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Charts how the Western powers came to intervene in Iraq after the Gulf War to protect Kurds in the north and Shiites in the south. Charts how the Security Council adopted in Resolution 688 a new understanding of Chapter VII of the UN Charter that provided the legitimating ground for Western action in the form of the safe havens and no‐fly zones.

This chapter examines how media coverage of specific safe haven relinquishment cases reinforces assumptions about responsible motherhood while also highlighting the pressures in women's lives that may lead them to seek safe haven surrender sites. Focusing on cases of the model use, near-miss use, and misuse of safe haven laws, it explores how birth mothers, birth fathers, and others are represented in media when a baby or child is left at or near an official or presumed safe haven site. In particular, it looks at the use of Nebraska's original safe haven law by mothers, fathers, and grandparents to relinquish distressed teenagers. It also analyzes the stereotype of the “safe haven mom” as a secretive, low-income teenager, who is often a woman of color, along with media coverage of cases of diverse women's safe haven surrender experiences. Finally, it discusses silence around the identity and views of safe haven moms and its implications for safe haven babies and their adoptive families.

This chapter examines representations of pregnant women who cope with “unwanted newborns,” as seen in infant abandonment prevention advocacy, safe haven legal advocacy, and media coverage of women who have abandoned or safely surrendered newborns. Safe haven laws encourage “a subtle structure of surveillance over women, warning society to be alert to mothers who might abandon—or abort—their children.” The chapter considers how this surveillance structure is advanced by advocates who target teenagers and school-age populations. To understand how baby safe haven advocates have publicized the laws and educated the public about the need for them, the chapter looks at public service announcements, short videos, television and radio stories, websites, school curricula, and Facebook pages. It considers how these safe haven awareness campaigns promote visible images of good and bad mothers, and thus narrow ideas about the nature of maternal love and who deserves to be a mother.

This chapter describes an attachment-based model of social support in couples, which emphasizes the interpersonal and transactional nature of support processes and focuses on the roles of both the care giver and the support seeker. The authors describe their ongoing programs of research on normative differences in care giving and seeking, as well as how individual differences in attachment security affect support processes.

This chapter examines the social value of safe haven babies and what contributes to their value. More specifically, it considers what the safe haven baby symbolizes in the adoption market and why some adoption advocates strongly oppose safe havens laws. It also explores the significance of the invisible safe haven mom in discussions of safe haven laws in terms of promoting fast-track adoptions. The chapter begins with an overview of the U.S. adoption system and its treatment of infants by age, race, and class, as well as the extent to which safe haven adoptions differ from planned domestic and transnational adoptions. It then analyzes media accounts of successful safe haven adoptions and comments by adoptive parents in relation to the process of adopting a safe haven baby. It also looks at adoptive mothers' longing to reach out to safe haven moms and the possibility that safe haven babies who are now teenagers may attempt to find their biological parents.

This book explores the social politics of legal infant abandonment in advocacy and media discourses surrounding safe haven laws, which allow a parent to relinquish a newborn legally and anonymously at a specified institutional location such as a hospital or fire station. More specifically, it considers the social constructions of motherhood perpetuated by safe haven advocates as well as the social injustices that compel infant abandonment. Using a feminist framework, the book offers insights into the contested nature of what defines good and bad motherhood and examines the issues that surround unsafe infant abandonment from a reproductive justice perspective, with particular emphasis on abortion and adoption politics. This introduction discusses critical perspectives on why we do not need safe haven laws, the cultural components of wanted and unwanted motherhood, and assumptions about maternal love, infant abandonment, adoption, and infanticide. It also provides an overview of the chapters in this book.

Argues that we are witnessing the development of a new norm of military intervention for humanitarian purposes in contemporary international society. Since the end of the Cold War, the United Nations Security Council has been more active in the realm of intervention, extending its Chapter VII powers into matters that had previously belonged to the domestic jurisdiction of states. Without the material power of Western states, this activism would not have been possible. However, a purely materialist explanation for this development fails to consider the changed normative context within Western states that permitted, and in some cases encouraged, intervention. While normative evolution has occurred, it is also limited in its scope, specifically over the question of whether military intervention must have Security Council authorization.

This conclusion summarizes the book's argument regarding safe haven laws and the discourses that support them within the context of reproductive justice, with particular emphasis on the complexities of pregnancy and motherhood experiences as well as the unequal social support available to women and girls. It considers the voices of safe haven moms who have expressed their experiences of relinquishing a newborn at a safe haven site to show how safe haven laws, portrayed by their advocates as offering a good choice for mothers, contribute to public policies and social attitudes concerning mothers and motherhood. It argues that the stated intent of safe haven laws —saving babies—conceals the social injustices that force some women and girls to relinquish their newborns.

This chapter examines how and why infant abandonment has led to individual, regional, and national initiatives to save babies' lives. It considers several narratives of social responsibility that are embedded within infant abandonment prevention discourses and used by some activists in their campaign to urge women to safely relinquish unwanted newborns so that they could be placed in loving adoptive families, and why some activists gather together to honor dead abandoned infants and use the religious notion of saving their souls. It also discusses infant abandonment prevention in relation to antiabortion philosophies and aims, and the view that pregnant women who may unsafely abandon their babies represent a threat to individual infants as well as to the meaning of motherhood. Finally, it describes similarities in the language, strategies, and philosophies used by safe haven advocacy organizations and crisis pregnancy centers to reach individual pregnant women, including teenagers.

