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The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, that a combination of external and internal factors has reinforced the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, and further undermined prospects for regional cooperation or integration in the security, economic, and political spheres. The record of economic liberalization is examined, before analysing the process of political liberalization. In both cases the focus is on the state, since that is the level at which management of the domestic and external environments is conducted. This allows consideration in the conclusion of the extent to which changes in the region can be directly attributed to the end of the cold war, and of the assumptions about the relationship between the international system and its regional and national units, particularly with regard to the impact of globalization on the nation state and domestic structures of political power.

Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.

Looks at the different levels of change in the countries of South Asia (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka) since the end of the cold war, and attempts to determine how, and to what extent, the end of the cold war has been a long‐term determinant in defining the region's foreign and domestic policies. The different sections of the chapter address: the security dimension (including consideration of the effect of Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan); democratization; and economic liberalization and regional cooperation.

Foreign investment is contributing to regional cooperation in the South Asian energy sector. This chapter assesses the scope for regional energy cooperation in South Asia and the associated opportunities and challenges. It describes the energy status of the region in comparison with other regions, focusing on each member country in order to highlight the importance of energy services for the region and to identify where the region's needs lie in this sector. The chapter then discusses the regulatory reforms and liberalization undertaken in the energy sector and the related outcomes. It also considers the existing and proposed intraregional cooperation initiatives and regional projects at the private sector, multilateral, and governmental levels, as well as in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) context and the progress that has been made.

This chapter presents four main conclusions about regional cooperation which can be drawn from the study of Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) regionalization. First, although the mega regions in different parts of the world are all the result of rapid transformation in the face of globalization, each has unique rationales, developmental patterns, fiscal capacities, managerial abilities, and levels of experience with regional governance and planning. Second, uneven development and the presence of different institutional systems within the Pan-PRD region pose great challenges for decision makers in the creation of a common market. Third, the members of the Pan-PRD are not efficiently connected at present, which has generated growing demand for the development of regional infrastructure to minimize regional disparity. Finally, urban and industrial development in the Pan-PRD should be considered in a new and broader regional context to increase land-use efficiency and optimize resource allocation.

This chapter examines the status of tourism cooperation and trade in South Asia, the associated constraints, and how regional integration can be promoted in this sector. It describes recent growth, investment, and employment trends in tourism services and evaluates where South Asia stands compared to other regions. It also looks at the regulatory and policy environment and recent developments with regard to foreign direct investment, domestic private sector participation, and other institutional issues. The chapter then focuses on industry initiatives with regard to cross-border investments in the tourism industry. It discusses the main constraints affecting intra-regional cooperation in tourism services, focusing in particular on issues of investment, connectivity, and people mobility. The chapter also assesses the status of multilateral and other commitments by the South Asian countries in tourism services to determine their preparedness to negotiate and liberalize under a regional agreement.

This chapter describes the most feasible and reliable paradigms for the development of regional telecommunications networks, specifically in African countries. The discussion seeks to address the question on whether regional collaboration determines the sustainability of local communication technology systems. In order to evaluate the appropriateness of this kind of cooperation, a description of the Pan-African Telecommunications Network (Panaftel) is provided. Such a model brings doubt about the effectiveness and contribution of teamwork among the members of a particular community to the improvement and persistence of their own information transmission mechanisms. In line with this argument, three other models are proposed—the Appropriate Environment perspective, the Regional Satellite standpoint, and the International Aggregation outlook. Conclusions suggest an eclectic approach and a case-to-case basis procedure of dealing with the progress and maintenance of telecom linkages in every region.

This chapter discusses the historical background of regional cooperation in China. It explores how the idea of Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) regionalization first came about, focusing on issues related to its establishment, organization, achievements, and prospects. It also offers a theoretical interpretation of the factors underpinning the increased interest in regional cooperation and discusses the impact of state politics on such cooperation in a transitional economy.

Over the past 20 years, regional and bilateral trading agreements have become popular due to the slow progress of multilateral negotiations and competitive pressures amongst countries to enter into such arrangements for fear of being left out. However, the economies of South Asia have been relatively slow to recognize the importance of regional integration in furthering their investment, trade, and larger development goals. This chapter provides a chronology of regional integration efforts in South Asia and outcomes, discusses progress in services negotiation, and compares the South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) relative to other regional alliances, particularly within Asia. The discussion provides a brief history of regional integration efforts in South Asia in terms of the progression from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) to SAFTA and the contentious issues that have characterized this process.

This chapter discusses the mechanisms of regionalization and the issues surrounding the development of regional cooperation in China. It focuses on Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) cooperation, the largest regional organization in China in terms of land area, population, economic output, and foreign direct investment (FDI). It describes how the transitional economy contributed to the formation of the Pan-PRD project and how the interplay between the central and local governments has complicated the process of regionalization.

