Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the ...
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Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the object of public policy–whether it is legal rights, economic resources, political institutions, civic virtues, or communal identities–the aim of state policy should be to promote principles of right, not to promote particular conceptions of the good. However much Sandel describes republican freedom as an alternative to liberal justice, one may guess that he would not promote the former at the expense of the latter, and that he (tacitly) views principles of justice as setting constraints on the promotion of republican freedom. While right-wing liberalism has been influential, its influence has often been to rationalize nonliberal opposition to progressive policies, which it is able to do because it is right-wing (i.e. because it opposes redistribution), not because it is liberal (i.e. not because of its commitment to revisability and its rejection of perfectionism). If the traditional liberal commitment to national institutions as the site of collective self-government and distributive justice is no longer viable, then liberals will need to create new forums of self-government, new institutions of redistribution, and corresponding new forms of identity and virtues.Less
Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the object of public policy–whether it is legal rights, economic resources, political institutions, civic virtues, or communal identities–the aim of state policy should be to promote principles of right, not to promote particular conceptions of the good. However much Sandel describes republican freedom as an alternative to liberal justice, one may guess that he would not promote the former at the expense of the latter, and that he (tacitly) views principles of justice as setting constraints on the promotion of republican freedom. While right-wing liberalism has been influential, its influence has often been to rationalize nonliberal opposition to progressive policies, which it is able to do because it is right-wing (i.e. because it opposes redistribution), not because it is liberal (i.e. not because of its commitment to revisability and its rejection of perfectionism). If the traditional liberal commitment to national institutions as the site of collective self-government and distributive justice is no longer viable, then liberals will need to create new forums of self-government, new institutions of redistribution, and corresponding new forms of identity and virtues.
Oddbjørn Knutsen
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294757
- eISBN:
- 9780191599040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294751.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the antithesis between right‐wing materialist beliefs, dominated by emphasis on market competition, personal freedom and private ownership, and left‐wing materialist beliefs, ...
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This chapter examines the antithesis between right‐wing materialist beliefs, dominated by emphasis on market competition, personal freedom and private ownership, and left‐wing materialist beliefs, which espouse a range of regulatory mechanisms for achieving egalitarian socio‐economic objectives. It then reviews comparative statistical data on divergences between Western European countries on the left‐right materialist orientation spectrum.Less
This chapter examines the antithesis between right‐wing materialist beliefs, dominated by emphasis on market competition, personal freedom and private ownership, and left‐wing materialist beliefs, which espouse a range of regulatory mechanisms for achieving egalitarian socio‐economic objectives. It then reviews comparative statistical data on divergences between Western European countries on the left‐right materialist orientation spectrum.
Rudy B. Andeweg
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
A gap between representatives and the represented is an inevitable consequence of the separation of the principal and the agent. Despite a decrease in the trust of political leaders, there is no ...
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A gap between representatives and the represented is an inevitable consequence of the separation of the principal and the agent. Despite a decrease in the trust of political leaders, there is no decline in the democratic system or of interest in politics. An increase in right‐wing extremism is a safety valve alerting the political elites to neglected issues, not a threat to the democratic order. Parties have lost most of their non‐electoral functions, in part to single‐issue movements that provide new structures for elite‐mass linkage.Less
A gap between representatives and the represented is an inevitable consequence of the separation of the principal and the agent. Despite a decrease in the trust of political leaders, there is no decline in the democratic system or of interest in politics. An increase in right‐wing extremism is a safety valve alerting the political elites to neglected issues, not a threat to the democratic order. Parties have lost most of their non‐electoral functions, in part to single‐issue movements that provide new structures for elite‐mass linkage.
Paul M. Sniderman, Michael Bang Petersen, Rune Slothuus, and Rune Stubager
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161105
- eISBN:
- 9781400852673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161105.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter aims to bring to light how—and why—the ideological foundations of party systems in western Europe pose a potentially explosive threat to the inclusion of immigrants. It has, of course, ...
