Reimund Seidelmann
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building ...
More
Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building with an empirically based discussion, and seeks to place developments in Eastern Europe into a wider analytical framework. The chapter argues that the relationship between security and democracy in Eastern Europe is based on the concept of dual conditionality. The relationship is a reciprocal one in which security conditions democratic development as much as democratic consolidation conditions regional security and peace building. Finally, the chapter discusses several caveats concerning the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe.Less
Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building with an empirically based discussion, and seeks to place developments in Eastern Europe into a wider analytical framework. The chapter argues that the relationship between security and democracy in Eastern Europe is based on the concept of dual conditionality. The relationship is a reciprocal one in which security conditions democratic development as much as democratic consolidation conditions regional security and peace building. Finally, the chapter discusses several caveats concerning the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe.
ZHANG LINHONG
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter presents a view of China's approach to security multilateralism in Pacific Asia. It argues that the three main challenges that China faces in regional security are the potential for ...
More
This chapter presents a view of China's approach to security multilateralism in Pacific Asia. It argues that the three main challenges that China faces in regional security are the potential for conflict on the Korean peninsula, Japan's politics of military aggressiveness and the meaninglessness of its non-violent constitution, and the Taiwan separatists' denial of ‘One China’. Despite the likely persistence of these problems, the discussion presents some grounds for optimism in building regional security multilateralism, in terms of the modes, fields, and driving forces of cooperation. Nevertheless, it indicates how far the prospect for multilateralism is dependent on the emergence of a consensus between China, Japan, and the USA as to its desirability, capability, and purposes.Less
This chapter presents a view of China's approach to security multilateralism in Pacific Asia. It argues that the three main challenges that China faces in regional security are the potential for conflict on the Korean peninsula, Japan's politics of military aggressiveness and the meaninglessness of its non-violent constitution, and the Taiwan separatists' denial of ‘One China’. Despite the likely persistence of these problems, the discussion presents some grounds for optimism in building regional security multilateralism, in terms of the modes, fields, and driving forces of cooperation. Nevertheless, it indicates how far the prospect for multilateralism is dependent on the emergence of a consensus between China, Japan, and the USA as to its desirability, capability, and purposes.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift ...
More
This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China. The first part examines Europe's traditional involvement in East Asian security affairs, including the Taiwan question and cross‐Strait relations. In the second part, this chapter analyses the novelty represented by the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China, including its impact on a regional environment characterized by the security dilemma and balance of power logic. This chapter concludes with a discussion on whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China coupled with the peculiar characteristics of East Asia's international system has made the EU to be perceived as a novel strategic factor in the region.Less
This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China. The first part examines Europe's traditional involvement in East Asian security affairs, including the Taiwan question and cross‐Strait relations. In the second part, this chapter analyses the novelty represented by the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China, including its impact on a regional environment characterized by the security dilemma and balance of power logic. This chapter concludes with a discussion on whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China coupled with the peculiar characteristics of East Asia's international system has made the EU to be perceived as a novel strategic factor in the region.
Varun Sahni
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198069652
- eISBN:
- 9780199082742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198069652.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter seeks to relate the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ to the relatively unexplored concept of ‘regional leadership’ by comparing the regional security problématiques of ...
More
The chapter seeks to relate the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ to the relatively unexplored concept of ‘regional leadership’ by comparing the regional security problématiques of Brazil, India and South Africa, the three most visible emerging powers in the global South. While the exercise of regional power is in its essence a control operation, the establishment of regional leadership requires the generation of consent. The chapter also seeks to understand the interplay between policy initiative and regional context. To what extent are the regional policies of Brazil, India, and South Africa conditioned by their respective regional contexts? What is the role of innovative domestic and regional policy in transforming the regional context? Thus, the subject matter of the chapter also gestures to a fundamental issue in social science research, the agent-structure problem.Less
The chapter seeks to relate the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ to the relatively unexplored concept of ‘regional leadership’ by comparing the regional security problématiques of Brazil, India and South Africa, the three most visible emerging powers in the global South. While the exercise of regional power is in its essence a control operation, the establishment of regional leadership requires the generation of consent. The chapter also seeks to understand the interplay between policy initiative and regional context. To what extent are the regional policies of Brazil, India, and South Africa conditioned by their respective regional contexts? What is the role of innovative domestic and regional policy in transforming the regional context? Thus, the subject matter of the chapter also gestures to a fundamental issue in social science research, the agent-structure problem.