Over the past two decades, we have been working to transform attachment theory into a general theory of adult personality and behavior in social relationships. This has required expanding the theory to address many new issues that have arisen in studies of adults. More emphasis has been placed on what Bowlby, the creator of attachment theory, called “behavioral systems.” In the present chapter we focus on the two behavioral systems that govern support seeking and support provision in relationships, the attachment and caregiving systems. The first of these, attachment, governs one person’s (e.g., an infant’s) reliance on another person (e.g., a parent) for protection and emotional support, especially when fear is aroused or help is needed. The second behavioral system, caregiving, is the motivational heart of a parent’s (or other adult’s) response to a child’s distress or need for support. It is the core of all empathic, compassionate reactions to other people’s needs. We begin by explaining the behavioral system construct in some detail and show how individual differences in a person’s attachment system affect the functioning of the caregiving system. We review examples from the attachment research literature, focusing on what attachment theorists call providing a “safe haven” for others in distress. We also describe the few studies that have addressed how individual differences in attachment affect what theorists call providing a “secure base” for others’ exploration and self-development. We then sketch some new studies of this important issue.

This chapter presents empirical findings about the Rebels’ Selection Model and de facto support by state supporters. Beginning with a brief case study of Chad and the rebel groups located there, such as MOSANAT and FROLINAT, since the nation’s founding, the chapter reiterates the hypotheses and presents a multivariate statistical analysis. An analysis of 342 cases of de facto support, through rebel selection, confirms the proposed hypotheses. Rebels are less likely to choose weak states; rather, they prefer strong states as safe havens. They seek the highest level of support from adversaries or rivals of their target states and from those with whom they share some ideational ties. Democratic states are most often preferred as safe havens for rebel leaders, who seek asylum abroad and locations from which to operate offices for peaceful propaganda and getting financial and logistics aid.

This chapter addresses a case of sexual misconduct that occurred in the workplace. This case involved Candie and her primary care physician, Dr. Mark Berger, who apparently asked for sexual favors after Candie asked him to refer her to a neurologist that he knew. Due to the small amount of data available—Candie presented two recordings of her thirty-minute meetings with Dr. Berger—the author used close reading, or explication de text, in order to analyze these conversations. These conversations demonstrate classic examples of verbal dueling, which usually occurs between two people who have separate agendas, and the safe haven conversational strategy, where a person returns to his/her safe haven topics whenever it becomes obvious that he/she is unable to get the other person to agree to his/her agenda.

In Dudley, Casc Antic, and CayoHueso, people feel strongly attached to the places where they live and work, to their tangible assets, and to the relationships that they have built there. These strong attachments have motivated them to engage in environmental revitalization initiatives. Even so, residents have suffered from environmental trauma and loss, so when activists repair community spaces, build new parks and playgrounds, and develop urban farms and community gardens, they do so to address residents’ grief and fear of erasure from a neighborhood that has been seen as a devastated war zone. Over time, environmental projects help to heal the community, achieve environmental recovery, and create a sense of rootedness and home. They create safe havens for individuals and families, offer a soothing refuge away from the pressures of the city relations. As they remake a place for residents, activists also work to create a self-sustained urban village, celebrate the community, rebuild a local collective identity, enhance ties between residents, and encourage them to continue to participate in the reconstruction and protection of their community. Social aspects of urban sustainability include here focusing on place remaking, addressing trauma and fear of erasure, and rebuilding a stronger local identity.

This chapter looks at what works to help young people overcome the barriers to Safe Passage. It summarizes the lessons learned about program components and compiles those factors that successful programs appear to have in common. It organizes the factors compiled at four different levels: individual, family, school, and community. Success factors at the individual level include early intervention, one-on-one attention, and youth empowerment. Those at the family include parental involvement and reaching across generations. Factors at the school level are educational achievement, effective principals, on-site facilitators, social skills training, group counseling, and community service. Success factors at the community level involve the location in the community, community outreach, cultural responsiveness, community police, safe havens, financial incentives, multiagency multicomponents, food, residential care, and intensive and long-term involvement in a program.

The terms “safe haven” and “secrecy jurisdiction” are arguably more appropriate than “tax haven” or even “offshore financial center” in discussing capital flight. Most capital flight is thought to reflect the transfer—typically to jurisdictions characterised by strong financial secrecy regulations—of the receipts of plunder, money laundering, and tax evasion. These same jurisdictions are occasionally used by governments to dodge reparations, evade the impact of sanctions, and covertly fund political interference in rival states. This chapter considers how safe havens operate and facilitate capital flight. It reviews the arguments over financial secrecy laws and practices, and considers recent multilateral and unilateral attempts—by the OECD, the EU, the US, and others—to counter secrecy abuses.

The third chapter detailing the history of repatriation argues that during the 1990s – declared the “decade of repatriation” – the international community increasingly fixated on securing refugees’ physical return while ignoring the basic liberal principles such as “voluntariness” and “safety”. The chapter first looks at how the parallel development of “safe havens” and a growing focus on internal or “preventative” protection mechanisms reinforced return-centred policies in the early 1990s, as did the idea of a “right to remain”. It examines the failures of these policies in Northern Iraq and Bosnia, especially attempts to reverse ethnic cleansing through minority returns. The chapter then looks at how increasing pressure to end refugee crises through return led to a number of “repatriations” – including the Rohingyan return to Burma in 1994 and Rwandan return to Tanzania in 1997 – in which UNHCR-sanctioned repatriations were forcible, unsafe and tantamount to refoulement.