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This chapter aims to bring to light how—and why—the ideological foundations of party systems in western Europe pose a potentially explosive threat to the inclusion of immigrants. It has, of course, long been recognized that right-wing ideological values are a major force propelling anti-immigration politics. Though by no means the only symptom, the most florid expression is the rise of radical anti-immigration parties—among others, the National Front in France, Freedom Party in the Netherlands, Flemish Interest in Belgium, and Freedom Party of Austria. Rather than focus on such anti-immigration parties, the chapter looks at the political mainstream. It examines what is happening at the center of politics, not at its extremes. It shows that a large pool of voters predisposed to respond to the appeals of anti-immigration parties are gathering at the political center. They have not yet become adherents of extremist parties, and it is not preordained that they will. But they have a bent of mind—an ideological outlook—that makes them susceptible to extremist appeals. The real potential for change in the future rests with those who are presently centrists yet potential defectors to the political extremes.Less
This chapter aims to bring to light how—and why—the ideological foundations of party systems in western Europe pose a potentially explosive threat to the inclusion of immigrants. It has, of course, long been recognized that right-wing ideological values are a major force propelling anti-immigration politics. Though by no means the only symptom, the most florid expression is the rise of radical anti-immigration parties—among others, the National Front in France, Freedom Party in the Netherlands, Flemish Interest in Belgium, and Freedom Party of Austria. Rather than focus on such anti-immigration parties, the chapter looks at the political mainstream. It examines what is happening at the center of politics, not at its extremes. It shows that a large pool of voters predisposed to respond to the appeals of anti-immigration parties are gathering at the political center. They have not yet become adherents of extremist parties, and it is not preordained that they will. But they have a bent of mind—an ideological outlook—that makes them susceptible to extremist appeals. The real potential for change in the future rests with those who are presently centrists yet potential defectors to the political extremes.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, ...
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Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.Less
Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in ...
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The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in the United States in the immediate post-World War II era, as well as changes that occurred within rightist movements as the nation moved into the Cold War era. It introduces key individuals and organizations that will be examined in the book, and provides brief summaries of the chapters to follow.Less
The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in the United States in the immediate post-World War II era, as well as changes that occurred within rightist movements as the nation moved into the Cold War era. It introduces key individuals and organizations that will be examined in the book, and provides brief summaries of the chapters to follow.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on right-wing women’s racism and opposition to the civil rights movement, particularly as it pertained to school desegregation. Thousands of right-wing women in both the South ...
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This chapter focuses on right-wing women’s racism and opposition to the civil rights movement, particularly as it pertained to school desegregation. Thousands of right-wing women in both the South and the North openly revealed their racism and were wholehearted participants in crusades against school desegregation. Rightist women were often in the forefront of anti-school busing campaigns. While white Southern women often focused on the Southern tradition of separation of the races in their arguments against school desegregation, many Christian women from regions throughout the country argued that God wanted the races to remain segregated. The baby boom generation, however, was revealing itself to be more agreeable to racial mixing.Less
This chapter focuses on right-wing women’s racism and opposition to the civil rights movement, particularly as it pertained to school desegregation. Thousands of right-wing women in both the South and the North openly revealed their racism and were wholehearted participants in crusades against school desegregation. Rightist women were often in the forefront of anti-school busing campaigns. While white Southern women often focused on the Southern tradition of separation of the races in their arguments against school desegregation, many Christian women from regions throughout the country argued that God wanted the races to remain segregated. The baby boom generation, however, was revealing itself to be more agreeable to racial mixing.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter looks at moral issues that attracted the attention of right-wing women during the 1950s to early 1970s. The women actively campaigned against sex education in schools, while pushing for ...
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This chapter looks at moral issues that attracted the attention of right-wing women during the 1950s to early 1970s. The women actively campaigned against sex education in schools, while pushing for a Constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Many of the women believed that the Supreme Court’s decision that banned prayer in public schools was directly related to a decline in moral values among America’s youth. The chapter also looks at how rightist women defined patriotism, and examines their complaints that Americans, youth in particular, were unpatriotic. Some baby boomers’ thoughts on moral issues and also included in the chapter.Less
This chapter looks at moral issues that attracted the attention of right-wing women during the 1950s to early 1970s. The women actively campaigned against sex education in schools, while pushing for a Constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Many of the women believed that the Supreme Court’s decision that banned prayer in public schools was directly related to a decline in moral values among America’s youth. The chapter also looks at how rightist women defined patriotism, and examines their complaints that Americans, youth in particular, were unpatriotic. Some baby boomers’ thoughts on moral issues and also included in the chapter.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter describes the concept of right-wing extremism. It addresses the existing studies that have sought to show the diversity that exists among the West European parties of the extreme right. ...
