Nader Hashemi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195321241
- eISBN:
- 9780199869831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321241.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The conclusion summarizes, re‐states, and expands upon the key theoretical and practical claims on the relationship between Islam, secularism, and liberal democracy. A chapter overview and summary ...
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The conclusion summarizes, re‐states, and expands upon the key theoretical and practical claims on the relationship between Islam, secularism, and liberal democracy. A chapter overview and summary appears that recalls the key arguments and propositions advanced throughout this book. A concluding statement on the significance of this topic for contemporary global politics, especially with respect to understanding the role of religion and international affairs, is advanced.Less
The conclusion summarizes, re‐states, and expands upon the key theoretical and practical claims on the relationship between Islam, secularism, and liberal democracy. A chapter overview and summary appears that recalls the key arguments and propositions advanced throughout this book. A concluding statement on the significance of this topic for contemporary global politics, especially with respect to understanding the role of religion and international affairs, is advanced.
Katharine Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195365856
- eISBN:
- 9780199867738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365856.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter analyzes fracture lines in attitudes toward Counter-Reformation polyphony, from its championing by Choron in the 1820s to the immensely popular performances conducted by Bordes from ...
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This chapter analyzes fracture lines in attitudes toward Counter-Reformation polyphony, from its championing by Choron in the 1820s to the immensely popular performances conducted by Bordes from 1892. Fétisian music theory, Choron's performance practices, the composer's reputation as savior of Catholic church music (via the Pope Marcellus Mass), and the belief that Goudimel taught him gave his music Romantic allure and nationalist importance. Yet within church reformist circles, increased interest in the renovation of Gregorian chant as the purest and most democratic form of liturgical music enhanced suspicion about polyphony's technical demands, artifice, and barriers to understanding of liturgical texts. The chapter analyzes the sometimes vitriolic battles between radical and moderate ultramontanes, in which the latter (his supporters) allied Palestrina with the Middle Ages and the latter (his detractors) with the Renaissance. The roles of Bordes, the Schola Cantorum, and its supporters in negotiating this chasm and bringing Palestrina to official recognition via the papal Motu proprio of 1903 close the chapter.Less
This chapter analyzes fracture lines in attitudes toward Counter-Reformation polyphony, from its championing by Choron in the 1820s to the immensely popular performances conducted by Bordes from 1892. Fétisian music theory, Choron's performance practices, the composer's reputation as savior of Catholic church music (via the Pope Marcellus Mass), and the belief that Goudimel taught him gave his music Romantic allure and nationalist importance. Yet within church reformist circles, increased interest in the renovation of Gregorian chant as the purest and most democratic form of liturgical music enhanced suspicion about polyphony's technical demands, artifice, and barriers to understanding of liturgical texts. The chapter analyzes the sometimes vitriolic battles between radical and moderate ultramontanes, in which the latter (his supporters) allied Palestrina with the Middle Ages and the latter (his detractors) with the Renaissance. The roles of Bordes, the Schola Cantorum, and its supporters in negotiating this chasm and bringing Palestrina to official recognition via the papal Motu proprio of 1903 close the chapter.
Benjamin J. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202837
- eISBN:
- 9780191675546
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202837.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter covers the stormy 1580s, which began with the Libertines in control, saw a Calvinist theocratic regime seize power in 1586, and ended with Libertines as firmly back in the saddle as ever ...
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This chapter covers the stormy 1580s, which began with the Libertines in control, saw a Calvinist theocratic regime seize power in 1586, and ended with Libertines as firmly back in the saddle as ever before. The conspiracies, coups, and counter-coups illustrate how closely the contours of religious, social, and political community followed one another in the late 16th century.Less
This chapter covers the stormy 1580s, which began with the Libertines in control, saw a Calvinist theocratic regime seize power in 1586, and ended with Libertines as firmly back in the saddle as ever before. The conspiracies, coups, and counter-coups illustrate how closely the contours of religious, social, and political community followed one another in the late 16th century.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning ...
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This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning behind its conceptual language, and considers the arguments of several scholars, including Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Peter Berger. It explores the three areas of interaction that affect religious politics, including the political position and capacity of religion, the rules of power sharing and political contestation, and the symbolic capital of religious ideologies.Less
This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning behind its conceptual language, and considers the arguments of several scholars, including Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Peter Berger. It explores the three areas of interaction that affect religious politics, including the political position and capacity of religion, the rules of power sharing and political contestation, and the symbolic capital of religious ideologies.
