labor market and its policies towards the recruitment of foreign workers. These changes are in line with the ...
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In 2013, the Saudi government embarked on a nationwide strategy to restructure its labor market and its policies towards the recruitment of foreign workers. These changes are in line with the implementation of Saudi Arabia’s Nitaqat system which aims to better regulate foreign labor in the country and to reduce the number of irregular workers in the Kingdom. As a result of these changes in policy and implementation, there have been large-scale deportations of irregular workers—along with their family members, in some cases—from KSA beginning in mid-2013 and continuing up to the time of writing. Yemeni workers in KSA have been particularly hard hit by these policy changes due to the largely informal nature of labor migration flows that have existed between KSA and Yemen for the past few decades. This chapter explores the possible implications of the recent labor policy changes in KSA for Yemeni and host communities in KSA, as well as for returning workers, their families, and communities of origin in Yemen. The chapter concludes with several recommendations on how to effectively address the challenges these disruptions will cause and how to build new avenues to support the transnational linkages between Yemeni migrant workers in KSA and their communities in Yemen.Less
In 2013, the Saudi government embarked on a nationwide strategy to restructure its labor market and its policies towards the recruitment of foreign workers. These changes are in line with the implementation of Saudi Arabia’s Nitaqat system which aims to better regulate foreign labor in the country and to reduce the number of irregular workers in the Kingdom. As a result of these changes in policy and implementation, there have been large-scale deportations of irregular workers—along with their family members, in some cases—from KSA beginning in mid-2013 and continuing up to the time of writing. Yemeni workers in KSA have been particularly hard hit by these policy changes due to the largely informal nature of labor migration flows that have existed between KSA and Yemen for the past few decades. This chapter explores the possible implications of the recent labor policy changes in KSA for Yemeni and host communities in KSA, as well as for returning workers, their families, and communities of origin in Yemen. The chapter concludes with several recommendations on how to effectively address the challenges these disruptions will cause and how to build new avenues to support the transnational linkages between Yemeni migrant workers in KSA and their communities in Yemen.
Lawrence Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804790796
- eISBN:
- 9780804792103
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804790796.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book analyzes how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab, Muslim majority ...
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This book analyzes how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab, Muslim majority states, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in response to the rise and activities of two revolutionary “Islamic states,” established in Iran (1979) and Sudan (1989). Using these comparative case studies, the major theme running through the book—that transnational ideologies may present a greater and more immediate national security threat than shifts in the military balance of power—has two main components. First, ideology, or ideational power, triggers threat perception and affects state policy because it can undermine domestic political stability and regime survival in another state. Second, states engage in ideational balancing in response to an ideological threat. The analytical framework for understanding strategic interaction in this realm of international politics is called an “ideational security dilemma.” The book has significant implications for international relations theory, including religion and international affairs, and engages important debates in comparative politics about authoritarianism and Islamic activism. Its findings about how an Islamist regime or state behaves will provide vital insight for policy creation by the US and its Middle East allies should another such regime or state emerge.Less
This book analyzes how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab, Muslim majority states, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in response to the rise and activities of two revolutionary “Islamic states,” established in Iran (1979) and Sudan (1989). Using these comparative case studies, the major theme running through the book—that transnational ideologies may present a greater and more immediate national security threat than shifts in the military balance of power—has two main components. First, ideology, or ideational power, triggers threat perception and affects state policy because it can undermine domestic political stability and regime survival in another state. Second, states engage in ideational balancing in response to an ideological threat. The analytical framework for understanding strategic interaction in this realm of international politics is called an “ideational security dilemma.” The book has significant implications for international relations theory, including religion and international affairs, and engages important debates in comparative politics about authoritarianism and Islamic activism. Its findings about how an Islamist regime or state behaves will provide vital insight for policy creation by the US and its Middle East allies should another such regime or state emerge.
Kishwar Rizvi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469621166
- eISBN:
- 9781469624952
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469621166.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia plays an important role in the dissemination of political and religious ideology throughout the Muslim world. The Kingdom, a proponent of the Salafi Sunni doctrine, is ...