Andrew Kuchins
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125633
- eISBN:
- 9780813135359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125633.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the Russian perspective on China. This perspective is shaped by a complex amalgamation of geopolitical, economic, historical, and cultural factors that add up to a profound ...
More
This chapter explores the Russian perspective on China. This perspective is shaped by a complex amalgamation of geopolitical, economic, historical, and cultural factors that add up to a profound ambivalence toward their rapidly growing neighbor. Despite this ambivalence, Russian policy toward China for the past two decades under Boris Yeltsin, Vladimir Putin, and now Dmitri Medvedev has been driven mainly by pragmatic considerations, resulting in a gradual rapprochement and thickening of the relationship. Such perspectives are also very indicative of Russia's identity and view of its place in the world as a uniquely Eurasian power. Additionally, Russian perspectives on China and international relations more broadly tend toward traditional realpolitik considerations of the dynamics between rising and falling great powers. Topics covered include Russian domestic politics, regional security and ideology, and the cooling of U.S.–Russian relations. Despite perceptions of a shifting balance of power and the genuine cooling in U.S.–Russian ties, Russian elites remain at best ambivalent about the emerging Chinese superpower. For historical, cultural, geographic, and economic reasons, Russia's preferred option is to lean west, while improving ties with China both for intrinsic reasons as well as to enhance its leverage with the United States and Europe.Less
This chapter explores the Russian perspective on China. This perspective is shaped by a complex amalgamation of geopolitical, economic, historical, and cultural factors that add up to a profound ambivalence toward their rapidly growing neighbor. Despite this ambivalence, Russian policy toward China for the past two decades under Boris Yeltsin, Vladimir Putin, and now Dmitri Medvedev has been driven mainly by pragmatic considerations, resulting in a gradual rapprochement and thickening of the relationship. Such perspectives are also very indicative of Russia's identity and view of its place in the world as a uniquely Eurasian power. Additionally, Russian perspectives on China and international relations more broadly tend toward traditional realpolitik considerations of the dynamics between rising and falling great powers. Topics covered include Russian domestic politics, regional security and ideology, and the cooling of U.S.–Russian relations. Despite perceptions of a shifting balance of power and the genuine cooling in U.S.–Russian ties, Russian elites remain at best ambivalent about the emerging Chinese superpower. For historical, cultural, geographic, and economic reasons, Russia's preferred option is to lean west, while improving ties with China both for intrinsic reasons as well as to enhance its leverage with the United States and Europe.
E. Sridharan (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198069652
- eISBN:
- 9780199082742
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198069652.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the ...
More
This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars employing IR theory and broader social science theorizing, it looks at some of the issues that hinder conflict resolution and cooperation-building in the region, from security to political economy and regional architecture, in the context of foreign policy and domestic politics. It highlights the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has undermined any form of regional security treaty or institution, particularly the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). It argues that regional integration requires sovereignty tradeoffs, whereby some components of sovereignty in some spheres must be ceded to supranational authorities. It also discusses the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ in relation to ‘regional leadership’ and considers a variant of neoliberal institutionalism at the regional level — the cobweb or ‘bottom-up’ Nordic model of cooperation — as a feasible model for SAARC. Moreover, it examines domestic politics and its implications for relations between states by highlighting civil-military relations in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka; Sri Lanka's foreign policy reversal towards India from the 1990s and the politics of the economic relations between the two countries; the domestic politics of Bangladesh's policy towards India; the Indo-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement of 1998 and its implications for the political economy of regional trade liberalisation between India and its smaller neighbours; and obstacles to India-Bangladesh cooperation from an IR theory perspective.Less
This volume explores the nature of conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War and post-1998 periods within the framework of international relations theory. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars employing IR theory and broader social science theorizing, it looks at some of the issues that hinder conflict resolution and cooperation-building in the region, from security to political economy and regional architecture, in the context of foreign policy and domestic politics. It highlights the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has undermined any form of regional security treaty or institution, particularly the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). It argues that regional integration requires sovereignty tradeoffs, whereby some components of sovereignty in some spheres must be ceded to supranational authorities. It also discusses the concepts of ‘regional power’ and ‘regional security’ in relation to ‘regional leadership’ and considers a variant of neoliberal institutionalism at the regional level — the cobweb or ‘bottom-up’ Nordic model of cooperation — as a feasible model for SAARC. Moreover, it examines domestic politics and its implications for relations between states by highlighting civil-military relations in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka; Sri Lanka's foreign policy reversal towards India from the 1990s and the politics of the economic relations between the two countries; the domestic politics of Bangladesh's policy towards India; the Indo-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement of 1998 and its implications for the political economy of regional trade liberalisation between India and its smaller neighbours; and obstacles to India-Bangladesh cooperation from an IR theory perspective.