Katharine Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195365856
- eISBN:
- 9780199867738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365856.003.0003
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter continues the exploration of repertorial change, beginning with an examination of the almost entirely masculine virtuoso cult of early organ music, given new impetus by Alexandre ...
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This chapter continues the exploration of repertorial change, beginning with an examination of the almost entirely masculine virtuoso cult of early organ music, given new impetus by Alexandre Guilmant's Trocadéro concerts from 1878. The contributions of Guilmant and Louis Diémer to Bach organ music and French clavecin music, respectively, are discussed intensively, as is the rise of Bach as a profound, Romantic, Wagnerian, and universally Christian composer. In a largely anticlerical age, religious politics reappear with a discussion of the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and the early Schola Cantorum as, in part, moderate ultramontane initiatives aimed at reconciling the differences of pro-Gregorian and pro-Palestrinian clerics. Intensifications of nationalist fervour result in new attempts to rehabilitate la musique française: in addition to Diémer's contribution, a first collected edition of French opera (Michaëlis, 1877-84); and Carpentras, Goudimel, Lassus, and Rameau performances by Charles Bordes and his Chanteurs from 1892. Regionalist imperatives underpin the first modern staging of Adam de la Halle's Jeu de Robin et de Marion, in Arras (1896).Less
This chapter continues the exploration of repertorial change, beginning with an examination of the almost entirely masculine virtuoso cult of early organ music, given new impetus by Alexandre Guilmant's Trocadéro concerts from 1878. The contributions of Guilmant and Louis Diémer to Bach organ music and French clavecin music, respectively, are discussed intensively, as is the rise of Bach as a profound, Romantic, Wagnerian, and universally Christian composer. In a largely anticlerical age, religious politics reappear with a discussion of the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and the early Schola Cantorum as, in part, moderate ultramontane initiatives aimed at reconciling the differences of pro-Gregorian and pro-Palestrinian clerics. Intensifications of nationalist fervour result in new attempts to rehabilitate la musique française: in addition to Diémer's contribution, a first collected edition of French opera (Michaëlis, 1877-84); and Carpentras, Goudimel, Lassus, and Rameau performances by Charles Bordes and his Chanteurs from 1892. Regionalist imperatives underpin the first modern staging of Adam de la Halle's Jeu de Robin et de Marion, in Arras (1896).
David Cressy
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201687
- eISBN:
- 9780191674983
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201687.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the tradition of purification, thanksgiving, and the churching of women after childbirth in Tudor and Stuart England. These rituals connected the semi-secret domestic world of ...
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This chapter examines the tradition of purification, thanksgiving, and the churching of women after childbirth in Tudor and Stuart England. These rituals connected the semi-secret domestic world of women and childbirth with the public ecclesiastical and communal business of religion. Churching ceremonies occupied a special place in the womanly world of fecundity and motherhood. But like baptism, churching became embroiled in the liturgical and disciplinary contests of English Protestantism and the struggles of religious politics.Less
This chapter examines the tradition of purification, thanksgiving, and the churching of women after childbirth in Tudor and Stuart England. These rituals connected the semi-secret domestic world of women and childbirth with the public ecclesiastical and communal business of religion. Churching ceremonies occupied a special place in the womanly world of fecundity and motherhood. But like baptism, churching became embroiled in the liturgical and disciplinary contests of English Protestantism and the struggles of religious politics.
Sultan Tepe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The global rise of political religion is one of the defining and most puzzling characteristics of current world politics. Since the early 1990s, religious parties have achieved stunning electoral ...
