James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
From the discussion in the previous chapters, it is clear that we need to improve the agents and mechanisms of humanitarian intervention so that we can legitimately tackle egregious violations of ...
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From the discussion in the previous chapters, it is clear that we need to improve the agents and mechanisms of humanitarian intervention so that we can legitimately tackle egregious violations of human rights on a much more frequent basis. This chapter therefore considers five proposals for reform: (a) the codification of criteria for humanitarian intervention in international law; (b) the extension of UN standby arrangements; (c) the creation of a small cosmopolitan UN force; (d) the creation of a large‐sized cosmopolitan UN force under the control of cosmopolitan democratic institutions; and (e) the improvement of the capacity of regional organizations to undertake humanitarian intervention.Less
From the discussion in the previous chapters, it is clear that we need to improve the agents and mechanisms of humanitarian intervention so that we can legitimately tackle egregious violations of human rights on a much more frequent basis. This chapter therefore considers five proposals for reform: (a) the codification of criteria for humanitarian intervention in international law; (b) the extension of UN standby arrangements; (c) the creation of a small cosmopolitan UN force; (d) the creation of a large‐sized cosmopolitan UN force under the control of cosmopolitan democratic institutions; and (e) the improvement of the capacity of regional organizations to undertake humanitarian intervention.
Ralph A. Cossa
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations ...
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An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations are to the overall development of US policy and the extent to which, and how, they influence or constrain US behaviour. The first section of the chapter reviews US strategic goals and briefly discusses some of the domestic and external factors that have led to the development and implementation of these goals in East Asia. The next section discusses multilateral security cooperation in the region, and gives an overview of regional multilateral security organizations, focusing primarily on the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum (ARF), given its all‐encompassing nature and relatively advanced (by Asian standards) stage of development; other US‐instigated multilateral institutions and initiatives (the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue (NEACD) are touched upon briefly to assess how these more narrowly focused approaches also serve American interests. The third section looks at Asia–Pacific multilateral economic cooperation, and here the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) provides the centrepiece of the discussion; its role both in creating an Asia–Pacific economic community and, more recently, as a vehicle for political cooperation through the institutionalization of the US‐instigated Leaders’ Meetings, which bring many of the region's heads of state and government together annually, ostensibly for economic discussions. The conclusion to the chapter briefly evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of these organizations from a US perspective in order to understand better how security and economic multilateralism fits with the largely bilaterally oriented US national security strategy.Less
An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations are to the overall development of US policy and the extent to which, and how, they influence or constrain US behaviour. The first section of the chapter reviews US strategic goals and briefly discusses some of the domestic and external factors that have led to the development and implementation of these goals in East Asia. The next section discusses multilateral security cooperation in the region, and gives an overview of regional multilateral security organizations, focusing primarily on the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum (ARF), given its all‐encompassing nature and relatively advanced (by Asian standards) stage of development; other US‐instigated multilateral institutions and initiatives (the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue (NEACD) are touched upon briefly to assess how these more narrowly focused approaches also serve American interests. The third section looks at Asia–Pacific multilateral economic cooperation, and here the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) provides the centrepiece of the discussion; its role both in creating an Asia–Pacific economic community and, more recently, as a vehicle for political cooperation through the institutionalization of the US‐instigated Leaders’ Meetings, which bring many of the region's heads of state and government together annually, ostensibly for economic discussions. The conclusion to the chapter briefly evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of these organizations from a US perspective in order to understand better how security and economic multilateralism fits with the largely bilaterally oriented US national security strategy.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from ...
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Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.Less
Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this ...