This chapter explores the distinctive characteristics of China's regional development, drawing on the concept of administrative region economy (ARE) to analyse regional economic conditions under transition and the implications of the administrative region system for regional cooperation. It also establishes a collaborative framework for economic development among administrative regions, and provides suggestions for Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) cooperation.

China's transition from a planned to a market-oriented economy has led to the emergence of “local economic dukedoms.” As local governments are responsible for their own development, the regional economy has suffered from intense intercity competition. This chapter examines governmental power and its impact on Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) regional cooperation. It argues that the development of a coordinated network is essential for the stable regional governance of the Pan-PRD region.

This chapter emphasizes the importance of infrastructure development for the regional economy and addresses the specific challenges of and opportunities for such development in the Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD). It examines infrastructure developments including the regional transport plan; and highway, rail, port, waterway, and airport projects. It also addresses the challenges inherent in implementing infrastructure development proposals, arguing that a timely regional cooperation framework is essential for the advancement of cross-boundary infrastructure works.

As the limits to regional cooperation become evident, particularly in the SAARC context, sub-regional Cooperation offers opportunities for India to push through economic integration with its South and South East Asian neighbours. Already some examples exist which can be emulated and expanded upon such as BIMSTEC involving South and South East Asia and BBIN involving four South Asian countries. The rationale for energising sub-regional cooperation among three major countries straddling the South and South East Asian axis -- India, Bangladesh and Myanmar—has been spelt out. It has been argued that there is sufficient content and context in the three bilateral relationships to start work on various trilateral cooperation proposals. This will not only be a win-win for all three countries involved but will propel greater cooperation in some other larger configurations such as BIMSTEC or BCIM-EC as these three countries form the geographical fulcrum of the other frameworks as well.

The adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC) in 1982 brought to a culmination the third, and most ambitious, attempt to codify and progressively develop the law of the sea. Unlike its predecessors, the 1982 LOSC was intended to be, as far as possible, comprehensive in scope and universal in participation. Negotiated by consensus as an interlocking package deal, its provisions form an integral whole, protected from derogation by compulsory third-party settlement of disputes, a prohibition on reservations, and a ban on incompatible inter se agreements. Within these limits, it was intended to be capable of further evolution through amendment, the incorporation by reference of other generally accepted international agreements and standards, and the adoption of additional global and regional agreements and soft law. While recognising that the problems of ocean space are ‘closely interrelated’ and ‘need to be considered as a whole’, the Convention is replete with references to regional rules, regional programmes, regional cooperation, etc.

The 1997 crisis has left a long-lasting imprint, both in terms of economic performance and in the way the countries of the region relate to the rest of the world. The crisis has exposed pre-existing weaknesses both at country level and in terms of regional cooperation. This chapter reviews the various reform efforts that followed. The record is mixed. Much country-level reform has taken place but much remains to be done. Regional peer review and regional surveillance has had a beneficial effect but, like Europe's method of soft coordination, there are clear limits and East Asia has not yet built a common institution like Europe's Commission.

The launch of the EU-Korea Strategic Partnership in 2010 raises questions about the nature and scope of this relationship. This chapter considers the reasons why states decide to pursue bilateral and regional cooperation before giving a general introduction to the development of EU-Korea relations. It explains the history of EU engagement in Asia and the gradual evolution of closer ties with Korea, which was chosen as a priority partner because it is one of the principal economic powerhouses in the region. The chapter notes that this relationship is based upon a number of legal instruments and it discusses the implications of the legalisation of EU-Korea relations. The chapter aims to set the scene for the more detailed discussion of particular aspects of EU-Korea relations in subsequent chapters of the book.

This chapter examines the Central Asia Security Complex, and the involvement of its five states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – in Afghanistan. Rivalry between strong and weaker Central Asian states, fear of loss of sovereignty, and the need to balance the interests of global powers undermine regional integration. These factors also preclude a unified regional position towards Afghanistan, and – despite the ambitious “Heart of Asia” designs pursued by the US and its allies in the wake of the 2001 intervention – effectively limit their engagement there. While the five Central Asian states share concern about threats to their regime stability and national security, such as terrorism, extremism and criminality, they prefer bilateral over multilateral approaches to cooperation. The asymmetric rivalry of the five Central Asian countries, with their need to balance the interests of external actors, has resulted in a strategy of insulation towards Afghanistan. Afghanistan represents both a threat and an opportunity. While the potential spillover of instability is a concern for CA states, this is peripheral to, and not at the core of, the dynamic of the Central Asian Regional Security Complex.