Gosta Esping-Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the ...
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The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the emerging post‐industrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. This book takes a second, more sociological and institutional look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What stands out as a result is that there is post‐industrial diversity rather than convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that holds the key as to what kind of post‐industrial model will emerge, and to how evolving trade‐offs will be managed. Twentieth‐century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that now are invalid. Hence, to grasp better what drives today's economy, it is necessary to begin with its social foundations. After an Introduction, the book is arranged in three parts: I, Varieties of Welfare Capitalism (four chapters); II, The New Political Economy (two chapters); and III, Welfare Capitalism Recast? (two chapters).Less
The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the emerging post‐industrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. This book takes a second, more sociological and institutional look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What stands out as a result is that there is post‐industrial diversity rather than convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that holds the key as to what kind of post‐industrial model will emerge, and to how evolving trade‐offs will be managed. Twentieth‐century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that now are invalid. Hence, to grasp better what drives today's economy, it is necessary to begin with its social foundations. After an Introduction, the book is arranged in three parts: I, Varieties of Welfare Capitalism (four chapters); II, The New Political Economy (two chapters); and III, Welfare Capitalism Recast? (two chapters).
Talbot C. Imlay
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199261222
- eISBN:
- 9780191717550
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261222.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History, British and Irish Modern History
Covering the period from the late 1930s up to the spring of 1940, this book offers the first systematic comparison of how two countries, Britain and France, responded to the possibility and then ...
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Covering the period from the late 1930s up to the spring of 1940, this book offers the first systematic comparison of how two countries, Britain and France, responded to the possibility and then reality of total war by examining developments in three dimensions: strategic, domestic political, and political economic. To date, studies of French and British policies during this period have focused almost exclusively on diplomatic and military events. Yet because 20th-century war demanded a massive effort on the part of nations and societies, its study requires a broader approach, one that encompasses the political, social, and economic dimensions as well as the links between them. Using a wide array of archival and secondary sources, including the records of government departments, trade unions, business groups, and political parties, this book demonstrates that the British were more successful in managing the strains of modern industrial war than the French. Whereas in France political, economic, and military developments combined to produce a multi-faceted crisis by early 1940, imperilling the war effort against Germany, developments in Britain followed a different course that laid the political and economic foundations for a long war. The book addresses such current historical debates as the nature of the political Right and Left in Europe during the 1930s, the extent of rearmament and economic mobilization, and the causes of France's defeat in 1940. As an extended comparison of how two liberal democracies met the challenge of war, it also addresses debates concerning the relationship between democratic regimes and capabilities for war, the influence of domestic versus systemic factors on national policies, and the nature and relative performance of different types of political economic regimes.Less
Covering the period from the late 1930s up to the spring of 1940, this book offers the first systematic comparison of how two countries, Britain and France, responded to the possibility and then reality of total war by examining developments in three dimensions: strategic, domestic political, and political economic. To date, studies of French and British policies during this period have focused almost exclusively on diplomatic and military events. Yet because 20th-century war demanded a massive effort on the part of nations and societies, its study requires a broader approach, one that encompasses the political, social, and economic dimensions as well as the links between them. Using a wide array of archival and secondary sources, including the records of government departments, trade unions, business groups, and political parties, this book demonstrates that the British were more successful in managing the strains of modern industrial war than the French. Whereas in France political, economic, and military developments combined to produce a multi-faceted crisis by early 1940, imperilling the war effort against Germany, developments in Britain followed a different course that laid the political and economic foundations for a long war. The book addresses such current historical debates as the nature of the political Right and Left in Europe during the 1930s, the extent of rearmament and economic mobilization, and the causes of France's defeat in 1940. As an extended comparison of how two liberal democracies met the challenge of war, it also addresses debates concerning the relationship between democratic regimes and capabilities for war, the influence of domestic versus systemic factors on national policies, and the nature and relative performance of different types of political economic regimes.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very ...
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Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.Less
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.
