Sabyasachi Bhattacharya
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198098942
- eISBN:
- 9780199083039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198098942.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter considers Gandhian politics in the era of non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements, 1920–35. The first section examines the impact of Gandhi and the politics and the effort of ...
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This chapter considers Gandhian politics in the era of non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements, 1920–35. The first section examines the impact of Gandhi and the politics and the effort of C.R. Das to devise an alternative strategy in the freedom movement, such as the Swaraj Party. The second section is on biplabi activities, which began long before Gandhism came on the scene and continued till the late 1930s. The revolutionary nationalists’ conflict with Gandhi’s non-violence was obvious. However, in course of the 1920s and 1930s many biplabis began to eschew terrorism and some joined the Congress and some others, the Left. The last section looks at Communism or variants of Socialism that begins to be influential in Bengal after the Russian Revolution. However, the Left was quite marginal at this time, and the movement is of interest chiefly because of its importance in future history.Less
This chapter considers Gandhian politics in the era of non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements, 1920–35. The first section examines the impact of Gandhi and the politics and the effort of C.R. Das to devise an alternative strategy in the freedom movement, such as the Swaraj Party. The second section is on biplabi activities, which began long before Gandhism came on the scene and continued till the late 1930s. The revolutionary nationalists’ conflict with Gandhi’s non-violence was obvious. However, in course of the 1920s and 1930s many biplabis began to eschew terrorism and some joined the Congress and some others, the Left. The last section looks at Communism or variants of Socialism that begins to be influential in Bengal after the Russian Revolution. However, the Left was quite marginal at this time, and the movement is of interest chiefly because of its importance in future history.
Ann Andrews
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781781381427
- eISBN:
- 9781781382165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781381427.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book closes with a critical assessment of the Dublin nationalist press in mid-nineteenth century Ireland. It discusses the challenges that faced the political activists, the concept of the unity ...
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This book closes with a critical assessment of the Dublin nationalist press in mid-nineteenth century Ireland. It discusses the challenges that faced the political activists, the concept of the unity of class and creed, the ideological battles between constitutional nationalism and revolutionary nationalism, the creation of a new national identity, and the emergence of socialist nationalism and cultural nationalism. All of this was to impact later on a changing world in the decades around the turn of the century; particularly borne in mind are the journalists whose words and actions were to inspire leading nationalists, notably Arthur Griffith, James Connolly and Patrick Pearse. Despite the overwhelming opposition of the British government, a persistent drive to achieve some form of Irish independence did not cease, and it is argued that the Dublin mid-nineteenth century newspapers and their writers took a leading role in laying the foundations to make this happen.Less
This book closes with a critical assessment of the Dublin nationalist press in mid-nineteenth century Ireland. It discusses the challenges that faced the political activists, the concept of the unity of class and creed, the ideological battles between constitutional nationalism and revolutionary nationalism, the creation of a new national identity, and the emergence of socialist nationalism and cultural nationalism. All of this was to impact later on a changing world in the decades around the turn of the century; particularly borne in mind are the journalists whose words and actions were to inspire leading nationalists, notably Arthur Griffith, James Connolly and Patrick Pearse. Despite the overwhelming opposition of the British government, a persistent drive to achieve some form of Irish independence did not cease, and it is argued that the Dublin mid-nineteenth century newspapers and their writers took a leading role in laying the foundations to make this happen.
Jesse E. Hoffnung-Garskof
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691183534
- eISBN:
- 9780691185750
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691183534.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In the late nineteenth century, a small group of Cubans and Puerto Ricans of African descent settled in the segregated tenements of New York City. At an immigrant educational society in Greenwich ...