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This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this approach to consider to answer two central questions: (a) ‘Who has the right to intervene?’ and (b) ‘Who has the duty to intervene?’ It first suggests that any agent that has an adequate degree of legitimacy has the right to intervene. Second, it argues that the duty to intervene should fall on the most legitimate intervener. Assigning the duty to intervene raises additional issues, such as that of fairness. The chapter therefore defends the view that the most legitimate agent has the duty to intervene against three leading alternatives and the claims that this is unfair. The third section considers who, out of current agents (the NATO, the states, the UN, the regional organizations, and the private military companies), (a) has an adequate degree of legitimacy, and therefore the right to intervene, and (b) is the most legitimate agent, and therefore has the duty to intervene. It concludes that, although some agents of intervention possess an adequate degree of legitimacy, no current agent is fully legitimate.Less
This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this approach to consider to answer two central questions: (a) ‘Who has the right to intervene?’ and (b) ‘Who has the duty to intervene?’ It first suggests that any agent that has an adequate degree of legitimacy has the right to intervene. Second, it argues that the duty to intervene should fall on the most legitimate intervener. Assigning the duty to intervene raises additional issues, such as that of fairness. The chapter therefore defends the view that the most legitimate agent has the duty to intervene against three leading alternatives and the claims that this is unfair. The third section considers who, out of current agents (the NATO, the states, the UN, the regional organizations, and the private military companies), (a) has an adequate degree of legitimacy, and therefore the right to intervene, and (b) is the most legitimate agent, and therefore has the duty to intervene. It concludes that, although some agents of intervention possess an adequate degree of legitimacy, no current agent is fully legitimate.
Rosemary Foot, S. Neil MacFarlane, and Michael Mastanduno (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading ...
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The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading scholars to examine this crucial phenomenon. Its aims are twofold: first, to describe and explain US behaviour in and towards a wide range of significant international institutions (including the UN, the World Bank and IMF, the WTO, NATO, and the Organization of American States); and second, to examine the impact of US behaviour on the capacity of each organization to meet its own objectives. The study explores US behaviour and its consequences for organizations based at the regional as well as the international and global levels, for those located in different regions of the world, and for such issue areas as security, economics, and the environment. Although focusing on the period since the 1990s, each chapter places its findings in a broader historical context. The book is the outcome of a collaborative project between the Centre for International Studies at the University of Oxford and the Dickey Center for International Understanding at Dartmouth College. The first stage of this enterprise comprised a workshop at Dartmouth where outline papers were discussed, and the next involved a conference at Oxford where full papers were presented and debated. After an introduction, the ten chapters are arranged in three parts: I. Perspectives on the US and Multilateral International Organizations (two chapters); II. The US and Global Organizations (four chapters); and III. The US and Regional Organizations (four chapters).Less
The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading scholars to examine this crucial phenomenon. Its aims are twofold: first, to describe and explain US behaviour in and towards a wide range of significant international institutions (including the UN, the World Bank and IMF, the WTO, NATO, and the Organization of American States); and second, to examine the impact of US behaviour on the capacity of each organization to meet its own objectives. The study explores US behaviour and its consequences for organizations based at the regional as well as the international and global levels, for those located in different regions of the world, and for such issue areas as security, economics, and the environment. Although focusing on the period since the 1990s, each chapter places its findings in a broader historical context. The book is the outcome of a collaborative project between the Centre for International Studies at the University of Oxford and the Dickey Center for International Understanding at Dartmouth College. The first stage of this enterprise comprised a workshop at Dartmouth where outline papers were discussed, and the next involved a conference at Oxford where full papers were presented and debated. After an introduction, the ten chapters are arranged in three parts: I. Perspectives on the US and Multilateral International Organizations (two chapters); II. The US and Global Organizations (four chapters); and III. The US and Regional Organizations (four chapters).
Hal Klepak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral ...
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The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.Less
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.
Philip Nel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those ...
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The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.Less
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.
Ademola Abass
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199578986
- eISBN:
- 9780191595202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578986.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines how and whether African regional organizations, acting within the framework of the African peace and security architecture (APSA), can ensure an effective regime of human ...
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This chapter examines how and whether African regional organizations, acting within the framework of the African peace and security architecture (APSA), can ensure an effective regime of human security in Africa. Section 1 of the chapter briefly recounts the nature of the relationship between the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and regional economic communities (RECs) as a prelude to understanding the relationship that has evolved between the African Union (AU) and the RECs. Section 2 discusses how the AU has conceptualized human security. Section 3 examines the operation of APSA, focusing on cooperation between the AU and the RECs within the framework of APSA to determine how this might augur for the protection of human security of Africans. Section 4 discusses the roles played by AU/RECs in the Zimbabwe and Kenyan crises, as well as the AU's response to the unconstitutional takeover of governments in Africa.Less
This chapter examines how and whether African regional organizations, acting within the framework of the African peace and security architecture (APSA), can ensure an effective regime of human security in Africa. Section 1 of the chapter briefly recounts the nature of the relationship between the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and regional economic communities (RECs) as a prelude to understanding the relationship that has evolved between the African Union (AU) and the RECs. Section 2 discusses how the AU has conceptualized human security. Section 3 examines the operation of APSA, focusing on cooperation between the AU and the RECs within the framework of APSA to determine how this might augur for the protection of human security of Africans. Section 4 discusses the roles played by AU/RECs in the Zimbabwe and Kenyan crises, as well as the AU's response to the unconstitutional takeover of governments in Africa.
