Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two ...
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The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.Less
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative ...
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In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative democracy. Liberal democracy followed Schumpeter’s definition and was elitist. Social-democracy may also be called “plural” and “public opinion democracy”, in so far as electors’ general views become politicians’ central concern. Recently democracy is turning republican or participatory, as the public space becomes a reality and an increasing number of citizens seek to influence political decisions through civil society’s organizations either representing group interests or directly promoting the public interest. In the future, we may think in a deliberative democracy, as public debate gains density, political advocacy gains strength, and politicians’ accountability is enhanced. A short survey of the literature on participative democracy substantiates the argument.Less
In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative democracy. Liberal democracy followed Schumpeter’s definition and was elitist. Social-democracy may also be called “plural” and “public opinion democracy”, in so far as electors’ general views become politicians’ central concern. Recently democracy is turning republican or participatory, as the public space becomes a reality and an increasing number of citizens seek to influence political decisions through civil society’s organizations either representing group interests or directly promoting the public interest. In the future, we may think in a deliberative democracy, as public debate gains density, political advocacy gains strength, and politicians’ accountability is enhanced. A short survey of the literature on participative democracy substantiates the argument.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In ...
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A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In the nineteenth century, it turned liberal and bureaucratic: the liberal state imposed the rule of law and assured civil rights. In the first part of the twentieth century, the transition to democracy was completed: it was the time of the liberal state, of elitist or liberal democracy, and, still, of bureaucratic administration. In the second part of that century, the state becomes social-democratic, and assumes a developmental character; democracy now is social or plural rather than just liberal. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state is aiming to become social-liberal and republican; democracy is aiming to become participatory or republican; and administration is aiming to become managerial, or inspired by the principles of new public management.Less
A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In the nineteenth century, it turned liberal and bureaucratic: the liberal state imposed the rule of law and assured civil rights. In the first part of the twentieth century, the transition to democracy was completed: it was the time of the liberal state, of elitist or liberal democracy, and, still, of bureaucratic administration. In the second part of that century, the state becomes social-democratic, and assumes a developmental character; democracy now is social or plural rather than just liberal. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state is aiming to become social-liberal and republican; democracy is aiming to become participatory or republican; and administration is aiming to become managerial, or inspired by the principles of new public management.
Stephen Tierney
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199592791
- eISBN:
- 9780191741067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592791.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter considers how the referendum has been appraised within contemporary theories of democracy, setting out the key debates, and establishing points of further enquiry that will enable a ...
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This chapter considers how the referendum has been appraised within contemporary theories of democracy, setting out the key debates, and establishing points of further enquiry that will enable a fuller answer to be offered in the latter chapters of the book. Section II addresses three main concerns raised by critics of referendums: how they are controlled; how popular participation is engaged within a referendum process; and the conditions under which decisions are reached by way of direct democracy. These issues also highlight how attitudes towards direct democracy can vary from one democratic tradition to another. Section III explores the tradition of ‘civic republican democracy’, setting out its key aims and values. The chapter argues that this is a useful turn in constitutional theory both for offering a powerful democratic critique of how contemporary representative democracy has been overpowered by hegemonic interests and in highlighting the importance of popular engagement in processes of constitutional change as a partial remedy for this malaise.Less
This chapter considers how the referendum has been appraised within contemporary theories of democracy, setting out the key debates, and establishing points of further enquiry that will enable a fuller answer to be offered in the latter chapters of the book. Section II addresses three main concerns raised by critics of referendums: how they are controlled; how popular participation is engaged within a referendum process; and the conditions under which decisions are reached by way of direct democracy. These issues also highlight how attitudes towards direct democracy can vary from one democratic tradition to another. Section III explores the tradition of ‘civic republican democracy’, setting out its key aims and values. The chapter argues that this is a useful turn in constitutional theory both for offering a powerful democratic critique of how contemporary representative democracy has been overpowered by hegemonic interests and in highlighting the importance of popular engagement in processes of constitutional change as a partial remedy for this malaise.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
The republican democracy simultaneously empowered and constrained a free government of the people. State governments retained their police powers but could not pass laws that were, as it was ...