Bernhard Ebbinghaus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286119
- eISBN:
- 9780191604089
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286116.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the 1970s, early exit from work has become a major challenge in modern welfare states. Governments, employers, and unions alike once thought of early retirement as a peaceful solution to the ...
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Since the 1970s, early exit from work has become a major challenge in modern welfare states. Governments, employers, and unions alike once thought of early retirement as a peaceful solution to the economic problems of mass unemployment and industrial restructuring. Today, governments and international organizations advocate the postponement of retirement and an increase in activity among older workers. Comparing eight European countries, the USA, and Japan, this book demonstrates significant cross-national differences in early retirement across countries and over time. The study evaluates the impact of major variations in welfare regimes, production systems, and labor relations. It stresses the importance of the ‘pull factor’ of extensive welfare state provisions, particularly in Continental Europe; the ‘push factor’ of labor shedding strategies by firms, particularly in Anglo-American market economies; and the role of employers and worker representatives in negotiating retirement policies, particularly in coordinated market economies. Over the last three decades, early retirement has become a popular social policy and employment practice in the workplace, adding to the fiscal crises and employment problems of today’s welfare states. Attempts to reverse early retirement policies have led to major reform debates. Unilateral government policies to cut back on social benefits have not had the expected employment results due to resistance from employers, workers, and their organizations. Successful reforms require the cooperation of both sides. This study provides comprehensive empirical analyses and a balanced approach to both the pull and the push factors needed to understand the development of early retirement regimes.Less
Since the 1970s, early exit from work has become a major challenge in modern welfare states. Governments, employers, and unions alike once thought of early retirement as a peaceful solution to the economic problems of mass unemployment and industrial restructuring. Today, governments and international organizations advocate the postponement of retirement and an increase in activity among older workers. Comparing eight European countries, the USA, and Japan, this book demonstrates significant cross-national differences in early retirement across countries and over time. The study evaluates the impact of major variations in welfare regimes, production systems, and labor relations. It stresses the importance of the ‘pull factor’ of extensive welfare state provisions, particularly in Continental Europe; the ‘push factor’ of labor shedding strategies by firms, particularly in Anglo-American market economies; and the role of employers and worker representatives in negotiating retirement policies, particularly in coordinated market economies. Over the last three decades, early retirement has become a popular social policy and employment practice in the workplace, adding to the fiscal crises and employment problems of today’s welfare states. Attempts to reverse early retirement policies have led to major reform debates. Unilateral government policies to cut back on social benefits have not had the expected employment results due to resistance from employers, workers, and their organizations. Successful reforms require the cooperation of both sides. This study provides comprehensive empirical analyses and a balanced approach to both the pull and the push factors needed to understand the development of early retirement regimes.
Shawn Donnelly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579402
- eISBN:
- 9780191723087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579402.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate ...
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The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate new legislation, sanction delegation to the Commission for financial market law, and structure the cross‐border regulation of companies within the single market. The substance of this book is about that regime development. In creating the regimes discussed in this book, European Union (EU) leaders contributed to the ongoing constitutionalization of Europe by contesting and constructing norms. Each of the regimes required an explicit definition of the vertical relationship between the EU and the member states, and of the horizontal relationship among the member states. It defined the kind of regulatory state that would be required, the mix of European and national bodies involved, and the procedures they were to follow in carrying out their functions. It also defined what kinds of national variation in related economic and social policy would be regarded as legitimate. As they made these agreements, European leaders simultaneously articulated what it meant to be a member state in the single market, and what it meant to delegate responsibilities to the EU. This constitutionalized these ideals by sorting out the issues of EU and national responsibilities in a powerfully authoritative way. The theory of this book is about demonstrating the normative foundations of these constitutional agreements and showing how they had to be built on the shoulders of national ones.Less
The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate new legislation, sanction delegation to the Commission for financial market law, and structure the cross‐border regulation of companies within the single market. The substance of this book is about that regime development. In creating the regimes discussed in this book, European Union (EU) leaders contributed to the ongoing constitutionalization of Europe by contesting and constructing norms. Each of the regimes required an explicit definition of the vertical relationship between the EU and the member states, and of the horizontal relationship among the member states. It defined the kind of regulatory state that would be required, the mix of European and national bodies involved, and the procedures they were to follow in carrying out their functions. It also defined what kinds of national variation in related economic and social policy would be regarded as legitimate. As they made these agreements, European leaders simultaneously articulated what it meant to be a member state in the single market, and what it meant to delegate responsibilities to the EU. This constitutionalized these ideals by sorting out the issues of EU and national responsibilities in a powerfully authoritative way. The theory of this book is about demonstrating the normative foundations of these constitutional agreements and showing how they had to be built on the shoulders of national ones.