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The global rise of political religion is one of the defining and most puzzling characteristics of current world politics. Since the early 1990s, religious parties have achieved stunning electoral victories around the world. This book investigates religious politics and its implications for contemporary democracy through a comparison of political parties in Israel and Turkey. While the politics of Judaism and Islam are typically seen as outgrowths of oppositionally different beliefs, the author's comparative inquiry shows how limiting this understanding of religious politics can be. Her cross-country and cross-religion analysis develops a unique approach to identifying religious parties' idiosyncratic and shared characteristics without reducing them to simple categories of religious/secular, Judeo-Christian/Islamic, or democratic/antidemocratic. The author shows that religious parties in both Israel and Turkey attract broad coalitions of supporters and skillfully inhabit religious and secular worlds simultaneously. They imbue existing traditional ideas with new political messages, blur conventional political lines and allegiances, offer strategic political choices, and exhibit remarkably similar political views. The book's findings will be especially relevant to those who want to pass beyond rudimentary typologies to better assess religious parties' capacities to undermine and contribute to liberal democracy. The Israeli and Turkish cases open a window to better understanding the complexities of religious parties. Ultimately, the book demonstrates that the characteristics of religious political parties—whether Jewish, Muslim, or yet another religion—can be as striking in their similarities as in their differences.Less
The global rise of political religion is one of the defining and most puzzling characteristics of current world politics. Since the early 1990s, religious parties have achieved stunning electoral victories around the world. This book investigates religious politics and its implications for contemporary democracy through a comparison of political parties in Israel and Turkey. While the politics of Judaism and Islam are typically seen as outgrowths of oppositionally different beliefs, the author's comparative inquiry shows how limiting this understanding of religious politics can be. Her cross-country and cross-religion analysis develops a unique approach to identifying religious parties' idiosyncratic and shared characteristics without reducing them to simple categories of religious/secular, Judeo-Christian/Islamic, or democratic/antidemocratic. The author shows that religious parties in both Israel and Turkey attract broad coalitions of supporters and skillfully inhabit religious and secular worlds simultaneously. They imbue existing traditional ideas with new political messages, blur conventional political lines and allegiances, offer strategic political choices, and exhibit remarkably similar political views. The book's findings will be especially relevant to those who want to pass beyond rudimentary typologies to better assess religious parties' capacities to undermine and contribute to liberal democracy. The Israeli and Turkish cases open a window to better understanding the complexities of religious parties. Ultimately, the book demonstrates that the characteristics of religious political parties—whether Jewish, Muslim, or yet another religion—can be as striking in their similarities as in their differences.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and Dawn Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227365
- eISBN:
- 9780823240869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823227365.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Abraham Lincoln's understanding of the requirements of republican government led him to direct religious sentiment toward responsible democracy or self-government. As a successful republic requires a ...
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Abraham Lincoln's understanding of the requirements of republican government led him to direct religious sentiment toward responsible democracy or self-government. As a successful republic requires a moral or self-controlled people, he believed the religious impulse of society could help moderate the excesses of passion and self-interest in the community. As a means of achieving this social order, Lincoln promoted “support of the Constitution” and “reverence for the laws” to become what he called “the political religion of the nation.” Lincoln believed that the perpetuation of the free government established by the American Revolution depended on this almost sacred law-abidingness, and he called on both politician and preacher to promote this “political religion.” This chapter focuses on a few examples of “Lincoln's political religion and religious politics” to illustrate what he thought was a prudent connection between politics and religion.Less
Abraham Lincoln's understanding of the requirements of republican government led him to direct religious sentiment toward responsible democracy or self-government. As a successful republic requires a moral or self-controlled people, he believed the religious impulse of society could help moderate the excesses of passion and self-interest in the community. As a means of achieving this social order, Lincoln promoted “support of the Constitution” and “reverence for the laws” to become what he called “the political religion of the nation.” Lincoln believed that the perpetuation of the free government established by the American Revolution depended on this almost sacred law-abidingness, and he called on both politician and preacher to promote this “political religion.” This chapter focuses on a few examples of “Lincoln's political religion and religious politics” to illustrate what he thought was a prudent connection between politics and religion.
Daniel H. Williams
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198264644
- eISBN:
- 9780191682735
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198264644.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
The publication of De fide represents a sudden and dramatic reversal in Ambrose's policies towards the Homoians in Milan. Probably written in late autumn of 378, the document is nothing less than a ...