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The republican democracy simultaneously empowered and constrained a free government of the people. State governments retained their police powers but could not pass laws that were, as it was sometimes phrased, either arbitrary or unreasonable. The transition from the antebellum world lay in the national insistence on republican democracy at the state level and in the definition of “the people.” But Reconstruction era legal changes were ambiguous and could provoke disagreement. Republicans undoubtedly intended to broaden the scope of republican democratic principles by including African Americans within the mandate for equality, yet the Reconstruction amendments and statutes had severe limits.Less
The republican democracy simultaneously empowered and constrained a free government of the people. State governments retained their police powers but could not pass laws that were, as it was sometimes phrased, either arbitrary or unreasonable. The transition from the antebellum world lay in the national insistence on republican democracy at the state level and in the definition of “the people.” But Reconstruction era legal changes were ambiguous and could provoke disagreement. Republicans undoubtedly intended to broaden the scope of republican democratic principles by including African Americans within the mandate for equality, yet the Reconstruction amendments and statutes had severe limits.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with ...
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This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with liberalism, especially as recently implemented by Democrats. Many of these former liberals were intellectuals, and as such, they quested for an intellectual foundation to support their increasingly conservative inclinations. They found that foundation in the writings of Strauss, in particular his emphasis on the American founders' principles of political philosophy. The remainder of the chapter discusses neoconservative principles and policies; the inherent instability of pluralist (liberal) democracy; the attack on relativism; the neoconservative goal of resuscitating republican democracy; neoconservative domestic policy; neoconservative foreign policy; neoconservative constitutional theory; and neoconservative successes and failures.Less
This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with liberalism, especially as recently implemented by Democrats. Many of these former liberals were intellectuals, and as such, they quested for an intellectual foundation to support their increasingly conservative inclinations. They found that foundation in the writings of Strauss, in particular his emphasis on the American founders' principles of political philosophy. The remainder of the chapter discusses neoconservative principles and policies; the inherent instability of pluralist (liberal) democracy; the attack on relativism; the neoconservative goal of resuscitating republican democracy; neoconservative domestic policy; neoconservative foreign policy; neoconservative constitutional theory; and neoconservative successes and failures.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with ...
More
This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with liberalism, especially as recently implemented by Democrats. Many of these former liberals were intellectuals, and as such, they quested for an intellectual foundation to support their increasingly conservative inclinations. They found that foundation in the writings of Strauss, in particular his emphasis on the American founders' principles of political philosophy. The remainder of the chapter discusses neoconservative principles and policies; the inherent instability of pluralist (liberal) democracy; the attack on relativism; the neoconservative goal of resuscitating republican democracy; neoconservative domestic policy; neoconservative foreign policy; neoconservative constitutional theory; and neoconservative successes and failures.
Less
This chapter begins by describing the rise of the neoconservatives, such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Neocons were liberals reacting against perceived problems with liberalism, especially as recently implemented by Democrats. Many of these former liberals were intellectuals, and as such, they quested for an intellectual foundation to support their increasingly conservative inclinations. They found that foundation in the writings of Strauss, in particular his emphasis on the American founders' principles of political philosophy. The remainder of the chapter discusses neoconservative principles and policies; the inherent instability of pluralist (liberal) democracy; the attack on relativism; the neoconservative goal of resuscitating republican democracy; neoconservative domestic policy; neoconservative foreign policy; neoconservative constitutional theory; and neoconservative successes and failures.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Beginning with the earliest state constitutions, the American people and their elected officials, as well as political and legal theorists, developed a republican democratic system of government. The ...
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Beginning with the earliest state constitutions, the American people and their elected officials, as well as political and legal theorists, developed a republican democratic system of government. The framers of the national Constitution refined the practice and theory of republican democracy, creating a remarkably pliant regime. Then, through the early-nineteenth century, the American people accommodated the constitutional structures to the nation's changing social, cultural, and economic practices. As the Civil War would demonstrate, however, some political disputes could be too vehement for even the flexible republican democratic system to withstand. This chapter discusses republican democracy as the essence of American government; republican democracy in American society; judicial review under republican democracy; and changing interpretations of republican democracy.Less
Beginning with the earliest state constitutions, the American people and their elected officials, as well as political and legal theorists, developed a republican democratic system of government. The framers of the national Constitution refined the practice and theory of republican democracy, creating a remarkably pliant regime. Then, through the early-nineteenth century, the American people accommodated the constitutional structures to the nation's changing social, cultural, and economic practices. As the Civil War would demonstrate, however, some political disputes could be too vehement for even the flexible republican democratic system to withstand. This chapter discusses republican democracy as the essence of American government; republican democracy in American society; judicial review under republican democracy; and changing interpretations of republican democracy.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the status of free expression through the middle decades of the nineteenth century. The Sedition Act crisis arose within an overarching and decade-long dispute about the nature ...