Alexander Orakhelashvili
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199579846
- eISBN:
- 9780191725302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579846.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter examines the policy and principles of competence allocation as between the UN and regional organizations. There are multiple policy considerations as to why the relevant institution ...
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This chapter examines the policy and principles of competence allocation as between the UN and regional organizations. There are multiple policy considerations as to why the relevant institution should engage with or stay out of the pertinent crisis. These include closeness to the crisis, socio-political and ideological affiliations, or the availability of resources. Policy considerations are however elusive and open-ended, and resort has to be made to normative and quasi-normative principles of competence allocation that are either enshrined in constitutive instruments of collective security institutions or derive their essence therefrom. Chapter 3 consequently examines the principles of complementarity and subsidiarity that explain much of the area of collaboration and confrontation between institutions. After this, the chapter examines the scope and reach of competence allocation clauses under constituent instruments, the relevance of regional attitudes in formation of the UN position in relation to relevant crises, and claims in practice as to the autonomy of some organizations from others.Less
This chapter examines the policy and principles of competence allocation as between the UN and regional organizations. There are multiple policy considerations as to why the relevant institution should engage with or stay out of the pertinent crisis. These include closeness to the crisis, socio-political and ideological affiliations, or the availability of resources. Policy considerations are however elusive and open-ended, and resort has to be made to normative and quasi-normative principles of competence allocation that are either enshrined in constitutive instruments of collective security institutions or derive their essence therefrom. Chapter 3 consequently examines the principles of complementarity and subsidiarity that explain much of the area of collaboration and confrontation between institutions. After this, the chapter examines the scope and reach of competence allocation clauses under constituent instruments, the relevance of regional attitudes in formation of the UN position in relation to relevant crises, and claims in practice as to the autonomy of some organizations from others.
Carolyn Deere
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550616
- eISBN:
- 9780191720284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550616.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This chapter explores how national factors affected variation in TRIPS implementation. National economic circumstances and political factors within developing countries shaped the capacity of ...
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This chapter explores how national factors affected variation in TRIPS implementation. National economic circumstances and political factors within developing countries shaped the capacity of governments to filter and manage international pressures. First, government capacity came into play, most notably differences in the extent of technical expertise, institutional competence, and the dominance of IP offices. Second, the degree of public debate and engagement on IP issues in developing countries mattered, especially the role of interest groups, and the relationships between governments and parliaments. Third, there were differences in how governments coordinated, especially in terms of the strength of internal communication, links to broader public policymaking, how the governments managed relationships with donors, regional arrangements, and international organizations. To illustrate how the interplay of global IP debates, international pressures and national politics played out on the ground, the chapter concludes with four vignettes.Less
This chapter explores how national factors affected variation in TRIPS implementation. National economic circumstances and political factors within developing countries shaped the capacity of governments to filter and manage international pressures. First, government capacity came into play, most notably differences in the extent of technical expertise, institutional competence, and the dominance of IP offices. Second, the degree of public debate and engagement on IP issues in developing countries mattered, especially the role of interest groups, and the relationships between governments and parliaments. Third, there were differences in how governments coordinated, especially in terms of the strength of internal communication, links to broader public policymaking, how the governments managed relationships with donors, regional arrangements, and international organizations. To illustrate how the interplay of global IP debates, international pressures and national politics played out on the ground, the chapter concludes with four vignettes.
Magnus Hagevi
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level ...