Bernhard Ebbinghaus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286119
- eISBN:
- 9780191604089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286116.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Three major regime typologies are compared: welfare regimes, production systems (or ‘varieties of capitalism’), and labor relations between employers and trade unions. These ideal type ...
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Three major regime typologies are compared: welfare regimes, production systems (or ‘varieties of capitalism’), and labor relations between employers and trade unions. These ideal type classifications are compared with empirical indicators for eight European countries, Japan, and the USA. The institutional affinities between protection, production, and partnership institutions, and the consequences they have are considered.Less
Three major regime typologies are compared: welfare regimes, production systems (or ‘varieties of capitalism’), and labor relations between employers and trade unions. These ideal type classifications are compared with empirical indicators for eight European countries, Japan, and the USA. The institutional affinities between protection, production, and partnership institutions, and the consequences they have are considered.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of ...
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This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of theoretical propositions within US research on ethnicity, race, gender, and class with insights from European comparative sociological studies on welfare regimes. It compares ‘racialized exclusion’ in the United States with the segregated urban spaces in which immigrants and new ethnic minorities tend to be concentrated in European societies. It also discusses the highly different development in different parts of the European Union (concentrating on the 15 states which made up the EU until 2004). The discussion reveals a complex interplay between path-dependent institutional strategies and multiple tendencies of convergence in the direction of a neo-American strategy of globalization and its characteristic forms of ‘advanced marginality’. Yet individual societies continue to cope with forces of globalization as well as processes of racialized exclusion in different ways and with different results. These differences are linked to their particular welfare regimes, institutionalized economic and political frameworks, and particular modes of organization of civil society.Less
This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of theoretical propositions within US research on ethnicity, race, gender, and class with insights from European comparative sociological studies on welfare regimes. It compares ‘racialized exclusion’ in the United States with the segregated urban spaces in which immigrants and new ethnic minorities tend to be concentrated in European societies. It also discusses the highly different development in different parts of the European Union (concentrating on the 15 states which made up the EU until 2004). The discussion reveals a complex interplay between path-dependent institutional strategies and multiple tendencies of convergence in the direction of a neo-American strategy of globalization and its characteristic forms of ‘advanced marginality’. Yet individual societies continue to cope with forces of globalization as well as processes of racialized exclusion in different ways and with different results. These differences are linked to their particular welfare regimes, institutionalized economic and political frameworks, and particular modes of organization of civil society.
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In the desperate search for uniformity, the French moved from regime instability to government instability. The July Monarchy, the Second Republic, and the Second Empire are successively discussed, ...
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In the desperate search for uniformity, the French moved from regime instability to government instability. The July Monarchy, the Second Republic, and the Second Empire are successively discussed, with the Third Republic attaining relative regime stability but administrative instability was endemic. The press oscillated between long periods of repressive censorship and ephemeral orgies of uninhibited subversion.Less
In the desperate search for uniformity, the French moved from regime instability to government instability. The July Monarchy, the Second Republic, and the Second Empire are successively discussed, with the Third Republic attaining relative regime stability but administrative instability was endemic. The press oscillated between long periods of repressive censorship and ephemeral orgies of uninhibited subversion.
Bernhard Ebbinghaus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286119
- eISBN:
- 9780191604089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286116.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Early retirement has become a major issue of current welfare state reforms in aging societies. This introductory chapter discusses the different protection-oriented ‘pull’ and production-oriented ...