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This chapter examines the status of free expression through the middle decades of the nineteenth century. The Sedition Act crisis arose within an overarching and decade-long dispute about the nature of republican democracy. Republicans invoked the tradition of dissent as they asserted a right to speak their minds, to criticize the government. Federalists relied upon the tradition of suppression as they sought to silence the voices of (temporary) outsiders, whom the Federalists viewed as a factional and corrupt party. And Republicans and Federalists both seized upon different aspects of the extant law: the doctrine of seditious libel, the Zengerian reforms, the constitutional limits on congressional power, and the implications of the first amendment.Less
This chapter examines the status of free expression through the middle decades of the nineteenth century. The Sedition Act crisis arose within an overarching and decade-long dispute about the nature of republican democracy. Republicans invoked the tradition of dissent as they asserted a right to speak their minds, to criticize the government. Federalists relied upon the tradition of suppression as they sought to silence the voices of (temporary) outsiders, whom the Federalists viewed as a factional and corrupt party. And Republicans and Federalists both seized upon different aspects of the extant law: the doctrine of seditious libel, the Zengerian reforms, the constitutional limits on congressional power, and the implications of the first amendment.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
As President George Washington and his administration tackled the problems confronting the young nation, they began implementing and testing the structures of the new constitutional system. The ...
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As President George Washington and his administration tackled the problems confronting the young nation, they began implementing and testing the structures of the new constitutional system. The Constitution, they learned, was not a smooth-running machine. The framers had hoped that a qualified elite would be elected and appointed to national offices, and would coalesce around a common good. While the framers had expected factionalism, they had not foreseen the imbroglios of the 1790s. These disputes became so ferocious that the Federalists, so recently united in support of constitutional ratification, were rent apart into two opposed “protoparties,” the Republicans and the Federalists. This chapter discusses republican democracy in the 1970s; the Alien and Sedition acts; and consequences of the Sedition Act prosecutions.Less
As President George Washington and his administration tackled the problems confronting the young nation, they began implementing and testing the structures of the new constitutional system. The Constitution, they learned, was not a smooth-running machine. The framers had hoped that a qualified elite would be elected and appointed to national offices, and would coalesce around a common good. While the framers had expected factionalism, they had not foreseen the imbroglios of the 1790s. These disputes became so ferocious that the Federalists, so recently united in support of constitutional ratification, were rent apart into two opposed “protoparties,” the Republicans and the Federalists. This chapter discusses republican democracy in the 1970s; the Alien and Sedition acts; and consequences of the Sedition Act prosecutions.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
As the nation emerged from World War I, the Supreme Court as well as the rest of the federal judiciary still exercised the power of judicial review in accordance with republican democracy. Courts ...
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As the nation emerged from World War I, the Supreme Court as well as the rest of the federal judiciary still exercised the power of judicial review in accordance with republican democracy. Courts determined whether governmental actions were either for the common good—and therefore permissible—or for partial or private interests—and therefore impermissible. Such judicial applications of republican democratic principles continued into the mid-1930s for three reasons. First, while the practice of pluralist democracy began to emerge during the early 1930s, the theory did not crystallize until later in the decade. Second, the institutional practice of adjudication, with its emphasis on stare decisis, has a natural reliance on the past, on precedents, on tradition. As such, one would expect the judiciary often to lag behind other institutions when change is afoot. Third, and related to the previous point, federal judges (including Supreme Court justices) receive lifetime appointments. In a time of critical transition, such as the 1930s, many judges would have matured, learned their professional norms, and been appointed to the federal bench during the prior regime. Such judges would be apt to continue applying the principles and doctrines they had become accustomed to earlier in their careers.Less
As the nation emerged from World War I, the Supreme Court as well as the rest of the federal judiciary still exercised the power of judicial review in accordance with republican democracy. Courts determined whether governmental actions were either for the common good—and therefore permissible—or for partial or private interests—and therefore impermissible. Such judicial applications of republican democratic principles continued into the mid-1930s for three reasons. First, while the practice of pluralist democracy began to emerge during the early 1930s, the theory did not crystallize until later in the decade. Second, the institutional practice of adjudication, with its emphasis on stare decisis, has a natural reliance on the past, on precedents, on tradition. As such, one would expect the judiciary often to lag behind other institutions when change is afoot. Third, and related to the previous point, federal judges (including Supreme Court justices) receive lifetime appointments. In a time of critical transition, such as the 1930s, many judges would have matured, learned their professional norms, and been appointed to the federal bench during the prior regime. Such judges would be apt to continue applying the principles and doctrines they had become accustomed to earlier in their careers.