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The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level and is less and less true for the local and regional level, the latter two often being a training ground for higher positions but also a career stage in their own right. It is unclear if a political class has already been established in Sweden – professional politicians may have made their careers quite safe, there is a social distinction (but take note of e.g. the high share of female politicians), and it is possible to live off politics (but not at a very high- level). However, a common class interest is hard to detect, and recent developments in public distrust of politicians and a resulting pressure for new political personnel could be a further hindrance towards the unrestrained development of a political class.Less
The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level and is less and less true for the local and regional level, the latter two often being a training ground for higher positions but also a career stage in their own right. It is unclear if a political class has already been established in Sweden – professional politicians may have made their careers quite safe, there is a social distinction (but take note of e.g. the high share of female politicians), and it is possible to live off politics (but not at a very high- level). However, a common class interest is hard to detect, and recent developments in public distrust of politicians and a resulting pressure for new political personnel could be a further hindrance towards the unrestrained development of a political class.
Kalypso Nicolaidis and Justine Lacroix
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251209
- eISBN:
- 9780191599293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251207.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The authors focus on the European Union both as a regional organization with distinctive norms and practices, and as a grouping of states that reflect specific individual traditions and views. The ...
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The authors focus on the European Union both as a regional organization with distinctive norms and practices, and as a grouping of states that reflect specific individual traditions and views. The chapter describes two core paradigms: the national and the post‐national. The national paradigm is recognizably realist and state‐centric in approach. It suggests that the focus of external behaviour should be the promotion of order via traditional power‐political means and for traditional state‐based normative ends. The post‐national paradigm, however, reflects a more cosmopolitan understanding of global society in which Europe's institutional and substantive understanding of justice questions can be reflected in its policies beyond EU borders. These propositions are tested in three issue areas. The authors conclude that while the EU may have the capacity to shape an order/justice agenda beyond its borders, its members have not yet agreed what that agenda should be.Less
The authors focus on the European Union both as a regional organization with distinctive norms and practices, and as a grouping of states that reflect specific individual traditions and views. The chapter describes two core paradigms: the national and the post‐national. The national paradigm is recognizably realist and state‐centric in approach. It suggests that the focus of external behaviour should be the promotion of order via traditional power‐political means and for traditional state‐based normative ends. The post‐national paradigm, however, reflects a more cosmopolitan understanding of global society in which Europe's institutional and substantive understanding of justice questions can be reflected in its policies beyond EU borders. These propositions are tested in three issue areas. The authors conclude that while the EU may have the capacity to shape an order/justice agenda beyond its borders, its members have not yet agreed what that agenda should be.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more ...
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This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more recently. The doctrine of the responsibility to protect asserts that when a state is failing to uphold its citizens' human rights, the international community has a responsibility to protect these citizens, including by undertaking humanitarian intervention. It is unclear, however, which particular agent should be tasked with this responsibility. Should we prefer intervention by the UN, NATO, a regional or subregional organization (such as the African Union), a state, a group of states, or someone else? This book answers this question by, first, determining which qualities of interveners are morally significant and, second, assessing the relative importance of these qualities. For instance, is it important that an intervener have a humanitarian motive? Should an intervener be welcomed by those it is trying to save? How important is it that an intervener will be effective and what does this mean in practice? The book then considers the more empirical question of whether (and to what extent) the current interveners actually possess these qualities, and therefore should intervene. For instance, how effective can we expect UN action to be in the future? Is NATO likely to use humanitarian means? Overall, it develops a particular normative conception of legitimacy for humanitarian intervention. It uses this conception of legitimacy to assess not only current interveners, but also the desirability of potential reforms to the mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention.Less
This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more recently. The doctrine of the responsibility to protect asserts that when a state is failing to uphold its citizens' human rights, the international community has a responsibility to protect these citizens, including by undertaking humanitarian intervention. It is unclear, however, which particular agent should be tasked with this responsibility. Should we prefer intervention by the UN, NATO, a regional or subregional organization (such as the African Union), a state, a group of states, or someone else? This book answers this question by, first, determining which qualities of interveners are morally significant and, second, assessing the relative importance of these qualities. For instance, is it important that an intervener have a humanitarian motive? Should an intervener be welcomed by those it is trying to save? How important is it that an intervener will be effective and what does this mean in practice? The book then considers the more empirical question of whether (and to what extent) the current interveners actually possess these qualities, and therefore should intervene. For instance, how effective can we expect UN action to be in the future? Is NATO likely to use humanitarian means? Overall, it develops a particular normative conception of legitimacy for humanitarian intervention. It uses this conception of legitimacy to assess not only current interveners, but also the desirability of potential reforms to the mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention.