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In the late nineteenth century, a small group of Cubans and Puerto Ricans of African descent settled in the segregated tenements of New York City. At an immigrant educational society in Greenwich Village, these early Afro-Latino New Yorkers taught themselves to be poets, journalists, and revolutionaries. At the same time, these individuals built a political network and articulated an ideal of revolutionary nationalism centered on the projects of racial and social justice. These efforts were critical to the poet and diplomat José Martí's writings about race and his bid for leadership among Cuban exiles, and to the later struggle to create space for black political participation in the Cuban Republic. This book presents a vivid portrait of these largely forgotten migrant revolutionaries, weaving together their experiences of migrating while black, their relationships with African American civil rights leaders, and their evolving participation in nationalist political movements. By placing Afro-Latino New Yorkers at the center of the story, the book offers a new interpretation of the revolutionary politics of the Spanish Caribbean, including the idea that Cuba could become a nation without racial divisions. A model of transnational and comparative research, the book reveals the complexities of race-making within migrant communities and the power of small groups of immigrants to transform their home societies.Less
In the late nineteenth century, a small group of Cubans and Puerto Ricans of African descent settled in the segregated tenements of New York City. At an immigrant educational society in Greenwich Village, these early Afro-Latino New Yorkers taught themselves to be poets, journalists, and revolutionaries. At the same time, these individuals built a political network and articulated an ideal of revolutionary nationalism centered on the projects of racial and social justice. These efforts were critical to the poet and diplomat José Martí's writings about race and his bid for leadership among Cuban exiles, and to the later struggle to create space for black political participation in the Cuban Republic. This book presents a vivid portrait of these largely forgotten migrant revolutionaries, weaving together their experiences of migrating while black, their relationships with African American civil rights leaders, and their evolving participation in nationalist political movements. By placing Afro-Latino New Yorkers at the center of the story, the book offers a new interpretation of the revolutionary politics of the Spanish Caribbean, including the idea that Cuba could become a nation without racial divisions. A model of transnational and comparative research, the book reveals the complexities of race-making within migrant communities and the power of small groups of immigrants to transform their home societies.
Ashley D. Farmer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469634371
- eISBN:
- 9781469634388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634371.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter 2 turns to the political identity of the “Black Revolutionary Woman,” created by women in the Black Panther Party. The most widely recognized organization of the Black Power movement; the ...
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Chapter 2 turns to the political identity of the “Black Revolutionary Woman,” created by women in the Black Panther Party. The most widely recognized organization of the Black Power movement; the Panthers’ influence was pervasive, and shaped public perceptions of Black Power and empowerment both nationally and internationally. This chapter shows how Panther women used political artwork, speeches, and articles published in The Black Panther newspaper to create an evolving understanding of the female revolutionary and challenge male-centered interpretations of organizational ideology and black liberation. It also documents how Panther women’s intellectual production caused the Party to develop a more inclusive understanding of the black revolutionary activist.Less
Chapter 2 turns to the political identity of the “Black Revolutionary Woman,” created by women in the Black Panther Party. The most widely recognized organization of the Black Power movement; the Panthers’ influence was pervasive, and shaped public perceptions of Black Power and empowerment both nationally and internationally. This chapter shows how Panther women used political artwork, speeches, and articles published in The Black Panther newspaper to create an evolving understanding of the female revolutionary and challenge male-centered interpretations of organizational ideology and black liberation. It also documents how Panther women’s intellectual production caused the Party to develop a more inclusive understanding of the black revolutionary activist.
Megan Feeney
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226593555
- eISBN:
- 9780226593722
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226593722.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This book explores the US film industry’s presence and influence in Havana, Cuba during the first six decades of the 20th century. Especially beginning in the 1920s, Hollywood dominated the film ...
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This book explores the US film industry’s presence and influence in Havana, Cuba during the first six decades of the 20th century. Especially beginning in the 1920s, Hollywood dominated the film business in Havana, where movie theaters, fanzines, and film columns multiplied prodigiously. But Hollywood’s reign did not affect any simple “Americanization” of Havana audiences, seduced into consent to the US imperial hegemony that so profoundly shaped life in Cuba before the 1959 Revolution. Instead, Hollywood in Havana finds that Cuban audiences, cultural arbiters, and men and women working in the local film business community engaged actively and complexly with Hollywood. They appropriated Hollywood content into the local context, and interacted with Hollywood business practices, in ways that fomented revolutionary Cuban nationalism, including its defining insistence upon national sovereignty, its celebration of freedom-fighting masculinity, and its profound ambivalence about the United States, which served as both an inspiring model of a prosperous democracy and a looming threat to Cuban sovereignty, democracy, and prosperity. Cubans found ample fuel for this ambivalence especially in films by leftist Hollywood filmmakers, who celebrated the United States’ democratic idealism and freedom-loving heroes but also offered compelling critiques of US failures and flaws, including its racial and socioeconomic inequality as well as its (extraterritorial) greed. Hollywood in Havana finds that Cuban film critics, moviegoers, and even revolutionary activists engaged in an ongoing dialogue with Hollywood that fueled Cubans’ demands for true independence and uncorrupted democracy, and even their willingness to raise arms towards those ends.Less
This book explores the US film industry’s presence and influence in Havana, Cuba during the first six decades of the 20th century. Especially beginning in the 1920s, Hollywood dominated the film business in Havana, where movie theaters, fanzines, and film columns multiplied prodigiously. But Hollywood’s reign did not affect any simple “Americanization” of Havana audiences, seduced into consent to the US imperial hegemony that so profoundly shaped life in Cuba before the 1959 Revolution. Instead, Hollywood in Havana finds that Cuban audiences, cultural arbiters, and men and women working in the local film business community engaged actively and complexly with Hollywood. They appropriated Hollywood content into the local context, and interacted with Hollywood business practices, in ways that fomented revolutionary Cuban nationalism, including its defining insistence upon national sovereignty, its celebration of freedom-fighting masculinity, and its profound ambivalence about the United States, which served as both an inspiring model of a prosperous democracy and a looming threat to Cuban sovereignty, democracy, and prosperity. Cubans found ample fuel for this ambivalence especially in films by leftist Hollywood filmmakers, who celebrated the United States’ democratic idealism and freedom-loving heroes but also offered compelling critiques of US failures and flaws, including its racial and socioeconomic inequality as well as its (extraterritorial) greed. Hollywood in Havana finds that Cuban film critics, moviegoers, and even revolutionary activists engaged in an ongoing dialogue with Hollywood that fueled Cubans’ demands for true independence and uncorrupted democracy, and even their willingness to raise arms towards those ends.