Jill Edwards
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198228714
- eISBN:
- 9780191678813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228714.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
During the first post-war phase, British and American analysts examined separately the possibility of restoration of the Spanish monarchy as one of the main options for replacing Francisco Franco ...
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During the first post-war phase, British and American analysts examined separately the possibility of restoration of the Spanish monarchy as one of the main options for replacing Francisco Franco with a regime more acceptable to democratic opinion. Questions surrounding the restoration movement which flourished after the war are central to an understanding of the innately contrasted differences in formulation of foreign policy towards Spain of, on the one hand, the monarchical democracy of Britain locked in retreat from empire, and on the other, the republican democracy of the United States determined to enjoy the fruits of its recent success on the international scene. However, growing consensus for a monarchical solution came too late and was never convincing enough to gain the vital support of the British and the Americans who by then were intent on consolidating what security they had in Europe and were in no mood for doubtful experiments.Less
During the first post-war phase, British and American analysts examined separately the possibility of restoration of the Spanish monarchy as one of the main options for replacing Francisco Franco with a regime more acceptable to democratic opinion. Questions surrounding the restoration movement which flourished after the war are central to an understanding of the innately contrasted differences in formulation of foreign policy towards Spain of, on the one hand, the monarchical democracy of Britain locked in retreat from empire, and on the other, the republican democracy of the United States determined to enjoy the fruits of its recent success on the international scene. However, growing consensus for a monarchical solution came too late and was never convincing enough to gain the vital support of the British and the Americans who by then were intent on consolidating what security they had in Europe and were in no mood for doubtful experiments.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In the late 1920s and early to mid-1930s, republican democracy was crumbling and the practices of pluralist democracy were developing. While many of these changes in democratic government would not ...
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In the late 1920s and early to mid-1930s, republican democracy was crumbling and the practices of pluralist democracy were developing. While many of these changes in democratic government would not become apparent until later in the 1930s, many scholars had already begun talking about the workings of democracy by the middle of the decade. In this political and intellectual atmosphere, the justices' renewed interest in the free government–free expression maxim hardly seems coincidental. Rather, the free expression cases seemed to augur the coming of the 1937 turn and the Court's acceptance of pluralist democracy.Less
In the late 1920s and early to mid-1930s, republican democracy was crumbling and the practices of pluralist democracy were developing. While many of these changes in democratic government would not become apparent until later in the 1930s, many scholars had already begun talking about the workings of democracy by the middle of the decade. In this political and intellectual atmosphere, the justices' renewed interest in the free government–free expression maxim hardly seems coincidental. Rather, the free expression cases seemed to augur the coming of the 1937 turn and the Court's acceptance of pluralist democracy.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely to ...
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This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely to be pressed forward in constitutional realms where it has already gained a foothold, such as in congressional power cases. But the neocons are unlikely to achieve major breakthroughs in other areas, with the possible exception of the Establishment Clause. The second part of the chapter discusses how political progressives (or liberals) should confront the challenge of a neoconservative Supreme Court. It argues that the current state of American culture and society and the entrenchment of pluralist democracy means that a complete return to republican democracy is impossible. Nonetheless, this obstacle has not yet prevented the neoconservative justices from attempting to “cut and paste” elements of republican democracy into the pluralist democratic system.Less
This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely to be pressed forward in constitutional realms where it has already gained a foothold, such as in congressional power cases. But the neocons are unlikely to achieve major breakthroughs in other areas, with the possible exception of the Establishment Clause. The second part of the chapter discusses how political progressives (or liberals) should confront the challenge of a neoconservative Supreme Court. It argues that the current state of American culture and society and the entrenchment of pluralist democracy means that a complete return to republican democracy is impossible. Nonetheless, this obstacle has not yet prevented the neoconservative justices from attempting to “cut and paste” elements of republican democracy into the pluralist democratic system.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the ...
