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This chapter observes that in contrast to the one-China conception in dominance now, regionalism was a key theme of early Republican Chinese politics, as there was no stable central Chinese government until Chiang Kai-shek led the Northern Expedition in 1926. It notes that the southern provinces, largely out of reach of Qing imperial control, could be used by various forces as testing grounds for new projects such as reformist experiments in building Western-style institutions and the revolutionary mobilization of migrants returned from overseas. In this regard, the southern provinces were the place where different political forces sought support from foreign powers. It notes that in contrast, the northern provinces fell under the control of traditional imperial bureaucrats and, therefore, remained relatively uncontested in cultural and political terms. It adds that the Republican Revolution of 1911 elevated the political status of the southern provinces, signaling the rise of southern influence.

This chapter looks at how the old world ended through a sequence of republican revolutions. The Anglo-Dutch revolution of 1649–1702 was part of a broader process of Anglo-Dutch-American state-making spanning two centuries. Across the Atlantic, between the Dutch Revolt and the American War of Independence, a series of states emerged which were new not only in fact, but in nature. These were products of an Atlantic Age of Revolution which is sometimes located only in the eighteenth century, but which had clear origins in the sixteenth. Although the new states in question were three in number, the ‘Age of Revolution’ involved four political and military upheavals of global importance.

This chapter focuses on the period between 1995 and 2002, which was bookended by the “Republican Revolution” against big government and by the passage of the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act in 2002. It begins by reviewing how the so-called Republican Revolution affected the progress of standards-based reforms in Congress and the states between 1994 and 2000. It then shows how these developments shaped the ideas and advocacy of business entrepreneurs, civil rights entrepreneurs, and their allies in Congress. After tracing the various threads that contributed to the reemergence of support for federal leadership of standards-based reform, it examines the politics surrounding enactment of NCLB, both to explain why the legislation passed and understand how it accommodated existing interests and institutions. Finally, the chapter considers how enactment of NCLB set the stage for subsequent intergovernmental struggles over authority in education—in particular, how it influenced presidential candidate Barack Obama's education agenda in the 2008 election campaign.

This chapter assesses Clinton’s relationship with Congress as one that included elements of compromise and confrontation. The relationship between Congress and the president underwent major and lasting changes in the 1990s, especially in the Senate. Clinton was most effective passing legislation during his first term, a period characterized by both unified and divided government. This success was not easily accomplished at first, when the Democratic Party was divided in Congress and Clinton’s legislative operation was not working inefficiently. By 1994, the Clinton White House had figured out how to persuade Congress to work with the president. The onset of divided government after the 1994 Republican revolution changed the congressional agenda and put the brakes on some Clinton agenda items. Even so, the White House was still able to work with the 104th Congress thanks to improved efficiency in the White House Office of Legislative Affairs and Clinton’s interpersonal skills with both members of Congress and the American public.

Unlike the Sagebrush Rebellion, which remained largely regional, the War for the West enjoyed national support through a conservative infrastructure of media, think tanks, public interest law firms, foundations, advocacy organizations, and militias. Frustrations over federal land management were knit into a broader, civil religious story of the American paradise lost, in which the federal government was portrayed as a tyrant bent on trampling the US Constitution, particularly Bill of Rights. The War for the West was led by the mainstream Wise Use Movement, which linked property rights to gun rights and religious freedom, and by the more extreme militia movement, driven by dark conspiracy theories and a profound antagonism toward the federal government. In the Republican Revolution, led by Newt Gingrich, the Republican Party struggled to hold together these mainstream and extreme factions to gain and retain power. This further integrated conservative, Western anger with federal land management into national politics.

This chapter focuses on the emergent formation of collaborative colonialism in the early colonial era: from the First Opium War (1840–1842) to the 1911 Republican Revolution. It notes that long before the Opium Wars, many coastal Chinese were already in close contact with Europeans as a result of the latter's trading in commodities such as tea, porcelain, silk, and foodstuffs. With commercial activities manifest in the coastal Chinese regional networks, in Southeast Asian economies, and in the European dominated New World, a class of elite transnationals arose around Hong Kong and exercised considerable economic clout. It notes that the overall effect of nineteenth-century European colonial expansion in the region was the inclusion of Chinese merchants in the newly arisen global networks; yet the dependence of the Europeans on the Chinese also helped boost the ability of some Chinese merchants to dominate intra-Asian trade, including trade with China.

With the 1988 consolidation that brought the BSW program that had been housed at Clark College to the School, and the 1983 addition of the PhD program, the School now awarded the social work degree at all levels of the BSW, MSW, and PhD. Curriculum renewal during this period saw a shift from a from the generalist approach to the advanced clinical concentration, becoming again like all other schools of social work, a change that was influenced as much by the Council on Social Work Education’s reaffirmation requirements as by professional trends favoring micro practice. The “Republican Revolution” and the enactment of 1996 welfare reform bill resulted in the abandonment of the safety net philosophy, even as poverty rates soared upward. The aftermath of the election of America’s first African American president dispelled then myth of America as a post racial society, with resurgence of hate groups operating under a banner of white nationalism and white supremacy.

This chapter probes Xue’s poetic response to late Qing reforms. Her four hundred fifty traditional-style poems literally chronicled the era. The termination of the Hundred Days and the repressive aftermath only urged Xue into more profound contemplation on the purpose and practice of the reform. One major issue was women’s proper positions within the guo amidst its re-conceptualization as state, country, and/or nation-state in the reform era. She would apply related ideas to the portrayal of women in the 1900 Boxer Rebellion. The final section examines Xue’s last poems composed during the New-Policy campaign and the constitutional movement, when Xue argued for a democratic republic as an ideal political structure for China.