Erin K. Jenne
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453908
- eISBN:
- 9781501701276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453908.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter draws on the implications of this book's analysis to suggest ways for designing more effective regional security regimes both inside Europe and beyond. To establish effective ...
More
This concluding chapter draws on the implications of this book's analysis to suggest ways for designing more effective regional security regimes both inside Europe and beyond. To establish effective regional security regimes, three features must be present. First, a decision-making body must be established that can cope with internal veto players as well as member-state aggression. Second, a regularized, independent enforcement mechanism must be created with the full backing of regional hegemons and great powers. Finally, the regime must engender cooperation between monitors and enforcers to provide effective conflict management at all stages of the conflict—from preventive diplomacy to postwar reconstruction. Securing significant investment from regional powers while protecting against exploitation remains the most difficult task for designers of regional security regimes.Less
This concluding chapter draws on the implications of this book's analysis to suggest ways for designing more effective regional security regimes both inside Europe and beyond. To establish effective regional security regimes, three features must be present. First, a decision-making body must be established that can cope with internal veto players as well as member-state aggression. Second, a regularized, independent enforcement mechanism must be created with the full backing of regional hegemons and great powers. Finally, the regime must engender cooperation between monitors and enforcers to provide effective conflict management at all stages of the conflict—from preventive diplomacy to postwar reconstruction. Securing significant investment from regional powers while protecting against exploitation remains the most difficult task for designers of regional security regimes.
Erin K. Jenne
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453908
- eISBN:
- 9781501701276
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453908.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Why does soft power conflict management meet with variable success over the course of a single mediation? This book asserts that international conflict management is almost never a straightforward ...
More
Why does soft power conflict management meet with variable success over the course of a single mediation? This book asserts that international conflict management is almost never a straightforward case of success or failure. Instead, external mediators may reduce communal tensions at one point but utterly fail at another point. The book uses a “nested security” model of conflict management, which holds that protracted ethnic or ideological conflicts are rarely internal affairs, but rather are embedded in wider regional and/or great power disputes. Internal conflict is nested within a regional environment, which in turn is nested in a global environment. Efforts to reduce conflict on the ground are therefore unlikely to succeed without first containing or resolving inter-state or trans-state conflict processes. Nested security is neither irreversible nor static: ethnic relations may easily go from nested security to nested insecurity when the regional or geopolitical structures that support them are destabilized. The book argues that regional security regimes are ideally suited to the management of internal conflicts, because neighbors that have a strong incentive to work for stability provide critical hard-power backing to soft-power missions. The theory is tested against two regional security regimes in Central and Eastern Europe.Less
Why does soft power conflict management meet with variable success over the course of a single mediation? This book asserts that international conflict management is almost never a straightforward case of success or failure. Instead, external mediators may reduce communal tensions at one point but utterly fail at another point. The book uses a “nested security” model of conflict management, which holds that protracted ethnic or ideological conflicts are rarely internal affairs, but rather are embedded in wider regional and/or great power disputes. Internal conflict is nested within a regional environment, which in turn is nested in a global environment. Efforts to reduce conflict on the ground are therefore unlikely to succeed without first containing or resolving inter-state or trans-state conflict processes. Nested security is neither irreversible nor static: ethnic relations may easily go from nested security to nested insecurity when the regional or geopolitical structures that support them are destabilized. The book argues that regional security regimes are ideally suited to the management of internal conflicts, because neighbors that have a strong incentive to work for stability provide critical hard-power backing to soft-power missions. The theory is tested against two regional security regimes in Central and Eastern Europe.
Sam Bateman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199299614
- eISBN:
- 9780191714887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199299614.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The law of the sea provides the legal framework for national rights and obligations at sea, while it is also an important catalyst for regional security cooperation and dialogue. However, the law of ...