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This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the 1920s. Citizens and elected officials were supposed to be virtuous: In the political realm, they were to pursue the common good or public welfare rather than their own private interests. However, republican democracy had originally been based on a preindustrial agricultural economy and a relatively homogenous population. By the early twentieth century, most workers were not farmers; they were wage laborers in factories. Deep inequalities and divisions cleaved the American populace and an increasing degree of wealth became concentrated in fewer hands. Immigration further changed the demographic makeup of the American population, with heterogeneity (or plurality) gradually growing into preeminence. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the republican democratic regime finally collapsed, supplanted by a new one: pluralist democracy. The remainder of the chapter covers the theory and practice of pluralist democracy.Less
This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the 1920s. Citizens and elected officials were supposed to be virtuous: In the political realm, they were to pursue the common good or public welfare rather than their own private interests. However, republican democracy had originally been based on a preindustrial agricultural economy and a relatively homogenous population. By the early twentieth century, most workers were not farmers; they were wage laborers in factories. Deep inequalities and divisions cleaved the American populace and an increasing degree of wealth became concentrated in fewer hands. Immigration further changed the demographic makeup of the American population, with heterogeneity (or plurality) gradually growing into preeminence. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the republican democratic regime finally collapsed, supplanted by a new one: pluralist democracy. The remainder of the chapter covers the theory and practice of pluralist democracy.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the ...
More
This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the 1920s. Citizens and elected officials were supposed to be virtuous: In the political realm, they were to pursue the common good or public welfare rather than their own private interests. However, republican democracy had originally been based on a preindustrial agricultural economy and a relatively homogenous population. By the early twentieth century, most workers were not farmers; they were wage laborers in factories. Deep inequalities and divisions cleaved the American populace and an increasing degree of wealth became concentrated in fewer hands. Immigration further changed the demographic makeup of the American population, with heterogeneity (or plurality) gradually growing into preeminence. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the republican democratic regime finally collapsed, supplanted by a new one: pluralist democracy. The remainder of the chapter covers the theory and practice of pluralist democracy.
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This chapter discusses events that led to the shift from republican to pluralist democracy in the United States. The United States operated as a republican democracy from the framing through the 1920s. Citizens and elected officials were supposed to be virtuous: In the political realm, they were to pursue the common good or public welfare rather than their own private interests. However, republican democracy had originally been based on a preindustrial agricultural economy and a relatively homogenous population. By the early twentieth century, most workers were not farmers; they were wage laborers in factories. Deep inequalities and divisions cleaved the American populace and an increasing degree of wealth became concentrated in fewer hands. Immigration further changed the demographic makeup of the American population, with heterogeneity (or plurality) gradually growing into preeminence. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the republican democratic regime finally collapsed, supplanted by a new one: pluralist democracy. The remainder of the chapter covers the theory and practice of pluralist democracy.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely ...
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This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely to be pressed forward in constitutional realms where it has already gained a foothold, such as in congressional power cases. But the neocons are unlikely to achieve major breakthroughs in other areas, with the possible exception of the Establishment Clause. The second part of the chapter discusses how political progressives (or liberals) should confront the challenge of a neoconservative Supreme Court. It argues that the current state of American culture and society and the entrenchment of pluralist democracy means that a complete return to republican democracy is impossible. Nonetheless, this obstacle has not yet prevented the neoconservative justices from attempting to “cut and paste” elements of republican democracy into the pluralist democratic system.
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This chapter argues that despite the neoconservative movement's many successes, its agenda has not been completely fulfilled in any constitutional realm. The neoconservative outlook is most likely to be pressed forward in constitutional realms where it has already gained a foothold, such as in congressional power cases. But the neocons are unlikely to achieve major breakthroughs in other areas, with the possible exception of the Establishment Clause. The second part of the chapter discusses how political progressives (or liberals) should confront the challenge of a neoconservative Supreme Court. It argues that the current state of American culture and society and the entrenchment of pluralist democracy means that a complete return to republican democracy is impossible. Nonetheless, this obstacle has not yet prevented the neoconservative justices from attempting to “cut and paste” elements of republican democracy into the pluralist democratic system.
Stephen M. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814764664
- eISBN:
- 9780814785898
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814764664.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book draws on neoconservative writings to explore the rise of the neocons and their influence on the Supreme Court. Neocons burst onto the political scene in the early 1980s via their assault on ...