David G. Haglund
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the ...
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Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the common European security and defence policy, or ESDP). It is suggested that US relations with Europe are an indicator of the US commitment to multilateralism more generally, and argued that the US approach to NATO has been driven by a combination of international structural factors (the distribution of capabilities) and the key domestic factor of national character (the liberal identity of the US). These very same factors hold important consequences for NATO because the US is the decisive actor in NATO, which, as a political entity, reflects the multilateralism that has its foundations in US national character, but as a military instrument, reflects the dominant power of the US. The resulting tensions in NATO were finessed more easily during the cold war, in the face of a common enemy, but are more significant in the current unipolar system, which exaggerates both the incentives for the US to act unilaterally and the frustration of European states who are less able to constrain the US yet unwilling to act independently. The author expects NATO to become less rather than more important to the US in the years ahead, and thus to matter less as a multilateral organization. The different sections of the chapter are: Isolationism as Multilateralism's ‘Other’?; Sources of America's Eurocentric Multilateralism; Systemic Change and American Behaviour: The Case of NATO; Consequences for Multilateral Organizations: The EU and the ESDP; and The Bush Administration and the European Allies.Less
Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the common European security and defence policy, or ESDP). It is suggested that US relations with Europe are an indicator of the US commitment to multilateralism more generally, and argued that the US approach to NATO has been driven by a combination of international structural factors (the distribution of capabilities) and the key domestic factor of national character (the liberal identity of the US). These very same factors hold important consequences for NATO because the US is the decisive actor in NATO, which, as a political entity, reflects the multilateralism that has its foundations in US national character, but as a military instrument, reflects the dominant power of the US. The resulting tensions in NATO were finessed more easily during the cold war, in the face of a common enemy, but are more significant in the current unipolar system, which exaggerates both the incentives for the US to act unilaterally and the frustration of European states who are less able to constrain the US yet unwilling to act independently. The author expects NATO to become less rather than more important to the US in the years ahead, and thus to matter less as a multilateral organization. The different sections of the chapter are: Isolationism as Multilateralism's ‘Other’?; Sources of America's Eurocentric Multilateralism; Systemic Change and American Behaviour: The Case of NATO; Consequences for Multilateral Organizations: The EU and the ESDP; and The Bush Administration and the European Allies.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199672097
- eISBN:
- 9780191756030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199672097.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter frames the examinations of legitimation in the volume. It identifies three reasons why legitimation of international organisations merits further analysis: the recognition of the ...
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This chapter frames the examinations of legitimation in the volume. It identifies three reasons why legitimation of international organisations merits further analysis: the recognition of the importance of hierarchy in international order, the growing involvement of international organisations in the domestic affairs of states, and the emergence of legitimacy gaps as a result of rapid social change. It proceeds to unpack the concepts of legitimacy and legitimation, and to identify three conceptual challenges to examining the legitimation efforts of international organisations: first, their Janus-faced character as both actors and frameworks for action; second, the need of international organisations to address different and diverse audiences; and third, the multifaceted relationship between power and legitimation. It concludes with a brief overview of the other chapters.Less
This chapter frames the examinations of legitimation in the volume. It identifies three reasons why legitimation of international organisations merits further analysis: the recognition of the importance of hierarchy in international order, the growing involvement of international organisations in the domestic affairs of states, and the emergence of legitimacy gaps as a result of rapid social change. It proceeds to unpack the concepts of legitimacy and legitimation, and to identify three conceptual challenges to examining the legitimation efforts of international organisations: first, their Janus-faced character as both actors and frameworks for action; second, the need of international organisations to address different and diverse audiences; and third, the multifaceted relationship between power and legitimation. It concludes with a brief overview of the other chapters.
Paul D. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199672097
- eISBN:
- 9780191756030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199672097.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter examines different legitimation claims made by regional organisations and the UN with regard to their activities to maintain international peace and security. It argues that the ...