More
The law of the sea provides the legal framework for national rights and obligations at sea, while it is also an important catalyst for regional security cooperation and dialogue. However, the law of the sea can also be a potential source of tension. All the critical issues with resolving ambiguities in the law of the sea, and the different points of view on particular jurisdictional issues and the freedoms of navigation and overflight, may be found in the seas of East Asia. The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and customary international law identify three distinct navigational regimes: innocent passage applying to the territorial sea and archipelagic waters; transit passage through straits used for international navigation; and archipelagic sea lanes passage through archipelagic waters. This chapter examines key areas of disagreement in the region with regard to the freedoms of navigation and overflight, including those in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), and discusses some recent incidents involving these issues.Less
The law of the sea provides the legal framework for national rights and obligations at sea, while it is also an important catalyst for regional security cooperation and dialogue. However, the law of the sea can also be a potential source of tension. All the critical issues with resolving ambiguities in the law of the sea, and the different points of view on particular jurisdictional issues and the freedoms of navigation and overflight, may be found in the seas of East Asia. The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and customary international law identify three distinct navigational regimes: innocent passage applying to the territorial sea and archipelagic waters; transit passage through straits used for international navigation; and archipelagic sea lanes passage through archipelagic waters. This chapter examines key areas of disagreement in the region with regard to the freedoms of navigation and overflight, including those in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), and discusses some recent incidents involving these issues.
Jing-dong Yuan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125633
- eISBN:
- 9780813135359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125633.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the various aspects of Sino-Russian defense ties in terms of their evolution, current programs, future projections and limitations, and the implications for regional security ...
More
This chapter describes the various aspects of Sino-Russian defense ties in terms of their evolution, current programs, future projections and limitations, and the implications for regional security and U.S. policy. It argues that Sino-Russian defense ties will continue in the coming years, barring (and even despite) dramatic developments such as the lifting of the European Union (EU) arms embargo, with China continuing to make sizeable albeit selective purchases of Russian weapons systems. However, Beijing will seek to lever its position as a key customer to demand more advanced systems and greater technology transfers in an effort to further improve its own domestic defense industrial base. The chapter begins by highlighting Chinese arms acquisitions from Russia since the 1990s. The issues and prospects of Sino-Russian defense cooperation are covered. The future direction of Sino-Russian defense ties will continue to be determined by the overall politico-strategic relationship of the two countries.Less
This chapter describes the various aspects of Sino-Russian defense ties in terms of their evolution, current programs, future projections and limitations, and the implications for regional security and U.S. policy. It argues that Sino-Russian defense ties will continue in the coming years, barring (and even despite) dramatic developments such as the lifting of the European Union (EU) arms embargo, with China continuing to make sizeable albeit selective purchases of Russian weapons systems. However, Beijing will seek to lever its position as a key customer to demand more advanced systems and greater technology transfers in an effort to further improve its own domestic defense industrial base. The chapter begins by highlighting Chinese arms acquisitions from Russia since the 1990s. The issues and prospects of Sino-Russian defense cooperation are covered. The future direction of Sino-Russian defense ties will continue to be determined by the overall politico-strategic relationship of the two countries.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the Central Asia Security Complex, and the involvement of its five states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – in Afghanistan. Rivalry between ...
More
This chapter examines the Central Asia Security Complex, and the involvement of its five states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – in Afghanistan. Rivalry between strong and weaker Central Asian states, fear of loss of sovereignty, and the need to balance the interests of global powers undermine regional integration. These factors also preclude a unified regional position towards Afghanistan, and – despite the ambitious “Heart of Asia” designs pursued by the US and its allies in the wake of the 2001 intervention – effectively limit their engagement there. While the five Central Asian states share concern about threats to their regime stability and national security, such as terrorism, extremism and criminality, they prefer bilateral over multilateral approaches to cooperation. The asymmetric rivalry of the five Central Asian countries, with their need to balance the interests of external actors, has resulted in a strategy of insulation towards Afghanistan. Afghanistan represents both a threat and an opportunity. While the potential spillover of instability is a concern for CA states, this is peripheral to, and not at the core of, the dynamic of the Central Asian Regional Security Complex.Less
This chapter examines the Central Asia Security Complex, and the involvement of its five states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – in Afghanistan. Rivalry between strong and weaker Central Asian states, fear of loss of sovereignty, and the need to balance the interests of global powers undermine regional integration. These factors also preclude a unified regional position towards Afghanistan, and – despite the ambitious “Heart of Asia” designs pursued by the US and its allies in the wake of the 2001 intervention – effectively limit their engagement there. While the five Central Asian states share concern about threats to their regime stability and national security, such as terrorism, extremism and criminality, they prefer bilateral over multilateral approaches to cooperation. The asymmetric rivalry of the five Central Asian countries, with their need to balance the interests of external actors, has resulted in a strategy of insulation towards Afghanistan. Afghanistan represents both a threat and an opportunity. While the potential spillover of instability is a concern for CA states, this is peripheral to, and not at the core of, the dynamic of the Central Asian Regional Security Complex.