Nancy J. Curtin
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207368
- eISBN:
- 9780191677632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207368.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Republican ideals animated the United Irishmen, and when government policies made it clear that these ideals could no longer be expressed within the existing constitutional framework, the radicals ...
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Republican ideals animated the United Irishmen, and when government policies made it clear that these ideals could no longer be expressed within the existing constitutional framework, the radicals adopted the goal of a separate republic as a final strategy. This goal required French assistance. The liberalism which the United Irishmen were advocating argued for revolutionary aspirations such as trade without restraints, removal of irksome civil disabilities, freeing individuals to succeed, and rewarding them for merit and achievement. The union of the Catholic and Dissenter which gave rise to the United Irish movement in the 1790s was based on a common hatred of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy. The United Irishmen possessed a remarkable talent for disseminating their ideas. They also professed to represent a united nation, against self-serving landowners and their British backers.Less
Republican ideals animated the United Irishmen, and when government policies made it clear that these ideals could no longer be expressed within the existing constitutional framework, the radicals adopted the goal of a separate republic as a final strategy. This goal required French assistance. The liberalism which the United Irishmen were advocating argued for revolutionary aspirations such as trade without restraints, removal of irksome civil disabilities, freeing individuals to succeed, and rewarding them for merit and achievement. The union of the Catholic and Dissenter which gave rise to the United Irish movement in the 1790s was based on a common hatred of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy. The United Irishmen possessed a remarkable talent for disseminating their ideas. They also professed to represent a united nation, against self-serving landowners and their British backers.
Russell Rickford
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199861477
- eISBN:
- 9780190455637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199861477.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the 1960s movement to rename East Palo Alto, a small, predominantly black Northern California town, after Nairobi, the capital of the East African nation of Kenya. The campaign ...
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This chapter examines the 1960s movement to rename East Palo Alto, a small, predominantly black Northern California town, after Nairobi, the capital of the East African nation of Kenya. The campaign reflected the effort by many African Americans to rediscover their African cultural heritage and identity. The “African Restoration Movement” influenced local activists like Gertrude Wilks, founder of East Palo Alto’s Nairobi Day School and High School. A former integrationist, Wilks was drawn to black nationalist themes of black self-determination and African pride and awareness. However, her pragmatic brand of black nationalism contrasted with more masculinist and essentialist notions of African cultural identity and expression. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the political limitations of Maulana Karenga’s influential visions of cultural nationalism and African reidentification.Less
This chapter examines the 1960s movement to rename East Palo Alto, a small, predominantly black Northern California town, after Nairobi, the capital of the East African nation of Kenya. The campaign reflected the effort by many African Americans to rediscover their African cultural heritage and identity. The “African Restoration Movement” influenced local activists like Gertrude Wilks, founder of East Palo Alto’s Nairobi Day School and High School. A former integrationist, Wilks was drawn to black nationalist themes of black self-determination and African pride and awareness. However, her pragmatic brand of black nationalism contrasted with more masculinist and essentialist notions of African cultural identity and expression. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the political limitations of Maulana Karenga’s influential visions of cultural nationalism and African reidentification.
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198098942
- eISBN:
- 9780199083039
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198098942.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This work explores the early twentieth century trends that constituted the life and mind of Bengal for decades to come. It is one of the arguments in this book that in the 1920s there began a ...