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The publication of De fide represents a sudden and dramatic reversal in Ambrose's policies towards the Homoians in Milan. Probably written in late autumn of 378, the document is nothing less than a full-scale attack against western Arianism, denigrating it as the worst of heresies and as an enemy to the truth. Such a transformation indicates that the carefully balanced scales of Ambrosian administration had been tipped. In reality, however, this polemical manifesto by Ambrose is not so surprising. The chapter shows how much had transpired at Milan to vitiate Valentinian's promise to Ambrose that his episcopate would be characterized by a ‘peaceful future’. The composition of De fide is itself a reaction to these events and must be considered in light of the political and religious circumstances that gave rise to it.Less
The publication of De fide represents a sudden and dramatic reversal in Ambrose's policies towards the Homoians in Milan. Probably written in late autumn of 378, the document is nothing less than a full-scale attack against western Arianism, denigrating it as the worst of heresies and as an enemy to the truth. Such a transformation indicates that the carefully balanced scales of Ambrosian administration had been tipped. In reality, however, this polemical manifesto by Ambrose is not so surprising. The chapter shows how much had transpired at Milan to vitiate Valentinian's promise to Ambrose that his episcopate would be characterized by a ‘peaceful future’. The composition of De fide is itself a reaction to these events and must be considered in light of the political and religious circumstances that gave rise to it.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter details the ideas, agreements, and shifts that have marked the broader settings of religious politics in Israel and Turkey, and analyzes how elites of religious parties reproduced ...
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This chapter details the ideas, agreements, and shifts that have marked the broader settings of religious politics in Israel and Turkey, and analyzes how elites of religious parties reproduced religious symbols and why an increasing number of voters find these messages relevant. It warns against ahistorical treatment of the interactions between the state and religion and the reification of a secular state sphere as an area that can be easily separated from the religious sphere. The chapter also suggests that the dependency of the state on religion and vice versa, and not the state's control of religion, seem to make religion one of the most contentious areas of Israel's and Turkey's politics.Less
This chapter details the ideas, agreements, and shifts that have marked the broader settings of religious politics in Israel and Turkey, and analyzes how elites of religious parties reproduced religious symbols and why an increasing number of voters find these messages relevant. It warns against ahistorical treatment of the interactions between the state and religion and the reification of a secular state sphere as an area that can be easily separated from the religious sphere. The chapter also suggests that the dependency of the state on religion and vice versa, and not the state's control of religion, seem to make religion one of the most contentious areas of Israel's and Turkey's politics.
Winnifred Fallers Sullivan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226248479
- eISBN:
- 9780226248646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226248646.003.0023
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious ...
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This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious communities and organizations that came together in opposition to the Smith decision, which was widely perceived as a threat to religion. Post-Smith, a new accommodation between the religion clauses of the First Amendment favors the rights of religions communities over those of individuals.Less
This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious communities and organizations that came together in opposition to the Smith decision, which was widely perceived as a threat to religion. Post-Smith, a new accommodation between the religion clauses of the First Amendment favors the rights of religions communities over those of individuals.
Keith M. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748612987
- eISBN:
- 9780748653546
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748612987.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter focuses on the tensions within the political community, on those fissures that broke apart the consensus that made government possible. It observes that ideas about resistance, ...
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This chapter focuses on the tensions within the political community, on those fissures that broke apart the consensus that made government possible. It observes that ideas about resistance, implacable religious divisions and a legacy of weak government and civil war that fed the worst attributes of a feuding society all threatened to make the kingdom ungovernable. It also discusses and highlights the nobility's ambivalence towards resistance as James VI came of age, an increasing disenchantment with religious politics, and a growing unease at the escalation of feuding. It explains that the power of individual nobles, and even factions of nobles, could be broken by the crown when it exploited the natural conservatism of noble society and deployed the power of other nobles in its cause. It emphasizes that James VI's removal to England in 1603 changed forever the political landscape of Scotland, altering in the process the relationship between crown and nobility.Less
This chapter focuses on the tensions within the political community, on those fissures that broke apart the consensus that made government possible. It observes that ideas about resistance, implacable religious divisions and a legacy of weak government and civil war that fed the worst attributes of a feuding society all threatened to make the kingdom ungovernable. It also discusses and highlights the nobility's ambivalence towards resistance as James VI came of age, an increasing disenchantment with religious politics, and a growing unease at the escalation of feuding. It explains that the power of individual nobles, and even factions of nobles, could be broken by the crown when it exploited the natural conservatism of noble society and deployed the power of other nobles in its cause. It emphasizes that James VI's removal to England in 1603 changed forever the political landscape of Scotland, altering in the process the relationship between crown and nobility.