Marco Overhaus
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198828945
- eISBN:
- 9780191867422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The USA is still the only power with the capability to have a major impact—for better or for worse—on the security orders in all major geographical regions of the world, most notably the Near/Middle ...
More
The USA is still the only power with the capability to have a major impact—for better or for worse—on the security orders in all major geographical regions of the world, most notably the Near/Middle East, East Asia, and Europe. A review of the major dynamics in regional orders shows that seven decades of American hegemony have always been short of the liberal ideal-type expectations—well before Donald Trump entered the scene. However, the Trump administration sees the international and regional security orders primarily as arenas for power competition in which economic and military might are the most relevant currencies. While the erosion of regional security orders is not primarily the result of the deeds and omissions in Washington, the missing liberal hegemon will make it much harder to reverse the trend and to rebuild these orders from within and from the outside.Less
The USA is still the only power with the capability to have a major impact—for better or for worse—on the security orders in all major geographical regions of the world, most notably the Near/Middle East, East Asia, and Europe. A review of the major dynamics in regional orders shows that seven decades of American hegemony have always been short of the liberal ideal-type expectations—well before Donald Trump entered the scene. However, the Trump administration sees the international and regional security orders primarily as arenas for power competition in which economic and military might are the most relevant currencies. While the erosion of regional security orders is not primarily the result of the deeds and omissions in Washington, the missing liberal hegemon will make it much harder to reverse the trend and to rebuild these orders from within and from the outside.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter lays out the historical and political background for Afghanistan’s fraught relationships to states in its neighborhood. It introduces the analytical framework developed by Barry Buzan ...
More
This chapter lays out the historical and political background for Afghanistan’s fraught relationships to states in its neighborhood. It introduces the analytical framework developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver in their book Regions and Powers (2003), and contrasts that to mainstream analysis, which sees Afghanistan as the center of a wider region. The authors argue that the bilateral relations between Afghanistan and neighboring states is a projection of dynamics elsewhere – within South Asia, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf – and therefore peripheral to more important regional security relations. The failure, in the aftermath of the 2001 intervention in Afghanistan, to foster a regional security cooperation that would contribute to peace and stability in that country reflects the shortcomings of the mainstream analysis. The chapter provides the foundation for an alternative approach, in which a more constructive engagement in Afghanistan by states of its neighborhood relies less on each neighbor’s relationship with Afghanistan than it does on cooperation within each of the three regions that surround it.Less
This chapter lays out the historical and political background for Afghanistan’s fraught relationships to states in its neighborhood. It introduces the analytical framework developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver in their book Regions and Powers (2003), and contrasts that to mainstream analysis, which sees Afghanistan as the center of a wider region. The authors argue that the bilateral relations between Afghanistan and neighboring states is a projection of dynamics elsewhere – within South Asia, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf – and therefore peripheral to more important regional security relations. The failure, in the aftermath of the 2001 intervention in Afghanistan, to foster a regional security cooperation that would contribute to peace and stability in that country reflects the shortcomings of the mainstream analysis. The chapter provides the foundation for an alternative approach, in which a more constructive engagement in Afghanistan by states of its neighborhood relies less on each neighbor’s relationship with Afghanistan than it does on cooperation within each of the three regions that surround it.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the security dynamic within the Persian Gulf, and the involvement of its constituent states – particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia – in Afghanistan. Following the 2003 US ...
