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The hajj has always had far-reaching political ramifications, but today, after a half century of sponsorship and regulation by governments around the world, it is more politicized than ever. In most countries, hajj administration is tainted with favoritism and corruption. All the major pilgrimage programs are explicitly tailored to benefit voting blocks and businesses at home while cultivating prestige and influence abroad. Frequently, pilgrim management is so politicized it subverts the central values of the hajj. Instead of promoting unity and equality, it divides Muslims along every conceivable line–ethnicity, language, class, party, region, sect, gender, and age.

This chapter discusses the results of the investigation of the extreme capsule (EmC) of rhesus monkey brains. It shows that the EmC is the principal association pathway linking the middle superior temporal region with the caudal parts of the orbital cortex and the ventral-lateral prefrontal cortex. In addition to carrying these long association fiber connections, the fibers destined for the claustrum from the parietal, temporal, and frontal lobes also traverse the EmC.

This chapter gives a demonstration of how different incidences of scanning modify the anatomical appreciation of structural brain lesions. Examples include lesions in left parietal, left calcarine, right temporal, and left frontal regions.

This chapter presents a paper published by Korbinian Brodmann in 1908, which contains the first complete description of a parcellation of the whole cortical surface, one that is still widely used today. The paper is a shorter version of Brodmann's famous 1909 book.

This chapter reports the small number of experiments on the ion mobility in liquid ³He at intermediate temperatures between the critical point at T_c=3.3 K and T=1 K. The inadequacy of the theoretical description in this cross-over region is pointed out.

Chapter 8 broadens the scope of this book and makes programmatic connections both between the urbanized local state and China's emerging territorial order, and between civic territoriality and the prospects of grassroots mobilization in Chinese cities and the countryside. Both issues are at the center of the recent property crisis and rural reform in China. On the former, the author proposes that while state power is restructured through the double movement of power decentralization and reconcentration among competing local states, leading cities of metropolitan regions rise to dominate the new territorial order. On the latter, two theoretical connections can be made between civic territoriality and social activism. The first one responds to debates on the relative importance of community and class in urban social movements; the second examines rural collectivism and suggests that while much‐criticized collective land ownership persists in China, peasants' collective organization and identity have been paradoxically dismantled to a significant extent.

The geographical contours of political world economy can be discussed through a continuously changing structure of both core and peripheral areas on an international and intra-national scale and a collection of states and their corresponding national economies. Regional economies imply that the competitive advantages and economic fate of individual firms are linked to those of all the other local firms. Regional economies can also be considered as political entities since it take structures of collective order into account. This chapter summarises the author's insights regarding how the revival of regions as the focus of economic and political activity may be able to result in the rethinking of issues that concern citizenship and democracy in local society.

Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to support members who have a weak labour market position. During the 1980s and 1990s, social spending has increased and the regional system has played an important role in driving reform and welfare state expansion. However, greater labour market flexibility and demands on women to work have placed even more stress on the family system.

The chapter discusses the increasing role of sub-national territories as new, distinctive and relatively autonomous “bounded spaces” in certain areas of social protection, notably health care, active labour market policies, social services and assistance. This new development is illustrated by reference not only to within-state trends of social protection regionalization, but also to novel forms of transnational regional groupings. The Italian case is presented in detail as an emblematic example of the shift from welfare state to welfare regions.

Any configuration of boundaries is relevant for the level and type of confinement of actors and resources within the new system. Chapters Five and Six analyse the implications of the EU boundary redrawing for the different types of actors and resources active in the territorial, corporate and political-electoral channels of representation. The chapters also discuss the consequences for established national political structures and the prospects for the development of new, European-wide political structures. In the territorial channel, the European integration is likely to foster processes of sub-state territorial differentiation, generate accrued sub-state territorial competition and a renewed awareness of it, and contribute towards a rebirth of (sub-state) territorially-based politics in Europe. In the corporate channel, it is suggested that the existing interest groups experience declining interest compatibility or declining solidarity ties. This is likely to generate further pluralization and fragmentation, declining cohesion of national groups, and a destructuring of national patterns of interest intermediation associated with a predominant lobbyist incorporation into the European techno-bureaucratic decision-making processes.