Asef Bayat (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199766062
- eISBN:
- 9780199345137
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766062.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
While there is a great deal of literature on the politics, ideology, and organizational workings of the Islamist movements, there exists little systematic study about their changing dynamics. This ...
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While there is a great deal of literature on the politics, ideology, and organizational workings of the Islamist movements, there exists little systematic study about their changing dynamics. This book, Post-Islamism, brings together a dozen substantial studies to examine the shifting dynamics of Islamist movements in diverse Muslim-majority countries extending from Indonesia to Morocco. The book brings to light the way Islamist movements have shifted in the past three decades—their directions, for what reasons, and what alternative trends they have engendered. Central to the book is a conceptual attempt re-examine at the notion of ‘post-Islamism’. The empirical studies help to interrogate and revisit the concept of ‘post-Islamism’ as a framework to explore the logic of transformation. Post-Islamism emerges as a critique from within and without of the Islamist politics with the aim of rethinking the place of religion in society and politics.Less
While there is a great deal of literature on the politics, ideology, and organizational workings of the Islamist movements, there exists little systematic study about their changing dynamics. This book, Post-Islamism, brings together a dozen substantial studies to examine the shifting dynamics of Islamist movements in diverse Muslim-majority countries extending from Indonesia to Morocco. The book brings to light the way Islamist movements have shifted in the past three decades—their directions, for what reasons, and what alternative trends they have engendered. Central to the book is a conceptual attempt re-examine at the notion of ‘post-Islamism’. The empirical studies help to interrogate and revisit the concept of ‘post-Islamism’ as a framework to explore the logic of transformation. Post-Islamism emerges as a critique from within and without of the Islamist politics with the aim of rethinking the place of religion in society and politics.
Joseph Kip Kosek (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300203516
- eISBN:
- 9780300227802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300203516.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The United States became recognizably modern in several key ways in the half-century after the Civil War. Changes such as the end of slavery, urbanization, and the suffrage movement posed formidable ...
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The United States became recognizably modern in several key ways in the half-century after the Civil War. Changes such as the end of slavery, urbanization, and the suffrage movement posed formidable challenges to religious authority. Many of the most significant writers on religious politics in this period were not government officials but reformers who sought to remake Americans' public life. This chapter presents the following documents: Reynolds v. United States (1878), the Pittsburgh Platform of Reform Judaism (1885), Frances Willard's Woman in the Pulpit (1888), Elizabeth Cady Stanton's The Woman's Bible (1895), W. E. B. Du Bois' “Of the Faith of the Fathers” (1903), Walter Rauschenbusch's Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907), and William Jennings Bryan's “Mr. Bryan's Last Speech” (1925).Less
The United States became recognizably modern in several key ways in the half-century after the Civil War. Changes such as the end of slavery, urbanization, and the suffrage movement posed formidable challenges to religious authority. Many of the most significant writers on religious politics in this period were not government officials but reformers who sought to remake Americans' public life. This chapter presents the following documents: Reynolds v. United States (1878), the Pittsburgh Platform of Reform Judaism (1885), Frances Willard's Woman in the Pulpit (1888), Elizabeth Cady Stanton's The Woman's Bible (1895), W. E. B. Du Bois' “Of the Faith of the Fathers” (1903), Walter Rauschenbusch's Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907), and William Jennings Bryan's “Mr. Bryan's Last Speech” (1925).
Ju Hui Judy Han
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520281226
- eISBN:
- 9780520961081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520281226.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the contentious religious politics of urban megachurches in Seoul, South Korea. It begins with an overview of the urban political ecology of religion in Seoul in the context of ...
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This chapter examines the contentious religious politics of urban megachurches in Seoul, South Korea. It begins with an overview of the urban political ecology of religion in Seoul in the context of the city's complex multireligious geographies. Focusing on the case of SaRang Community Church, it then highlights the uneven urban geography of conflicting aspirations for growth and belonging. Two key moments relating to the SaRang Community Church are considered: the 2007 labor dispute involving a church leader who was also a corporate business leader, and the 2013 grand opening of the church's new building as well as the controversies surrounding its expansion and construction. This chapter examines the successes of megachurch growth as well as the tensions and political conflicts within and across the public sphere.Less
This chapter examines the contentious religious politics of urban megachurches in Seoul, South Korea. It begins with an overview of the urban political ecology of religion in Seoul in the context of the city's complex multireligious geographies. Focusing on the case of SaRang Community Church, it then highlights the uneven urban geography of conflicting aspirations for growth and belonging. Two key moments relating to the SaRang Community Church are considered: the 2007 labor dispute involving a church leader who was also a corporate business leader, and the 2013 grand opening of the church's new building as well as the controversies surrounding its expansion and construction. This chapter examines the successes of megachurch growth as well as the tensions and political conflicts within and across the public sphere.