More
This chapter examines the security dynamic within the Persian Gulf, and the involvement of its constituent states – particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia – in Afghanistan. Following the 2003 US intervention in Iraq, the security dynamic within this complex effectively became bipolar, characterized by the antagonistic relations between Iran, a rising power with hegemonic regional ambitions which is using the conflict over nuclear capability to its advantage, and a more insecure Saudi Arabia, which is forced to rely on the security guarantees of external powers against both regional and domestic threats. Global powers, in turn, are used by Iran and Saudi Arabia for the purposes of pursuing their own rivalry. Afghanistan becomes a terrain over which Iran and Saudi Arabia project their ideological and economic ambitions and seek security safeguards. Each competes to shape Afghan domestic politics and future governance, in large part by attempting to curb the influence of the other. They use their connections with various ethnic and religious groups, propagating their distinct religious doctrines, increasing economic ties and attempting to influence insurgent groups. At the same time, both seek legitimacy and relevance by maneuvering to become part of the solution to the Afghan security problem.Less
This chapter examines the security dynamic within the Persian Gulf, and the involvement of its constituent states – particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia – in Afghanistan. Following the 2003 US intervention in Iraq, the security dynamic within this complex effectively became bipolar, characterized by the antagonistic relations between Iran, a rising power with hegemonic regional ambitions which is using the conflict over nuclear capability to its advantage, and a more insecure Saudi Arabia, which is forced to rely on the security guarantees of external powers against both regional and domestic threats. Global powers, in turn, are used by Iran and Saudi Arabia for the purposes of pursuing their own rivalry. Afghanistan becomes a terrain over which Iran and Saudi Arabia project their ideological and economic ambitions and seek security safeguards. Each competes to shape Afghan domestic politics and future governance, in large part by attempting to curb the influence of the other. They use their connections with various ethnic and religious groups, propagating their distinct religious doctrines, increasing economic ties and attempting to influence insurgent groups. At the same time, both seek legitimacy and relevance by maneuvering to become part of the solution to the Afghan security problem.
E. Sridharan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198070801
- eISBN:
- 9780199082759
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070801.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This collection of essays explores conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War, especially the post-1998 period, within the framework of international relations theory and other ...
More
This collection of essays explores conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War, especially the post-1998 period, within the framework of international relations theory and other relevant social science theories. It analyses regional cooperation and its links to security and political economy in the context of foreign relations and domestic politics. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars from the South Asian region working in the field of international relations, it looks at bilateral and multilateral problems of cooperation-building in the region, including nuclear deterrence, the rights of ethnic minorities, regional integration, human rights, and the Hindutva world-view. It considers the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has hindered efforts to achieve regional security. It also discusses the debate on balancing versus bandwagoning when new poles of power emerge; the evolution of structural realism as the dominant theoretical framework in international relations theory, how de facto nuclear deterrence between India and Pakistan actually promotes economic cooperation; the determinants of US foreign policy towards India and Pakistan in the post-Cold War period, particularly after 1998; the role of elite perceptions in Pakistan about the status of Indian Muslims; and the relative stagnation in trade and economic relations between India and Pakistan. Finally, the book describes the impact of diasporas and ‘long-distance nationalism’ on relations between nations in South Asia.Less
This collection of essays explores conflict and cooperation in South Asia in the post-Cold War, especially the post-1998 period, within the framework of international relations theory and other relevant social science theories. It analyses regional cooperation and its links to security and political economy in the context of foreign relations and domestic politics. Drawing on the perspectives of scholars from the South Asian region working in the field of international relations, it looks at bilateral and multilateral problems of cooperation-building in the region, including nuclear deterrence, the rights of ethnic minorities, regional integration, human rights, and the Hindutva world-view. It considers the conflict between India and Pakistan and how it has hindered efforts to achieve regional security. It also discusses the debate on balancing versus bandwagoning when new poles of power emerge; the evolution of structural realism as the dominant theoretical framework in international relations theory, how de facto nuclear deterrence between India and Pakistan actually promotes economic cooperation; the determinants of US foreign policy towards India and Pakistan in the post-Cold War period, particularly after 1998; the role of elite perceptions in Pakistan about the status of Indian Muslims; and the relative stagnation in trade and economic relations between India and Pakistan. Finally, the book describes the impact of diasporas and ‘long-distance nationalism’ on relations between nations in South Asia.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the hypothesis that the main drivers behind the involvement of the states in the wider neighborhood surrounding Afghanistan are to be found in the dynamic within three ...