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The chapter examines different legitimation claims made by regional organisations and the UN with regard to their activities to maintain international peace and security. It argues that the legitimation relationships between the UN Security Council and regional organisations are more complex than the clear normative and institutional hierarchy outlined in the UN Charter suggests: some regional organisations rely on UN Security Council mandates for their legitimation claims, while in other cases the Council has sought the support of regional organisations before authorising an operation or the use of force. It shows how the legitimation dynamics between the UN and regional organisations are shaped by the audiences who need to recognise different legitimation claims and who respond differently to the claims by different organisations. Overall, the chapter argues, the Council remains the most authoritative institution addressing peace and security issues, but often relied on partnerships with regional organisations to bolster its legitimacy.Less
The chapter examines different legitimation claims made by regional organisations and the UN with regard to their activities to maintain international peace and security. It argues that the legitimation relationships between the UN Security Council and regional organisations are more complex than the clear normative and institutional hierarchy outlined in the UN Charter suggests: some regional organisations rely on UN Security Council mandates for their legitimation claims, while in other cases the Council has sought the support of regional organisations before authorising an operation or the use of force. It shows how the legitimation dynamics between the UN and regional organisations are shaped by the audiences who need to recognise different legitimation claims and who respond differently to the claims by different organisations. Overall, the chapter argues, the Council remains the most authoritative institution addressing peace and security issues, but often relied on partnerships with regional organisations to bolster its legitimacy.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
This chapter argues that a strategy for post-conflict economic reconstruction should rest on six basic premises. Although closely interrelated, these premises may have different implications for ...
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This chapter argues that a strategy for post-conflict economic reconstruction should rest on six basic premises. Although closely interrelated, these premises may have different implications for policymaking. Adherence to them would have greatly facilitated ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘state-building’ efforts and improved their chances of success. Premise 1 states that the transition to peace is a development-plus challenge because of the extra activities required. Premise 2 states that, should the objectives of peace and development come into conflict, the political objective should prevail at all times. Premise 3 states that lack of government legitimacy will limit policymaking choices in reconstruction. Premise 4 states that, given the primacy of the political objective, a different yardstick is necessary to measure success. Premise 5 states that the UN should lead reconstruction, although development and regional organizations should play a best-supporting role. Finally, Premise 6 states that the economic framework for reconstruction should be simple and flexible.Less
This chapter argues that a strategy for post-conflict economic reconstruction should rest on six basic premises. Although closely interrelated, these premises may have different implications for policymaking. Adherence to them would have greatly facilitated ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘state-building’ efforts and improved their chances of success. Premise 1 states that the transition to peace is a development-plus challenge because of the extra activities required. Premise 2 states that, should the objectives of peace and development come into conflict, the political objective should prevail at all times. Premise 3 states that lack of government legitimacy will limit policymaking choices in reconstruction. Premise 4 states that, given the primacy of the political objective, a different yardstick is necessary to measure success. Premise 5 states that the UN should lead reconstruction, although development and regional organizations should play a best-supporting role. Finally, Premise 6 states that the economic framework for reconstruction should be simple and flexible.
Dominik Zaum (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199672097
- eISBN:
- 9780191756030
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199672097.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The legitimacy of international and regional organisations and their actions is frequently asserted and challenged by states and commentators alike. Their authorisations or conduct of military ...
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The legitimacy of international and regional organisations and their actions is frequently asserted and challenged by states and commentators alike. Their authorisations or conduct of military interventions, their structures of decision-making, and their involvement in what states deem to be domestic matters have all raised questions of legitimacy. As international organisations lack the coercive powers of states, legitimacy is also considered central to their ability to attain compliance with their decisions. Despite the prominence of legitimacy talk around international organisations, little attention has been paid to the practices and processes through which such organisations and their member states justify the authority these organisations exercise — how they legitimise themselves both vis-à-vis their own members and external audiences. This book addresses this gap, comparing and evaluating the legitimation practices of a range of international and regional organisations. It examines the practices through which such organisations justify and communicate their legitimacy claims, and how these practices differ between organisations. In exploring the specific legitimation practices of international organisations, the book analyses the extent to which such practices are shaped by the structure of the different organisations, by the distinct normative environments within which they operate, and by the character of the audiences of their legitimacy claims. It also considers the implications of this analysis for global and regional governance.Less
The legitimacy of international and regional organisations and their actions is frequently asserted and challenged by states and commentators alike. Their authorisations or conduct of military interventions, their structures of decision-making, and their involvement in what states deem to be domestic matters have all raised questions of legitimacy. As international organisations lack the coercive powers of states, legitimacy is also considered central to their ability to attain compliance with their decisions. Despite the prominence of legitimacy talk around international organisations, little attention has been paid to the practices and processes through which such organisations and their member states justify the authority these organisations exercise — how they legitimise themselves both vis-à-vis their own members and external audiences. This book addresses this gap, comparing and evaluating the legitimation practices of a range of international and regional organisations. It examines the practices through which such organisations justify and communicate their legitimacy claims, and how these practices differ between organisations. In exploring the specific legitimation practices of international organisations, the book analyses the extent to which such practices are shaped by the structure of the different organisations, by the distinct normative environments within which they operate, and by the character of the audiences of their legitimacy claims. It also considers the implications of this analysis for global and regional governance.