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This chapter describes the concept of right-wing extremism. It addresses the existing studies that have sought to show the diversity that exists among the West European parties of the extreme right. It then develops an alternative typology of right-wing extremist parties. Right-wing extremism is defined by two anti-constitutional and anti-democratic elements. Right-wing extremist parties can be divided into three categories according to their attitudes on race. The contemporary right-wing extremist parties of Western Europe can also be categorized into three groups according to the kind of attitudes they have towards democracy, parliamentarism and pluralism. The types of right-wing extremist party include neo-Nazi parties, neo-fascist parties, authoritarian xenophobic parties, neo-liberal xenophobic parties, and neo-liberal populist parties. It is suggested that the type of ideology to which the different parties of the extreme right adhere is quite likely to help account for their levels of electoral success.Less
This chapter describes the concept of right-wing extremism. It addresses the existing studies that have sought to show the diversity that exists among the West European parties of the extreme right. It then develops an alternative typology of right-wing extremist parties. Right-wing extremism is defined by two anti-constitutional and anti-democratic elements. Right-wing extremist parties can be divided into three categories according to their attitudes on race. The contemporary right-wing extremist parties of Western Europe can also be categorized into three groups according to the kind of attitudes they have towards democracy, parliamentarism and pluralism. The types of right-wing extremist party include neo-Nazi parties, neo-fascist parties, authoritarian xenophobic parties, neo-liberal xenophobic parties, and neo-liberal populist parties. It is suggested that the type of ideology to which the different parties of the extreme right adhere is quite likely to help account for their levels of electoral success.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter covers the influence of different patterns of party competition on the right-wing extremist party vote. The five main ways in which the political space of a system may be mapped include ...
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This chapter covers the influence of different patterns of party competition on the right-wing extremist party vote. The five main ways in which the political space of a system may be mapped include government expenditure flows, use of elite studies, reference to voter attitudes, internal analysis of party election programmes, and use of expert judgements. It is suggested that right-wing extremist parties are likely to be affected by the proximity of their mainstream right competitors. The examples of Austria, France and Italy imply that right-wing extremist parties may continue to experience success at the polls even if their mainstream right opponents undergo ideological radicalization. It is shown that convergence between the mainstream left and the mainstream right is correlated to higher electoral scores for the parties of the extreme right.Less
This chapter covers the influence of different patterns of party competition on the right-wing extremist party vote. The five main ways in which the political space of a system may be mapped include government expenditure flows, use of elite studies, reference to voter attitudes, internal analysis of party election programmes, and use of expert judgements. It is suggested that right-wing extremist parties are likely to be affected by the proximity of their mainstream right competitors. The examples of Austria, France and Italy imply that right-wing extremist parties may continue to experience success at the polls even if their mainstream right opponents undergo ideological radicalization. It is shown that convergence between the mainstream left and the mainstream right is correlated to higher electoral scores for the parties of the extreme right.
Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the ...