Over the long sweep of history it is difficult to argue that the lands around the Black Sea have been more volatile, a sense of ethnic identity more deeply felt, or questions of land, custom, and religion more divisive than in any other part of Europe or Eurasia. At times the region has been a frontier between different empires and civilizations; at other times, it has been a well-integrated part of broader European—even global—economic and political relationships. The ecology of the sea itself set the stage for long periods of interaction and exchange.

Ian Bache considers the utility of multi‐level governance in relation to the implementation of EU regional policy. This chapter provides an examination of multi‐level governance on its ‘own ground’: the concept was developed from a study of EC/EU regional policy and is said to be most prominent at the implementation stage of the policy process. However, in addition to discussing multi‐level governance and EU regional policy across Member States, particular attention is given to its implementation in the UK, which, for reasons suggested above, presents a ‘hard case’ for multi‐level governance theorists.

Deals with arguably the most pointed omission from the thinking of the English School of International Relations – international political economy (IPE) – a failure has had serious and negative consequences for how the understanding of international society has developed, and has also had the consequence that the English School has so far not exploited its considerable potential to act as the theoretical framework through which globalization can be analyzed. The author holds that nothing stands in the way of bringing IPE into the international society tradition, and that much is to be gained by doing so. In the first section of the chapter, he begins his account by identifying and then accounting for this omission, arguing that it is both unnecessary and unjustified; he places the economic sector within English School thinking, looks at what has been said about it, and examines why it has been neglected. In the second section, the consequences of the neglect of the economic sector are explored for the debate about pluralism and solidarism. In the third section, regions and institutions are examined as ways of bringing IPE and the English School together, and in the final section, it is argued that this combination holds the key to a more effective study of globalization.

This chapter analyzes the social foundations of democracy by focusing on the internal dynamics of building scaled-up, democratic counterweights under authoritarian rule. It takes up the challenge posed by Michels' classic political sociology puzzle of ‘Iron Law of Oligarchy’, asking which factors make it possible for members to hold their leaders accountable. The case study traces the history of a broad-based regional agrarian membership organization to identify ebbs and flows of leadership accountability. An inductive, ethnographic, and longitudinal approach documents how the power relationships between leaders and members change over time. Though the organization held regular elections, in which elected agrarian community leaders voted for regional representatives, the electoral process was not the principal determinant of leadership accountability. Instead, the existence of other kinds of checks and balances — participatory subgroups and pro-democracy external actors — turn out to be more important factors in favor of leadership accountability.

Presents an overview of the book's main themes: the variety of federal approaches, the risks of conceptual confusion and path‐dependency from previous state systems, the influence of regional political agendas, and the added complexities that confront multi‐ethnic and multi‐lingual states. These issues are explored at several stages of Soviet and post‐Soviet Russian political history. This book combines insights from the fields of Russian area studies, comparative law, and comparative politics. The author's methodology is presented, key terms are defined, geography and political divisions are explained (with maps), and followed by an outline of the book's chapters.

This chapter develops a three-dimensionalist account of temporal supervenience — the temporal-regions account — and argues that the latter shares the main virtues and avoids the main drawbacks of its four-dimensionalist rival. The three-dimensionalist account asserts and explains the theses that the facts of persistence logically supervene on facts about the spatiotemporal location of objects, and that the facts of temporal instantiation logically supervene on the atemporal instantiation of properties by temporally unextended spacetime regions occupied by objects. Structural similarities of the temporal-regions account and the temporal-parts account are pointed out, and the temporal-regions account is shown to avoid the problems that threaten the temporal-parts account. The remainder of the chapter deals with various consequences and apparent difficulties of three-dimensionalist supervenience.