More
This chapter examines the hypothesis that the main drivers behind the involvement of the states in the wider neighborhood surrounding Afghanistan are to be found in the dynamic within three distinctive regional security complexes – Central Asia, the Persian Gulf and South Asia – rather than in the bilateral relations each state has to Afghanistan. The chapter takes a critical look at the basic proposition – which has informed most post-2001 policy initiatives – that Afghanistan serves as a connector for the countries of the wider neighborhood, examining this proposition from an identity perspective, an economic perspective, as well as a security perspective. The chapter also scrutinizes unfolding processes of change within each of the three regions surrounding Afghanistan, taking the vantage point of Kabul in asking what possible changes this could bring about in the relationship with each neighboring country and the regions of which they form a part, as well as whether we may see a full transformation of the very regional architecture of the neighborhood.Less
This chapter examines the hypothesis that the main drivers behind the involvement of the states in the wider neighborhood surrounding Afghanistan are to be found in the dynamic within three distinctive regional security complexes – Central Asia, the Persian Gulf and South Asia – rather than in the bilateral relations each state has to Afghanistan. The chapter takes a critical look at the basic proposition – which has informed most post-2001 policy initiatives – that Afghanistan serves as a connector for the countries of the wider neighborhood, examining this proposition from an identity perspective, an economic perspective, as well as a security perspective. The chapter also scrutinizes unfolding processes of change within each of the three regions surrounding Afghanistan, taking the vantage point of Kabul in asking what possible changes this could bring about in the relationship with each neighboring country and the regions of which they form a part, as well as whether we may see a full transformation of the very regional architecture of the neighborhood.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines dynamics within the South Asian regional security complex, how the two regional rivals, India and Pakistan, draw in global powers, and how their relationship is projected in ...
More
This chapter examines dynamics within the South Asian regional security complex, how the two regional rivals, India and Pakistan, draw in global powers, and how their relationship is projected in Afghanistan. The conflict between India and Pakistan is attributed to historical legacies over territory, including the Kashmir conflict, as well as irreconcilable differences over national identity. The chapter examines how the security dynamics within the South Asian region have in turn been influenced by the rivalries of global powers. These rivalries, argues the chapter, get projected onto the Afghan terrain. In Afghanistan, the main rationale for both Pakistan and India is to check the influence of the other, furthering their regional proxy war, albeit indirectly and with unconventional tactics. For Pakistan, influence over Afghanistan is seen as essential to security, primarily for maintaining strategic depth against India, but also to maintain the current border (the disputed Durand Line), to quash aspirations for a united Pashtunistan, and to foster cooperation with the US. For India, engagement in Afghanistan is largely about constraining Pakistan’s influence, turning public opinion against its main rival, while insulating itself from the dangers of the narcotics trade and fundamentalist Islam. India also seeks international recognition as a major donor.Less
This chapter examines dynamics within the South Asian regional security complex, how the two regional rivals, India and Pakistan, draw in global powers, and how their relationship is projected in Afghanistan. The conflict between India and Pakistan is attributed to historical legacies over territory, including the Kashmir conflict, as well as irreconcilable differences over national identity. The chapter examines how the security dynamics within the South Asian region have in turn been influenced by the rivalries of global powers. These rivalries, argues the chapter, get projected onto the Afghan terrain. In Afghanistan, the main rationale for both Pakistan and India is to check the influence of the other, furthering their regional proxy war, albeit indirectly and with unconventional tactics. For Pakistan, influence over Afghanistan is seen as essential to security, primarily for maintaining strategic depth against India, but also to maintain the current border (the disputed Durand Line), to quash aspirations for a united Pashtunistan, and to foster cooperation with the US. For India, engagement in Afghanistan is largely about constraining Pakistan’s influence, turning public opinion against its main rival, while insulating itself from the dangers of the narcotics trade and fundamentalist Islam. India also seeks international recognition as a major donor.
Kristian Berg Harpviken and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190627232
- eISBN:
- 9780190663018
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190627232.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What has driven neighboring states to intervene in the Afghan conflict? This book challenges mainstream analyses which place Afghanistan at the center – the so-called “heart” – of a large pan-Asian ...