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This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the battle of Armageddon, the mass conversion or death of the Jews, and Christ’s Millennial kingdom. Second, that evangelicals’ true motive is to convert the Jews. Third, that Christian Zionist theology distorts Christianity: that it misunderstands biblical covenants and ignores the scriptural emphasis on doing justice, relieving suffering, and showing compassion to the oppressed, who, in this view, are the Palestinians. The fourth major criticism is that the evangelical Zionists’ biblical worldview allies them with extreme right-wing Israeli politicians in opposing any exchange of land for peace. The chapter discusses efforts to evangelize Jews, and notes the beliefs of Messianic Jews. It examines the claim by some evangelicals that Christians are the heirs to God’s promises to Israel; that the covenantal promises to the Jews are conditional; and that modern Israel is not the fulfillment of prophecy. The chapter notes the role of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in opposing Christian Zionism and Israeli policies. It also considers the limits on empathy toward the other in this conflict.Less
This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the battle of Armageddon, the mass conversion or death of the Jews, and Christ’s Millennial kingdom. Second, that evangelicals’ true motive is to convert the Jews. Third, that Christian Zionist theology distorts Christianity: that it misunderstands biblical covenants and ignores the scriptural emphasis on doing justice, relieving suffering, and showing compassion to the oppressed, who, in this view, are the Palestinians. The fourth major criticism is that the evangelical Zionists’ biblical worldview allies them with extreme right-wing Israeli politicians in opposing any exchange of land for peace. The chapter discusses efforts to evangelize Jews, and notes the beliefs of Messianic Jews. It examines the claim by some evangelicals that Christians are the heirs to God’s promises to Israel; that the covenantal promises to the Jews are conditional; and that modern Israel is not the fulfillment of prophecy. The chapter notes the role of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in opposing Christian Zionism and Israeli policies. It also considers the limits on empathy toward the other in this conflict.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 2 examines three health issues that drew the attention of rightist women: fluoridation of public water systems, mental health programs, and polio vaccinations. In regard to both fluoridation ...
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Chapter 2 examines three health issues that drew the attention of rightist women: fluoridation of public water systems, mental health programs, and polio vaccinations. In regard to both fluoridation and polio vaccination, rightist women feared that they were detrimental to Americans’ health, especially that of the baby boom generation. The women protested government involvement in mental health programs. Many women on the right believed that, as a result of their activism against some government programs, they were likely to be targeted as “deviant.” They protested the administering of mental health examinations in public schools, fearing that such tests were not only intrusive, enabling government to learn more about them and their families than they wished to disclose, but also that the tests could actually cause children to develop mental problems. Some on the far right believed that the government, communists, Jews, and the scientific elite were conspiring to gain control of the nation via various health programs.Less
Chapter 2 examines three health issues that drew the attention of rightist women: fluoridation of public water systems, mental health programs, and polio vaccinations. In regard to both fluoridation and polio vaccination, rightist women feared that they were detrimental to Americans’ health, especially that of the baby boom generation. The women protested government involvement in mental health programs. Many women on the right believed that, as a result of their activism against some government programs, they were likely to be targeted as “deviant.” They protested the administering of mental health examinations in public schools, fearing that such tests were not only intrusive, enabling government to learn more about them and their families than they wished to disclose, but also that the tests could actually cause children to develop mental problems. Some on the far right believed that the government, communists, Jews, and the scientific elite were conspiring to gain control of the nation via various health programs.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter begins with a brief history of the women’s equal rights movement, and then explores women’s responses to the issue during the 1960s and 1970s. Most of the women examined here were ...
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This chapter begins with a brief history of the women’s equal rights movement, and then explores women’s responses to the issue during the 1960s and 1970s. Most of the women examined here were right-wing and actively opposed the ERA, but some supporters are included in the chapter. It explores the clashes between those women who favored the amendment, and those who opposed it. It looks at the reasons why many women joined together to campaign against the ERA, examining such demographic factors as age, social status, and occupation. The chapter ends with a sampling of baby boomers’ reflections on what the conflict over the ERA meant for them.Less
This chapter begins with a brief history of the women’s equal rights movement, and then explores women’s responses to the issue during the 1960s and 1970s. Most of the women examined here were right-wing and actively opposed the ERA, but some supporters are included in the chapter. It explores the clashes between those women who favored the amendment, and those who opposed it. It looks at the reasons why many women joined together to campaign against the ERA, examining such demographic factors as age, social status, and occupation. The chapter ends with a sampling of baby boomers’ reflections on what the conflict over the ERA meant for them.
Christopher S. Parker and Matt A. Barreto
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163611
- eISBN:
- 9781400852314
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163611.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter considers how people are driven to support the Tea Party from the anxiety they feel as they perceive the America they know is slipping away, threatened by the rapidly ...