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This book draws on neoconservative writings to explore the rise of the neocons and their influence on the Supreme Court. Neocons burst onto the political scene in the early 1980s via their assault on pluralist democracy's ethical relativism, where no pre-existing or higher principles limit the agendas of interest groups. Instead, they advocated for a resurrection of republican democracy, which declares that virtuous citizens and officials pursue the common good. Yet despite their original goals, neocons quickly became an interest group themselves, competing successfully within the pluralist democratic arena. When the political winds shifted in 2008, however, neocons found themselves shorn of power in Congress and the executive branch. But portentously, they still controlled the Supreme Court. The book explains how and why the neoconservatives criticized but operated within pluralist democracy, and, most important, what the entrenchment of neocons on the Supreme Court means for present and future politics and law.Less
This book draws on neoconservative writings to explore the rise of the neocons and their influence on the Supreme Court. Neocons burst onto the political scene in the early 1980s via their assault on pluralist democracy's ethical relativism, where no pre-existing or higher principles limit the agendas of interest groups. Instead, they advocated for a resurrection of republican democracy, which declares that virtuous citizens and officials pursue the common good. Yet despite their original goals, neocons quickly became an interest group themselves, competing successfully within the pluralist democratic arena. When the political winds shifted in 2008, however, neocons found themselves shorn of power in Congress and the executive branch. But portentously, they still controlled the Supreme Court. The book explains how and why the neoconservatives criticized but operated within pluralist democracy, and, most important, what the entrenchment of neocons on the Supreme Court means for present and future politics and law.
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226741079
- eISBN:
- 9780226741093
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226741093.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
France today is in the throes of a crisis that began in the last decades of the twentieth century. It is a crisis defined through the rhetoric of universalism—a universalism taken to be uniquely ...
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France today is in the throes of a crisis that began in the last decades of the twentieth century. It is a crisis defined through the rhetoric of universalism—a universalism taken to be uniquely French and therefore a defining trait of the system of republican democracy, its most enduring value, and its most precious political asset. This chapter introduces a book that discusses one of the movements which offered a challenge to the French representative democracy in the 1990s by demanding a recognition of difference. The mouvement pour la parité was a feminist movement that sought to refigure the terms of the French universalism to increase the numbers of women in elective office. The partial realization of that goal came with the law of June 6, 2000, which now requires that half of all candidates for almost all political offices be women. The “parité law” was unprecedented in France and, indeed, throughout the world.Less
France today is in the throes of a crisis that began in the last decades of the twentieth century. It is a crisis defined through the rhetoric of universalism—a universalism taken to be uniquely French and therefore a defining trait of the system of republican democracy, its most enduring value, and its most precious political asset. This chapter introduces a book that discusses one of the movements which offered a challenge to the French representative democracy in the 1990s by demanding a recognition of difference. The mouvement pour la parité was a feminist movement that sought to refigure the terms of the French universalism to increase the numbers of women in elective office. The partial realization of that goal came with the law of June 6, 2000, which now requires that half of all candidates for almost all political offices be women. The “parité law” was unprecedented in France and, indeed, throughout the world.
Kevin Kenny
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195379112
- eISBN:
- 9780190254643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780195379112.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the image and reputation of Abraham Lincoln in Ireland. It explains that Lincoln's posthumous image took shape in Ireland in a context defined by Union because Ireland too was ...
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This chapter examines the image and reputation of Abraham Lincoln in Ireland. It explains that Lincoln's posthumous image took shape in Ireland in a context defined by Union because Ireland too was part a Union. It discusses how the Irish people responded to Lincoln's assassination by emphasizing the enduring power of American republican democracy and the issues that preoccupied Lincoln throughout his career which were featured in modern Irish political history. These include the idea of Union, the brutal realities of civil war, the nature of national sovereignty, the legitimacy of secession, and the qualities of political leadership during times of crisis.Less
This chapter examines the image and reputation of Abraham Lincoln in Ireland. It explains that Lincoln's posthumous image took shape in Ireland in a context defined by Union because Ireland too was part a Union. It discusses how the Irish people responded to Lincoln's assassination by emphasizing the enduring power of American republican democracy and the issues that preoccupied Lincoln throughout his career which were featured in modern Irish political history. These include the idea of Union, the brutal realities of civil war, the nature of national sovereignty, the legitimacy of secession, and the qualities of political leadership during times of crisis.