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This work explores the early twentieth century trends that constituted the life and mind of Bengal for decades to come. It is one of the arguments in this book that in the 1920s there began a redefinition of Bengal’s identity that distinguishes twentieth-century Bengal from the past, the era of the ‘Renaissance’. In the 1920s the vernacularization of the language of politics, the rise of a new Muslim middle class with the spread of education, and the increasing focus on Bengali language and culture in the academic world were some of the signs of a new ‘Bengali Partiotism’ of the bhadralok elite. At the same time there emerged a new bhadra mahila, with a critique of conventional notions like chastity, as well as the entry of women in politics and the public sphere. As for the so-called lower castes and the Muslim community, the fault lines in the old social order were increasingly manifested in textbooks and historical works, childhood experiences of Muslim individuals, competition for jobs, and the discourse of Muslim identity in Bengali journals. In politics, the keynote was Bengal’s engagement in Gandhian politics along with a contrary search for alternatives, such as the Swaraj Party, biplabi or revolutionary nationalism, and the Left. From the mid-1930s the chief trends were the increasing strength of the Muslim League, the decline of the Bengal Congress, and intensification of the praja–zamindar struggle. The 1940s witnessed a series of crises: price inflation during World War II, corruption in public life, the great famine (1943), and finally the communal riot in Calcutta (1946), signalling an irreparable rupture between two communities. The book concludes with a depiction of the political process leading to Independence and the second Partition of Bengal. That was the outcome of the decades-long negotiation between regional patriotism and an overarching Indian nationalism.Less
This work explores the early twentieth century trends that constituted the life and mind of Bengal for decades to come. It is one of the arguments in this book that in the 1920s there began a redefinition of Bengal’s identity that distinguishes twentieth-century Bengal from the past, the era of the ‘Renaissance’. In the 1920s the vernacularization of the language of politics, the rise of a new Muslim middle class with the spread of education, and the increasing focus on Bengali language and culture in the academic world were some of the signs of a new ‘Bengali Partiotism’ of the bhadralok elite. At the same time there emerged a new bhadra mahila, with a critique of conventional notions like chastity, as well as the entry of women in politics and the public sphere. As for the so-called lower castes and the Muslim community, the fault lines in the old social order were increasingly manifested in textbooks and historical works, childhood experiences of Muslim individuals, competition for jobs, and the discourse of Muslim identity in Bengali journals. In politics, the keynote was Bengal’s engagement in Gandhian politics along with a contrary search for alternatives, such as the Swaraj Party, biplabi or revolutionary nationalism, and the Left. From the mid-1930s the chief trends were the increasing strength of the Muslim League, the decline of the Bengal Congress, and intensification of the praja–zamindar struggle. The 1940s witnessed a series of crises: price inflation during World War II, corruption in public life, the great famine (1943), and finally the communal riot in Calcutta (1946), signalling an irreparable rupture between two communities. The book concludes with a depiction of the political process leading to Independence and the second Partition of Bengal. That was the outcome of the decades-long negotiation between regional patriotism and an overarching Indian nationalism.
Julia G. Young
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190205003
- eISBN:
- 9780190205027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190205003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In June 1929 the Mexican hierarchy reached a settlement, known as the arreglos, with the Mexican government that ended the armed uprising in Mexico. Initially, many Cristero supporters in the United ...
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In June 1929 the Mexican hierarchy reached a settlement, known as the arreglos, with the Mexican government that ended the armed uprising in Mexico. Initially, many Cristero supporters in the United States felt hopeful that peace would come at last, but sporadic religious uprisings of the 1930s, known collectively as the Second Cristiada or La Segunda, prolonged the violence in the Mexican countryside. This chapter describes the activities of the Cristero diaspora during the 1930s, as Mexican Cristero supporters in the United States continued to organize in opposition to the Mexican government. In contrast to the 1926–29 period, however, their approach became less militant. Instead, they focused on educational campaigns, publicity, political activism, and long-term organizational efforts. These activities helped to foster a religious nationalism that stood in stark contrast to the revolutionary nationalism promoted by the Mexican state.Less
In June 1929 the Mexican hierarchy reached a settlement, known as the arreglos, with the Mexican government that ended the armed uprising in Mexico. Initially, many Cristero supporters in the United States felt hopeful that peace would come at last, but sporadic religious uprisings of the 1930s, known collectively as the Second Cristiada or La Segunda, prolonged the violence in the Mexican countryside. This chapter describes the activities of the Cristero diaspora during the 1930s, as Mexican Cristero supporters in the United States continued to organize in opposition to the Mexican government. In contrast to the 1926–29 period, however, their approach became less militant. Instead, they focused on educational campaigns, publicity, political activism, and long-term organizational efforts. These activities helped to foster a religious nationalism that stood in stark contrast to the revolutionary nationalism promoted by the Mexican state.
