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This chapter brings together all the arguments presented in the book regarding the importance of the great household to late 14th-century England. It summarizes the political positions developed in Gower's Confessio Amantis and the poem's profound influence on contemporary ways of thinking regarding the roles of the gentry, nobility, and royalty and their feelings of responsibility to the political economy, and the subsequent impact of this view of society.

This chapter examines the pomp and circumstance of Hellenistic capitals. By 300 AD, personal monarchy had shown itself to be the only way to control large territory and generate great revenue. And when the Hellenistic kings were not busy making war or superintending their streams of revenue, they were devoting a great deal of energy and resources to managing affairs that concerned ‘what may perhaps be called self-validation’. Kings of self-made dynasties were probably little responsible themselves for introducing all the fiscal improvements which often produced ‘wonderful results’. Rather, one might suspect, they were primarily immersed in the business of wonderment.

Hall Caine is an extraordinary case study in the best-seller genre, not simply because of his boast of having made more money by his pen than any previous author, but because he believed he had created lasting literature on an epic scale like Tolstoy. He also adapted his stories for the stage, which yielded greater profits even than his book royalties, and he was excited by the emerging film industry. His unabashed self-promotion earned him scorn from Punch and from most other writers; but George Bernard Shaw defended him both because he considered Caine's career benefitted the writing profession generally and because they held overlapping views on radical politics and on the censorship of books and plays. Caine freely confessed to using Bible stories as the source for his own, although his personal religion was unorthodox and he was a more formulaic writer than he cared to admit. Outwardly, an enviable success, rich and with a knighthood, Caine was depressed by his inability to fulfil his principal ambition, to write a classic Life of Christ; his family life too was shadowed by dark secrets, including illegitimacy.

This chapter assesses how authors reacted to the advent of cinema in the first two decades of the 20th century, as the supremacy of the written word over the imagination came under challenge. Many writers eagerly embraced the new medium, and saw it as an additional source of profit and popularity when their stories were adapted for films. Some were even hired as screen-writers and invited to Hollywood. However, friction arose over royalty payments and over distortions and simplifications of writers' work. J. M. Barrie, Arnold Bennett, Hall Caine, Elinor Glyn, Rider Haggard, Thomas Hardy, Anthony Hope, D. H. Lawrence, Compton Mackenzie, Somerset Maugham, E. Phillips Oppenheimer, and Baroness Orczy, are among the authors featured.

This chapter presents the text of George Gershwin's letter to his brother Ira Gershwin written in 1937. In this letter, Gershwin informs his brother about his condition in South Carolina and the progress of his composing for a new opera. He also mentions DuBose Heyward's positive comments on Ira's lyrics and the proposal to give Ira a share from the royalties for the opera.

This final chapter brings together important conclusions and interprets them in their processional, ideological, and historical context. A prime point is that Rome defined herself by exposing the defeated as contrasts, in order to set, in negative terms, ideal concepts of and normative limits to its own society. To separate Romans from others, the triumphal performance required a fixed and easily legible role-playing, and a series of visual codes were employed to distinguish the two from each other in the parade. The defeated too were displayed in categories, and it is argued that categorization was an important tool in presenting the world to Rome. Some central themes in the display of the defeated are discussed: the embracement of foreign wealth, the triumph of civilization over wild Nature and the barbarians, the defeat of (particularly eastern) royalty, and the parading of worldwide hegemony.

Resource rights in Dir-Kohistan are governed by two concurrent systems of law and governance. Customary law has its origins in the garzinda wesh system introduced in the early 17th century. Statutory law, in the shape of the 1927 Forestry Act, was introduced in 1974 when Dir Kohistan's forests were declared protected forests. Statutory law overrides customary entitlements to subsistence and forest royalties. The official instruments of management (line departments) and adjudication (courts) are inefficient, lack transparency, and are a recurring source of tension and conflict. The traditional jirga system continues to provide swift and just decisions and has been used recently to mediate conflict between communities and the government.

This chapter discusses the work of the Sykes Committee in evaluating the broadcasting sector in Great Britain. It describes the organization of the committee, headed by Sir Frederick Sykes, which included ten members, four of which were members of Parliament. One of the contentious recommendations of the committee is that a single broadcasting license should be substituted for the existing experimental and broadcasting licences. While the committee paid a warm tribute to the ability of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), it did not endorse the existing system of finance by royalties.

This chapter discusses the result of the Sykes Committee's inquiry into the operation of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) completed in October 1923. The committee's report recommended that the principle of protection should be abandoned and that the royalty system of financing should be eliminated. It discusses J.C.W. Reith's negotiation with British Postmaster-General Sir Laming Worthington-Evans to argue the case of the BBC.