More
What has driven neighboring states to intervene in the Afghan conflict? This book challenges mainstream analyses which place Afghanistan at the center – the so-called “heart” – of a large pan-Asian region, whose fate is predicated on Afghan stability. Instead, the authors situate Afghanistan on the margins of three regional security complexes – those of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf – each characterized by security dynamics and rivalries, which, in turn, inform the engagement of their constituent states in Afghanistan. The book thus adapts the analytical framework developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver in their book Regions and Powers (2003) to the region neighboring Afghanistan. Within the South Asia Security Complex, Pakistan and India’s sustained engagement with Afghanistan can thus be understood in the context of their own perennial rivalries. Within Central Asia, security cooperation is hampered by competition for regional supremacy and great power support, a dynamic reflected in these states’ half-hearted engagement in Afghanistan. In the Persian Gulf, Iran and Saudi Arabia are locked in a rivalry for economic and political influence, which is in turn mirrored in their Afghan engagements. The implication is that neighborly interference in the Afghan conflict is best addressed by resolving tensions within each of its surrounding regions. Based on a careful account of the recent history, the book explains why recent efforts to build a comprehensive Afghanistan-centric regional security order have failed, and suggests what might be done to reset inter-state relations in the wider neighborhood.Less
What has driven neighboring states to intervene in the Afghan conflict? This book challenges mainstream analyses which place Afghanistan at the center – the so-called “heart” – of a large pan-Asian region, whose fate is predicated on Afghan stability. Instead, the authors situate Afghanistan on the margins of three regional security complexes – those of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf – each characterized by security dynamics and rivalries, which, in turn, inform the engagement of their constituent states in Afghanistan. The book thus adapts the analytical framework developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver in their book Regions and Powers (2003) to the region neighboring Afghanistan. Within the South Asia Security Complex, Pakistan and India’s sustained engagement with Afghanistan can thus be understood in the context of their own perennial rivalries. Within Central Asia, security cooperation is hampered by competition for regional supremacy and great power support, a dynamic reflected in these states’ half-hearted engagement in Afghanistan. In the Persian Gulf, Iran and Saudi Arabia are locked in a rivalry for economic and political influence, which is in turn mirrored in their Afghan engagements. The implication is that neighborly interference in the Afghan conflict is best addressed by resolving tensions within each of its surrounding regions. Based on a careful account of the recent history, the book explains why recent efforts to build a comprehensive Afghanistan-centric regional security order have failed, and suggests what might be done to reset inter-state relations in the wider neighborhood.
Denny Roy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231159005
- eISBN:
- 9780231528153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231159005.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines some of the countervailing factors that contribute to the persistent risk of tensions that could lead to war between China and its neighbors. It first considers four phenomena ...
More
This chapter examines some of the countervailing factors that contribute to the persistent risk of tensions that could lead to war between China and its neighbors. It first considers four phenomena related to the rise of China that will push it toward conflictual relations with other Asia-Pacific countries. First, as China grows stronger, the Chinese tendency to see PRC security policies as defensive will worsen security dilemmas with its neighbors. Second, China's historically based expectation of a Chinese sphere of influence produces uncompromising Chinese positions and even bullying on international issues in China's neighborhood. Third, the characteristics of the PRC's domestic political system and environment might make China prone to external conflicts. Finally, with the rise of Chinese power and influence, the scope of China's rivalry with the United States will expand from regional to global. The chapter also assesses the extent of China's self-defense vs. aggression, whether China will become a democracy, and how Chinese democratization would affect regional security.Less
This chapter examines some of the countervailing factors that contribute to the persistent risk of tensions that could lead to war between China and its neighbors. It first considers four phenomena related to the rise of China that will push it toward conflictual relations with other Asia-Pacific countries. First, as China grows stronger, the Chinese tendency to see PRC security policies as defensive will worsen security dilemmas with its neighbors. Second, China's historically based expectation of a Chinese sphere of influence produces uncompromising Chinese positions and even bullying on international issues in China's neighborhood. Third, the characteristics of the PRC's domestic political system and environment might make China prone to external conflicts. Finally, with the rise of Chinese power and influence, the scope of China's rivalry with the United States will expand from regional to global. The chapter also assesses the extent of China's self-defense vs. aggression, whether China will become a democracy, and how Chinese democratization would affect regional security.
Frédéric Grare
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190859336
- eISBN:
- 9780190872595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190859336.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The convergence of interests between India and the United States extend to most major regional issues. Both countries intend to pursue regional cooperation and develop an inclusive regional security ...
More
The convergence of interests between India and the United States extend to most major regional issues. Both countries intend to pursue regional cooperation and develop an inclusive regional security architecture. Yet significant perception gaps persist between the two countries linked to their asymmetry of power as well as geographical locations. India does not want to be caught in a zero-sum game between China and the United States and remains uncertain about the willingness of the United States to act as a security provider. The relationship is ultimately based on a quid pro quo that takes into account US interests and India’s own constraints. A strong but autonomous India contributes to United States interests in the region.Less
The convergence of interests between India and the United States extend to most major regional issues. Both countries intend to pursue regional cooperation and develop an inclusive regional security architecture. Yet significant perception gaps persist between the two countries linked to their asymmetry of power as well as geographical locations. India does not want to be caught in a zero-sum game between China and the United States and remains uncertain about the willingness of the United States to act as a security provider. The relationship is ultimately based on a quid pro quo that takes into account US interests and India’s own constraints. A strong but autonomous India contributes to United States interests in the region.