Benjamin Brady
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813177700
- eISBN:
- 9780813177717
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177700.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines how crises in Cuba, Panama, and the Dominican Republic led Senator J. William Fulbright to question prevailing Cold War orthodoxy and to advocate an alternative internationalism ...
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This chapter examines how crises in Cuba, Panama, and the Dominican Republic led Senator J. William Fulbright to question prevailing Cold War orthodoxy and to advocate an alternative internationalism rooted in self-determination. It argues that his support for self-determination in Latin America drew on his defense of southern autonomy within the United States and traces how he overlooked similarities between civil rights activism at home and revolutionary nationalism abroad. The chapter also describes how Fulbright antagonized President Lyndon Johnson and undermined the possibility of bettering relations with the Soviet Union during the 1960s.Less
This chapter examines how crises in Cuba, Panama, and the Dominican Republic led Senator J. William Fulbright to question prevailing Cold War orthodoxy and to advocate an alternative internationalism rooted in self-determination. It argues that his support for self-determination in Latin America drew on his defense of southern autonomy within the United States and traces how he overlooked similarities between civil rights activism at home and revolutionary nationalism abroad. The chapter also describes how Fulbright antagonized President Lyndon Johnson and undermined the possibility of bettering relations with the Soviet Union during the 1960s.
Monique Allewaert
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677276
- eISBN:
- 9781452947747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677276.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the travels of naturalist William Bartram across the southern colonies where he recorded the native flora and fauna. Bartram intended to distinguish southern America as a ...
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This chapter examines the travels of naturalist William Bartram across the southern colonies where he recorded the native flora and fauna. Bartram intended to distinguish southern America as a temperate region that contributes to the health of the human faculties. It argues that Bartram’s travels yield an ecological conception of revolution that recalibrate theorizations of resistance in the eighteenth-century plantation zone, a space that is tropical and whose economy and political structures are shaped by the plantation form. His account of swamps and the transformation of the people who lived in them reveal a mode of action that pulls away from the public sphere as well as the revolutionary nationalism and modes of subjectivity. The chapter attempts to situate Bartram within a minoritarian enlightenment tradition attentive to tropical and subtropical regions’ disordering of the colonial projects that they also sustained by associating with Afro-American cultural productions.Less
This chapter examines the travels of naturalist William Bartram across the southern colonies where he recorded the native flora and fauna. Bartram intended to distinguish southern America as a temperate region that contributes to the health of the human faculties. It argues that Bartram’s travels yield an ecological conception of revolution that recalibrate theorizations of resistance in the eighteenth-century plantation zone, a space that is tropical and whose economy and political structures are shaped by the plantation form. His account of swamps and the transformation of the people who lived in them reveal a mode of action that pulls away from the public sphere as well as the revolutionary nationalism and modes of subjectivity. The chapter attempts to situate Bartram within a minoritarian enlightenment tradition attentive to tropical and subtropical regions’ disordering of the colonial projects that they also sustained by associating with Afro-American cultural productions.
Amber Jamilla Musser
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479891818
- eISBN:
- 9781479891405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479891818.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gay and Lesbian Studies
This chapter presents the affective labor of subject formation to discuss Roderick Ferguson’s work Aberrations in Black. Ferguson describes the goals of a queer of color critique as “an ...
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This chapter presents the affective labor of subject formation to discuss Roderick Ferguson’s work Aberrations in Black. Ferguson describes the goals of a queer of color critique as “an epistemological intervention…[that] denotes an interest in materiality, but refuses ideologies of transparency and reflection, ideologies that have helped to constitute Marxism, revolutionary nationalism, and liberal pluralism.” Queer of color analyses the “manifold intersections that contradict the idea of the liberal nation-state and capital as sites of resolution, perfection, progress, and confirmation.” The remainder of the chapter examines how the racialized male body has been described as a historic plane of suffering.Less
This chapter presents the affective labor of subject formation to discuss Roderick Ferguson’s work Aberrations in Black. Ferguson describes the goals of a queer of color critique as “an epistemological intervention…[that] denotes an interest in materiality, but refuses ideologies of transparency and reflection, ideologies that have helped to constitute Marxism, revolutionary nationalism, and liberal pluralism.” Queer of color analyses the “manifold intersections that contradict the idea of the liberal nation-state and capital as sites of resolution, perfection, progress, and confirmation.” The remainder of the chapter examines how the racialized male body has been described as a historic plane of suffering.