During the later 1930s the BBC made more progress with its imperial mission, expanding its domestic monopoly of broadcasting into a monopoly over broadcasting to the empire from Britain. Collaborative relations with other public broadcasting authorities in the British world improved, particularly following the establishment of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), and New Zealand's National Broadcasting Service (NBS). More broadcasting officers travelled overseas, and more resources were devoted to the Empire Service. Alongside coverage of sport and royalty, the BBC now provided talks, music, and comedy. Empire Day and Christmas Day remained important fixtures. However, accents were a problem for the BBC, provoking criticism of the Corporation's elite, metropolitan voice. The BBC also began to consider the role of broadcasting in the dependent colonies and in Britain's informal empire, and played a role in the founding of All India Radio (AIR) and other colonial broadcasting authorities.

Elderly, illiterate, and inexperienced, Jackson Barnett required the services of a guardian to protect and preserve his estate, and he and his property were quickly drawn into the system of dual guardianship defined by the Oklahoma Closure Act of 1908. This assumption of jurisdiction by the county courts potentially subjected the Barnett estate to the system of legalized robbery. To protect Jackson's interests, the federal government aggressively advanced the position in 1912 that Jackson was an “average” full-blood, who was adequately supervised by the Department of the Interior. This was the first, but not the last time the Indian bureau would defend Jackson's competency in order to defend the larger principle of its exclusive federal jurisdiction over restricted Indians.

The Royalty Theatre, Tower Hamlets, was opened in 1787 by the actor John Palmer and provoked immediate attempts at coercive suppression by the combined forces of Covent Garden, Drury Lane, and the Haymarket (London’s summer season royal playhouse). This chapter analyzes not only how these attacks were organized but also how the Royalty sought to gain a popular local following by mounting charitable performances, by carrying its message within its new dramas, and by appealing to its local audience constituency, including local Jews. In 1803, the newly formed Society for the Suppression of Vice explicitly sought to interdict the renewal of the Royalty’s license (which came from local magistrates). The chapter traces the close links between the works it performed and the local population catchment within which it was situated.

This chapter explores the coverage of public figures. Celebrities — especially royalty and cinema stars — were hugely influential in giving definition to notions of glamour and sex appeal. Press reporting also helped to set the boundaries between what was deemed ‘public’ and ‘private’. Ideas about what sort of ‘private’ material was suitable for public consumption changed considerably. In the first half of the century, the sexual proclivities of prominent individuals were treated with considerable circumspection. By the 1950s, however, a market was developing for confessional features in which celebrities would discuss their sexual exploits. The extensive speculation about Princess Margaret's relationship with Peter Townsend provided a stark contrast with the press silence surrounding Edward VIII's relationship with Wallis Simpson. The Profumo scandal in 1963 demonstrated the spectacular stories that could be produced by more aggressive investigation. Despite calls for privacy legislation, governments were reluctant to challenge the ‘freedom of the press’.

Chapter thirty-one analyzes Hodge’s most popular book, his devotional The Way of Life. Hodge took over the role of Professor of Theology from Archibald Alexander in 1840, and thereby became the lead professor at the Seminary. By 1845, he was co-teaching the core theology courses of the school with Alexander. His The Way of Life provides a unique window into the formative years of his systematic theological thinking and his commitment to personal holiness in the Christian life.

This chapter discusses chanson de geste to demonstrate that the ambivalent role of chivalry in issue or order appears in entire works less than in passages selected from many works. It examines the role of literature in portraying the relationship of chivalry to Capetian royalty and to the reformed Church. It explores the three broad cycles of the corpus of chansons including the Cycle of the King, the Cycle of William of Orange, and the Cycle of the Barons in Revolt.

This chapter first considers the ubiquitous connection between royalty and divinity, and then looks at its specific uses in Shakespeare's main source: the anonymous Troublesome Raigne of King John. It shows that The Troublesome Raigne not only shares its messianic tone with earlier Protestant histories of the king, such as Bale's King Johan and Foxe's martyrology, but also introduces analogues with the mystery cycles that deepen this aspect of the play. The chapter then explores the way in which Shakespeare systematically transfers the signifiers of divinely sanctioned rule (which he found in his sources) from John to Arthur. It argues that these religious markers crystallize in the blinding of Arthur — a scene in which Shakespeare heightens the audience's horror and pity by creating resonances with the sacrifice of Isaac and its typological fulfilment, the Passion. Shakespeare has transferred the politically legitimating biblical echoes from John onto Arthur.

This chapter concludes the book's investigation of royalty by examining how, in the post-war colonial period, Jamaicans aligned themselves with the British monarch to emphasize their pride in being British, and also to promote their right to self-rule. It focuses primarily on Jamaicans’ response to Elizabeth II in the context of one year, 1953, when they celebrated both the royal coronation and Elizabeth's visit to their island. In this year, a wide variety of Jamaicans (including educators, politicians, students, religious leaders, and journalists) aligned themselves with the British monarch to emphasize and further their claim as proud Jamaicans deserving of self-rule, as well as to celebrate their homeland's place within the British Commonwealth. The symbol of the British monarch thus became a part of the Jamaican campaign for self-government (and, to some degree, independence) even as it remained a tribute to the continued role of Britishness in Caribbean life.