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The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia plays an important role in the dissemination of political and religious ideology throughout the Muslim world. The Kingdom, a proponent of the Salafi Sunni doctrine, is legitimized by its guardianship of the holiest sites in Islam, the Kaʿba in Mecca and the holy mosque of the Prophet, Muhammad, in Medina. The government is an active patron of mosque building in Saudi Arabia and has contributed financially to the construction of mosques and Islamic schools around the world. One of the most interesting examples is the Faisal Mosque (Vedat Dalokay,1986), which King Faisal gifted to the Pakistani nation. The Muhammad al-Amin Mosque (2008) by Azmi Fakhouri in downtown Beirut may also be viewed as a diplomatic gift by the Kingdom; nonetheless, it is clearly responsive to the political and architectural history of Lebanon. On the domestic front, architects such as Abdel-Wahed El-Wakil designed mosques in Jeddah and Medina to make clear references to Mamluk architecture, but the Grand Mosque in the capital, Riyadh, eschews historicism in favor of a nativist aesthetic deriving from local Najdi architecture.Less
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia plays an important role in the dissemination of political and religious ideology throughout the Muslim world. The Kingdom, a proponent of the Salafi Sunni doctrine, is legitimized by its guardianship of the holiest sites in Islam, the Kaʿba in Mecca and the holy mosque of the Prophet, Muhammad, in Medina. The government is an active patron of mosque building in Saudi Arabia and has contributed financially to the construction of mosques and Islamic schools around the world. One of the most interesting examples is the Faisal Mosque (Vedat Dalokay,1986), which King Faisal gifted to the Pakistani nation. The Muhammad al-Amin Mosque (2008) by Azmi Fakhouri in downtown Beirut may also be viewed as a diplomatic gift by the Kingdom; nonetheless, it is clearly responsive to the political and architectural history of Lebanon. On the domestic front, architects such as Abdel-Wahed El-Wakil designed mosques in Jeddah and Medina to make clear references to Mamluk architecture, but the Grand Mosque in the capital, Riyadh, eschews historicism in favor of a nativist aesthetic deriving from local Najdi architecture.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501720352
- eISBN:
- 9781501720369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501720352.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter ...
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This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter argues are today perhaps the Middle East’s most significant middle powers, in addition to Turkey of course. There are two other states in the area with aspirations of being middle powers, namely Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, despite their small geographic size and equally small populations.Less
This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter argues are today perhaps the Middle East’s most significant middle powers, in addition to Turkey of course. There are two other states in the area with aspirations of being middle powers, namely Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, despite their small geographic size and equally small populations.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
Why do tribal genealogies matter in modern-day Saudi Arabia? What compels the strivers and climbers of the new Saudi Arabia to want to prove their authentic descent from one or another prestigious ...
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Why do tribal genealogies matter in modern-day Saudi Arabia? What compels the strivers and climbers of the new Saudi Arabia to want to prove their authentic descent from one or another prestigious Arabian tribe? This book looks at how genealogy and tribal belonging have informed the lives of past and present inhabitants of Saudi Arabia and how the Saudi government's tacit glorification of tribal origins has shaped the powerful development of the kingdom's genealogical culture. The book presents the first extended biographical exploration of the major twentieth-century Saudi scholar Hamad al-Jāsir, whose genealogical studies frame the story about belonging and identity in the modern kingdom. It examines the interplay between al-Jāsir's genealogical project and his many hundreds of petitioners, mostly Saudis of nontribal or lower status origin who sought validation of their tribal roots in his genealogical texts. Investigating the Saudi relationship to this opaque, orally inscribed historical tradition, the book considers the consequences of modern Saudi genealogical politics and how the most intimate anxieties of nontribal Saudis today are amplified by the governing strategies and kinship ideology of the Saudi state. Challenging the impression that Saudi culture is determined by puritanical religiosity or rentier economic principles, the book shows how the exploration and establishment of tribal genealogies have become influential phenomena in contemporary Saudi society. Beyond Saudi Arabia, this book casts important new light on the interplay between kinship ideas, oral narrative, and state formation in rapidly changing societies.Less
Why do tribal genealogies matter in modern-day Saudi Arabia? What compels the strivers and climbers of the new Saudi Arabia to want to prove their authentic descent from one or another prestigious Arabian tribe? This book looks at how genealogy and tribal belonging have informed the lives of past and present inhabitants of Saudi Arabia and how the Saudi government's tacit glorification of tribal origins has shaped the powerful development of the kingdom's genealogical culture. The book presents the first extended biographical exploration of the major twentieth-century Saudi scholar Hamad al-Jāsir, whose genealogical studies frame the story about belonging and identity in the modern kingdom. It examines the interplay between al-Jāsir's genealogical project and his many hundreds of petitioners, mostly Saudis of nontribal or lower status origin who sought validation of their tribal roots in his genealogical texts. Investigating the Saudi relationship to this opaque, orally inscribed historical tradition, the book considers the consequences of modern Saudi genealogical politics and how the most intimate anxieties of nontribal Saudis today are amplified by the governing strategies and kinship ideology of the Saudi state. Challenging the impression that Saudi culture is determined by puritanical religiosity or rentier economic principles, the book shows how the exploration and establishment of tribal genealogies have become influential phenomena in contemporary Saudi society. Beyond Saudi Arabia, this book casts important new light on the interplay between kinship ideas, oral narrative, and state formation in rapidly changing societies.