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This introductory chapter considers how people are driven to support the Tea Party from the anxiety they feel as they perceive the America they know is slipping away, threatened by the rapidly changing face of what they believe is the “real” America: a heterosexual, Christian, middle-class (mostly) male, white country. The Tea Party's emergence is the latest in a series of national right-wing social movements that have cropped up in America since the nineteenth century. This chapter argues that support for the Tea Party is motivated by something beyond the more conventional view of conservatism in which economic freedom and small government, as well as social and fiscal responsibility, are prized. Instead, people who are attracted to the Tea Party are reactionary conservatives: people who fear change of any kind.Less
This introductory chapter considers how people are driven to support the Tea Party from the anxiety they feel as they perceive the America they know is slipping away, threatened by the rapidly changing face of what they believe is the “real” America: a heterosexual, Christian, middle-class (mostly) male, white country. The Tea Party's emergence is the latest in a series of national right-wing social movements that have cropped up in America since the nineteenth century. This chapter argues that support for the Tea Party is motivated by something beyond the more conventional view of conservatism in which economic freedom and small government, as well as social and fiscal responsibility, are prized. Instead, people who are attracted to the Tea Party are reactionary conservatives: people who fear change of any kind.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf ...
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German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.Less
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.
John Duckitt and Chris G. Sibley
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.003.012
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter reviews recent theory and research on the dual-process cognitive-motivational model of ideology and prejudice. Consistent with a dual-process model perspective, the chapter argues that ...
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This chapter reviews recent theory and research on the dual-process cognitive-motivational model of ideology and prejudice. Consistent with a dual-process model perspective, the chapter argues that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) assess dual ideological attitude dimensions that are made salient for the individual by competitive and dangerous worldviews respectively, which in turn result from the combination of socio-structural factors (resource scarcity, danger, and threat) and individual differences in personality (primarily low agreeableness and low openness to experience). Finally, the chapter extends the model by arguing that SDO and RWA elicit dual ideologies that stratify and position groups based on qualitatively different stereotypic characteristics. A competitively driven motivation (indexed by SDO) should cause the individual to endorse legitimizing myths or ideologies that are explicitly tailored toward maintaining hierarchical relations between groups. A threat-driven security-cohesion motivation (indexed by RWA) should, in contrast, cause the individual to endorse legitimizing myths that emphasize the maintenance of ingroup norms and values. Recent experimental and longitudinal research supporting the model is described.Less
This chapter reviews recent theory and research on the dual-process cognitive-motivational model of ideology and prejudice. Consistent with a dual-process model perspective, the chapter argues that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) assess dual ideological attitude dimensions that are made salient for the individual by competitive and dangerous worldviews respectively, which in turn result from the combination of socio-structural factors (resource scarcity, danger, and threat) and individual differences in personality (primarily low agreeableness and low openness to experience). Finally, the chapter extends the model by arguing that SDO and RWA elicit dual ideologies that stratify and position groups based on qualitatively different stereotypic characteristics. A competitively driven motivation (indexed by SDO) should cause the individual to endorse legitimizing myths or ideologies that are explicitly tailored toward maintaining hierarchical relations between groups. A threat-driven security-cohesion motivation (indexed by RWA) should, in contrast, cause the individual to endorse legitimizing myths that emphasize the maintenance of ingroup norms and values. Recent experimental and longitudinal research supporting the model is described.
Cynthia Miller-Idriss
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196152
- eISBN:
- 9781400888931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196152.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent memory. The past several years have witnessed a steady increase in far right wing politics and social movements across Europe. Such protests and violent episodes exist in a context in which far right, nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and racist rhetoric and discourse has risen across Europe. These developments pose significant challenges for countries that have spent decades rebuilding democratic societies in the post-World War II era and have firmly committed to policies and practices that protect pluralistic communities. Academics and policy makers have struggled to understand the diverse causes and dynamics that have made the far right so appealing for so many people—that appear, in other words, to have made the extreme more mainstream.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent memory. The past several years have witnessed a steady increase in far right wing politics and social movements across Europe. Such protests and violent episodes exist in a context in which far right, nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and racist rhetoric and discourse has risen across Europe. These developments pose significant challenges for countries that have spent decades rebuilding democratic societies in the post-World War II era and have firmly committed to policies and practices that protect pluralistic communities. Academics and policy makers have struggled to understand the diverse causes and dynamics that have made the far right so appealing for so many people—that appear, in other words, to have made the extreme more mainstream.