Eileen Kane
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801454233
- eISBN:
- 9781501701313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454233.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter examines how the hajj got embroiled in religious politics in Russia after 1905. In 1908, Russia's minister of internal affairs, P. A. Stolypin, appointed a hajj director for the empire—a ...
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This chapter examines how the hajj got embroiled in religious politics in Russia after 1905. In 1908, Russia's minister of internal affairs, P. A. Stolypin, appointed a hajj director for the empire—a Muslim named Said Gani Saidazimbaev. This move was a major turning point in Russia's efforts to organize the hajj. The new position was tasked to “solve the many existing problems” associated with the hajj and organize it inside Russia. This was the first time that the government put a single institution or individual in charge of the pilgrimage. This chapter first provides an overview of Saidazimbaev's plan to organize the hajj in Russia before discussing the post-1905 political flux and contestation over religious policy, with particular emphasis on Stolypin's conflict with the tsar and the Russian Orthodox Church. It also considers the challenges presented by the hajj amid the dispute, along with the disagreements and miscommunications among tsarist officials involved in the functioning of Russia's hajj infrastructure.Less
This chapter examines how the hajj got embroiled in religious politics in Russia after 1905. In 1908, Russia's minister of internal affairs, P. A. Stolypin, appointed a hajj director for the empire—a Muslim named Said Gani Saidazimbaev. This move was a major turning point in Russia's efforts to organize the hajj. The new position was tasked to “solve the many existing problems” associated with the hajj and organize it inside Russia. This was the first time that the government put a single institution or individual in charge of the pilgrimage. This chapter first provides an overview of Saidazimbaev's plan to organize the hajj in Russia before discussing the post-1905 political flux and contestation over religious policy, with particular emphasis on Stolypin's conflict with the tsar and the Russian Orthodox Church. It also considers the challenges presented by the hajj amid the dispute, along with the disagreements and miscommunications among tsarist officials involved in the functioning of Russia's hajj infrastructure.
Sahana Udupa
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520281226
- eISBN:
- 9780520961081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520281226.003.0024
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explores the relationship between social media and an emergent group of right-wing “Internet Hindus,” with particular emphasis on a range of mediations—technological, social, and ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between social media and an emergent group of right-wing “Internet Hindus,” with particular emphasis on a range of mediations—technological, social, and urban—that underlie its making. Drawing on important scholarship by Thomas Blom Hansen, Arvind Rajagopal, and Peter van der Veer, it considers the media practices of Hindu activists in the Internet age and the ways in which digitally mediated agency builds up and maintains the momentum of Hindu nationalist ideology. Specifically, it analyzes the production of the strangeness of the “religious other” through digital agency in Mumbai as a form of violence. Finally, it shows how social media such as Twitter shapes religious politics in Mumbai and Hindu nationalism in particular.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between social media and an emergent group of right-wing “Internet Hindus,” with particular emphasis on a range of mediations—technological, social, and urban—that underlie its making. Drawing on important scholarship by Thomas Blom Hansen, Arvind Rajagopal, and Peter van der Veer, it considers the media practices of Hindu activists in the Internet age and the ways in which digitally mediated agency builds up and maintains the momentum of Hindu nationalist ideology. Specifically, it analyzes the production of the strangeness of the “religious other” through digital agency in Mumbai as a form of violence. Finally, it shows how social media such as Twitter shapes religious politics in Mumbai and Hindu nationalism in particular.
Jane Gilbert
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719063183
- eISBN:
- 9781781700563
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719063183.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Anglo-Saxon / Old English Literature
The central figure of the Middle English popular romance known as The King of Tars (hereafter KT) — a formless lump of flesh born instead of a child — defines a certain view of popular literature. ...