James Ker-Lindsay
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199698394
- eISBN:
- 9780191745874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199698394.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 6 tackles the question of the role of international organisations in counter-recognition efforts. Perhaps the most important example of this has been the role of the United Nations in ...
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Chapter 6 tackles the question of the role of international organisations in counter-recognition efforts. Perhaps the most important example of this has been the role of the United Nations in conferring legitimacy on states. By gaining UN membership, a state is seen to be a full member of the international community – even if it is not recognised by all other member states. Moreover, UN membership is a prerequisite for admittance to a wide range of other international bodies, including a number of organisations that are not a part of the UN family. The UN is therefore an important forum for anti-recognition efforts. But other international and regional organisations are significant. For instance, the European Union can play a crucial role in determining the policies of European states, as well as the positions of countries further afield. So too can other regional bodies, such as the African Union. Finally, the chapter explores the ways in which legitimacy can be conferred on secessionist territories through membership and participation in a variety of sporting and cultural organisations, and highlight how these bodies have also become important battlegrounds.Less
Chapter 6 tackles the question of the role of international organisations in counter-recognition efforts. Perhaps the most important example of this has been the role of the United Nations in conferring legitimacy on states. By gaining UN membership, a state is seen to be a full member of the international community – even if it is not recognised by all other member states. Moreover, UN membership is a prerequisite for admittance to a wide range of other international bodies, including a number of organisations that are not a part of the UN family. The UN is therefore an important forum for anti-recognition efforts. But other international and regional organisations are significant. For instance, the European Union can play a crucial role in determining the policies of European states, as well as the positions of countries further afield. So too can other regional bodies, such as the African Union. Finally, the chapter explores the ways in which legitimacy can be conferred on secessionist territories through membership and participation in a variety of sporting and cultural organisations, and highlight how these bodies have also become important battlegrounds.
Claudio Lomnitz-Adler
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520077881
- eISBN:
- 9780520912472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520077881.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter describes the regional organization of class. It also presents a spatial framework in which to place Morelos' intimate cultures and the “flow of mestizaje” in the region. Localities in ...
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This chapter describes the regional organization of class. It also presents a spatial framework in which to place Morelos' intimate cultures and the “flow of mestizaje” in the region. Localities in Morelos are classified according to three main criteria: position in the marketing hierarchy, position in the core/periphery structure, and position in the political-administrative structure. It then presents a general picture of the regional organization of Morelos' culture, as well as an outline of the transformations that Morelos' regional culture has undergone in the past thirty years. It is shown that the processes of cultural change involve four main classes: the peasantry, the petite bourgeoisie, the rural proletariat, and the urban or modern proletariat. During the period of industrialization, the old jornalero class is revitalized in the form of migrant labor from outside of the state.Less
This chapter describes the regional organization of class. It also presents a spatial framework in which to place Morelos' intimate cultures and the “flow of mestizaje” in the region. Localities in Morelos are classified according to three main criteria: position in the marketing hierarchy, position in the core/periphery structure, and position in the political-administrative structure. It then presents a general picture of the regional organization of Morelos' culture, as well as an outline of the transformations that Morelos' regional culture has undergone in the past thirty years. It is shown that the processes of cultural change involve four main classes: the peasantry, the petite bourgeoisie, the rural proletariat, and the urban or modern proletariat. During the period of industrialization, the old jornalero class is revitalized in the form of migrant labor from outside of the state.