Manuela Caiani, Donatella della Porta, and Claudius Wagemann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641260
- eISBN:
- 9780191738654
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book analyses the actions, networks and frames of right wing extremism. If research on extreme right political parties is growing, the extreme right has however only very rarely been studied as ...
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This book analyses the actions, networks and frames of right wing extremism. If research on extreme right political parties is growing, the extreme right has however only very rarely been studied as a social movement. To fill this gap, this volume compares the extreme right in Italy, Germany and the United States using some main concepts and methods developed in social movement studies. In particular, it describes the discourse, repertoires and organizational structures of the extreme right, and explains it on the basis of the discoursive and political opportunities and resources available to them. A combination of empirical methods is used in order to collect and analyse data on the extreme right organizations. The frame analysis looks at the cognitive mechanisms that are relevant in influencing organizational and individual behaviour. The network analysis looks at the (inter‐) organizational structural characteristics of the right-wing organizations. Finally, the protest event analysis allows for an empirical summary of the actions undertaken by right-wing extremists over the last decade. The substantive chapters address the organizational structure of the extreme right, the action repertoires of the extreme right as well as the framing concerning, respectively, the definition of the ‘us’, the struggle against modernity, old and new forms of racism, opposition to globalization and populism. Finally, in the conclusions, the authors reflect on the contributions that social movement studies give to the understanding of the phenomenon, as well as, vice‐versa, how research on the extreme rights could contribute to the theorization on social movements’ dynamics.Less
This book analyses the actions, networks and frames of right wing extremism. If research on extreme right political parties is growing, the extreme right has however only very rarely been studied as a social movement. To fill this gap, this volume compares the extreme right in Italy, Germany and the United States using some main concepts and methods developed in social movement studies. In particular, it describes the discourse, repertoires and organizational structures of the extreme right, and explains it on the basis of the discoursive and political opportunities and resources available to them. A combination of empirical methods is used in order to collect and analyse data on the extreme right organizations. The frame analysis looks at the cognitive mechanisms that are relevant in influencing organizational and individual behaviour. The network analysis looks at the (inter‐) organizational structural characteristics of the right-wing organizations. Finally, the protest event analysis allows for an empirical summary of the actions undertaken by right-wing extremists over the last decade. The substantive chapters address the organizational structure of the extreme right, the action repertoires of the extreme right as well as the framing concerning, respectively, the definition of the ‘us’, the struggle against modernity, old and new forms of racism, opposition to globalization and populism. Finally, in the conclusions, the authors reflect on the contributions that social movement studies give to the understanding of the phenomenon, as well as, vice‐versa, how research on the extreme rights could contribute to the theorization on social movements’ dynamics.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how ...
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Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.Less
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter deals with the effects of contextual factors and explores the influence of electoral institutions on the right-wing extremist party vote. The district magnitude of an electoral system ...
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This chapter deals with the effects of contextual factors and explores the influence of electoral institutions on the right-wing extremist party vote. The district magnitude of an electoral system refers to the number of representatives elected in a district. It is suggested that district magnitude and legal thresholds are important in helping to account for the disparity in the electoral scores of the right-wing extremist parties in proportional electoral systems. The lack of a clear relationship between the electoral formula used and the right-wing extremist party vote is somewhat surprising. Other electoral laws, including rules relating to ballot access, media access and the receipt of state subventions, affect the ability of parties to run campaigns and to compete in elections. It is also shown that low ballot access requirements, low media access requirements, and low state subvention access requirements together make for more successful right-wing extremist parties.Less
This chapter deals with the effects of contextual factors and explores the influence of electoral institutions on the right-wing extremist party vote. The district magnitude of an electoral system refers to the number of representatives elected in a district. It is suggested that district magnitude and legal thresholds are important in helping to account for the disparity in the electoral scores of the right-wing extremist parties in proportional electoral systems. The lack of a clear relationship between the electoral formula used and the right-wing extremist party vote is somewhat surprising. Other electoral laws, including rules relating to ballot access, media access and the receipt of state subventions, affect the ability of parties to run campaigns and to compete in elections. It is also shown that low ballot access requirements, low media access requirements, and low state subvention access requirements together make for more successful right-wing extremist parties.