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The central figure of the Middle English popular romance known as The King of Tars (hereafter KT) — a formless lump of flesh born instead of a child — defines a certain view of popular literature. The birth is an outrageously sensationalist event; the ideological message conveyed by its subsequent transformation into a human being through baptism is simplistic, vulgar and racist. This chapter concentrates on the treatment of the lump in order to show how its treatment throws into relief the different configurations of paternity and maternity, of gender roles and of religious politics put forward in a range of re-tellings.Less
The central figure of the Middle English popular romance known as The King of Tars (hereafter KT) — a formless lump of flesh born instead of a child — defines a certain view of popular literature. The birth is an outrageously sensationalist event; the ideological message conveyed by its subsequent transformation into a human being through baptism is simplistic, vulgar and racist. This chapter concentrates on the treatment of the lump in order to show how its treatment throws into relief the different configurations of paternity and maternity, of gender roles and of religious politics put forward in a range of re-tellings.
Joseph Locke
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190216283
- eISBN:
- 9780190216313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190216283.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, History of Religion
By the turn of the twentieth century, a cohort of clerical activists, plagued by notions of a widespread spiritual crisis, realized that religious authority in public life could be bolstered by the ...
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By the turn of the twentieth century, a cohort of clerical activists, plagued by notions of a widespread spiritual crisis, realized that religious authority in public life could be bolstered by the construction of new and powerful denominational bureaucracies, the pursuit of moral reforms such as prohibition, and by tackling head on the widely held anticlerical fears confronting religious activism in public life. Activists such as Methodist minister George C. Rankin would learn, for instance, that reclaiming historical memory—abolishing hostile associations with witch trials and inquisitions–could convince more and more Texans that government could—and should—be run along religious lines. Moral reform was only the most public manifestation of a brewing clerical movement that targeted the popular religious attitudes of everyday southerners to enable the construction of the Bible Belt.Less
By the turn of the twentieth century, a cohort of clerical activists, plagued by notions of a widespread spiritual crisis, realized that religious authority in public life could be bolstered by the construction of new and powerful denominational bureaucracies, the pursuit of moral reforms such as prohibition, and by tackling head on the widely held anticlerical fears confronting religious activism in public life. Activists such as Methodist minister George C. Rankin would learn, for instance, that reclaiming historical memory—abolishing hostile associations with witch trials and inquisitions–could convince more and more Texans that government could—and should—be run along religious lines. Moral reform was only the most public manifestation of a brewing clerical movement that targeted the popular religious attitudes of everyday southerners to enable the construction of the Bible Belt.
Joseph Locke
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190216283
- eISBN:
- 9780190216313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190216283.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, History of Religion
Fleeting political defeats could not blunt the rising power of Texas’s evangelical activists, and clerics’ cloistered denominational worlds sustained their efforts through all of the bitter political ...
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Fleeting political defeats could not blunt the rising power of Texas’s evangelical activists, and clerics’ cloistered denominational worlds sustained their efforts through all of the bitter political battles over prohibition and other moral reforms during the early twentieth century. Shielded from the stormy winds of politics and the public’s anticlericalism, the clerical culture nourished new generations with the gospel of politics and southern religious leaders pushed triumphantly into public life behind the issue of prohibition. Aggressive religious leaders such as J. Frank Norris and Robert Shuler outmaneuvered hostile politicians, including Governor James Ferguson, and elevated Morris Sheppard, the “father of national prohibition” and a firm champion of Christian nationalism, to the U.S. Senate. By the time the United States entered World War I, clerics were well-positioned to implement the Eighteenth Amendment, allowing for the national prohibition of alcohol.Less
Fleeting political defeats could not blunt the rising power of Texas’s evangelical activists, and clerics’ cloistered denominational worlds sustained their efforts through all of the bitter political battles over prohibition and other moral reforms during the early twentieth century. Shielded from the stormy winds of politics and the public’s anticlericalism, the clerical culture nourished new generations with the gospel of politics and southern religious leaders pushed triumphantly into public life behind the issue of prohibition. Aggressive religious leaders such as J. Frank Norris and Robert Shuler outmaneuvered hostile politicians, including Governor James Ferguson, and elevated Morris Sheppard, the “father of national prohibition” and a firm champion of Christian nationalism, to the U.S. Senate. By the time the United States entered World War I, clerics were well-positioned to implement the Eighteenth Amendment, allowing for the national prohibition of alcohol.