Lawrence Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804790796
- eISBN:
- 9780804792103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804790796.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines Sudan's relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia from the 1970s through 2000, covering the periods before and after Islamists came to power there. The chapter's argument is that ...
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This chapter examines Sudan's relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia from the 1970s through 2000, covering the periods before and after Islamists came to power there. The chapter's argument is that military power played a small role in triggering threat perception. Instead, Egypt and Saudi Arabia feared Sudan's projection of ideational power through culturally resonant symbols intended to undermine domestic political stability. In response, both Egypt and Saudi Arabia employed ideational balancing, consisting of resource mobilization and counter-framing, to mitigate this non-traditional threat. The first section highlights a few reasons for Sudan's warm relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia before Islamists seized power. The second section examines how and why Sudan's projections of its ideational power shifted the threat perceptions of Egypt and Saudi Arabia by affecting regime security, not state security. The last section shows that threat perception declined because projection of the threat was absent.Less
This chapter examines Sudan's relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia from the 1970s through 2000, covering the periods before and after Islamists came to power there. The chapter's argument is that military power played a small role in triggering threat perception. Instead, Egypt and Saudi Arabia feared Sudan's projection of ideational power through culturally resonant symbols intended to undermine domestic political stability. In response, both Egypt and Saudi Arabia employed ideational balancing, consisting of resource mobilization and counter-framing, to mitigate this non-traditional threat. The first section highlights a few reasons for Sudan's warm relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia before Islamists seized power. The second section examines how and why Sudan's projections of its ideational power shifted the threat perceptions of Egypt and Saudi Arabia by affecting regime security, not state security. The last section shows that threat perception declined because projection of the threat was absent.
Daniel S. Markey
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190680190
- eISBN:
- 9780190087883
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190680190.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the intersection of Chinese, Iranian, Saudi (and to a lesser extent, American and Russian) interests in the Middle East. It introduces a brief history of China’s links with the ...
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This chapter discusses the intersection of Chinese, Iranian, Saudi (and to a lesser extent, American and Russian) interests in the Middle East. It introduces a brief history of China’s links with the Middle East and explains how Beijing’s regional role has, until recently, tended to be relatively limited. But China’s ties to the region have grown significantly, especially in terms of energy trade and investment. The chapter explores how Iranians perceive economic and strategic value in China as a means to sustain the ruling regime, resist pressure from the United States, and compete with Saudi Arabia. It explores Saudi-China ties as well, finding that the monarchy sees China as essential to its strategy for economic development. The chapter concludes that both Tehran and Riyadh will continue to court Beijing and that the Middle East is primed for greater Chinese involvement, less reform, and more geopolitical competition.Less
This chapter discusses the intersection of Chinese, Iranian, Saudi (and to a lesser extent, American and Russian) interests in the Middle East. It introduces a brief history of China’s links with the Middle East and explains how Beijing’s regional role has, until recently, tended to be relatively limited. But China’s ties to the region have grown significantly, especially in terms of energy trade and investment. The chapter explores how Iranians perceive economic and strategic value in China as a means to sustain the ruling regime, resist pressure from the United States, and compete with Saudi Arabia. It explores Saudi-China ties as well, finding that the monarchy sees China as essential to its strategy for economic development. The chapter concludes that both Tehran and Riyadh will continue to court Beijing and that the Middle East is primed for greater Chinese involvement, less reform, and more geopolitical competition.