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Early retirement has become a major issue of current welfare state reforms in aging societies. This introductory chapter discusses the different protection-oriented ‘pull’ and production-oriented ‘push’ factors that caused more early exit from work prior to age 65. It argues for systematic comparison of welfare regimes, production systems, and labor relations, as well as the study of the key role of social partners in institutional change.Less
Early retirement has become a major issue of current welfare state reforms in aging societies. This introductory chapter discusses the different protection-oriented ‘pull’ and production-oriented ‘push’ factors that caused more early exit from work prior to age 65. It argues for systematic comparison of welfare regimes, production systems, and labor relations, as well as the study of the key role of social partners in institutional change.
August Reinisch (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199595297
- eISBN:
- 9780191595752
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199595297.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
The challenging of acts of international organizations before national courts is the focus of this book. After the Kadi-hype following the 2008 European Court of Justice judgment, this book ...
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The challenging of acts of international organizations before national courts is the focus of this book. After the Kadi-hype following the 2008 European Court of Justice judgment, this book demonstrates that problems of judicial review of acts of international organizations are relevant in many organizations and in many different contexts. This book presents a broad picture concerning potential challenges of acts of international organizations before national courts. It covers such diverse international organizations as the United Nations itself, its subsidiary organs, such as the specialized international criminal courts for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the European Patent Office, the European Schools, EUROCONTROL, OPEC, or INTERPOL. Building on the case law of domestic courts, the chapters highlight similar legal issues according to four introductory working hypotheses. They relate to the nature of judicial review of acts of international organizations, its interdependence with domestic methods of incorporating international law, to the conditions of a human rights-based review and to the inter-relationship between domestic challenges and the safeguard of the independent functioning of international organizations. The book's conclusion brings the different findings together and analyses them in the light of the initial working hypotheses. It also discusses whether attempts to secure a certain minimum level of legal protection against acts of international organizations through judicial review by national courts may contribute to securing greater accountability of international organizations.Less
The challenging of acts of international organizations before national courts is the focus of this book. After the Kadi-hype following the 2008 European Court of Justice judgment, this book demonstrates that problems of judicial review of acts of international organizations are relevant in many organizations and in many different contexts. This book presents a broad picture concerning potential challenges of acts of international organizations before national courts. It covers such diverse international organizations as the United Nations itself, its subsidiary organs, such as the specialized international criminal courts for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the European Patent Office, the European Schools, EUROCONTROL, OPEC, or INTERPOL. Building on the case law of domestic courts, the chapters highlight similar legal issues according to four introductory working hypotheses. They relate to the nature of judicial review of acts of international organizations, its interdependence with domestic methods of incorporating international law, to the conditions of a human rights-based review and to the inter-relationship between domestic challenges and the safeguard of the independent functioning of international organizations. The book's conclusion brings the different findings together and analyses them in the light of the initial working hypotheses. It also discusses whether attempts to secure a certain minimum level of legal protection against acts of international organizations through judicial review by national courts may contribute to securing greater accountability of international organizations.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The first part re‐examines the three worlds’ typology of welfare capitalism: the liberal welfare regime, the social democratic welfare regime, and the conservative welfare regime. A summary overview ...
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The first part re‐examines the three worlds’ typology of welfare capitalism: the liberal welfare regime, the social democratic welfare regime, and the conservative welfare regime. A summary overview of the three regime characteristics is provided. The second part looks at the historical and comparative robustness of regime typologies, and examines whether a three‐way typology adequately exhausts the variance of the different regimes found in different countries. Three cases are identified that call for an additional fourth ‘world’; these are the Antipodes, the Mediterranean, and Japan.Assuming the validity of these three claims, a total of six models is reached for 19–20 nations. These three cases are examined under the headings The Antipodean Fourth World, The Mediterranean Fourth World, and The East Asian Fourth World (Japan possibly with Korea and Taiwan). This second section of the chapter also looks at families and welfare regimes.Less
The first part re‐examines the three worlds’ typology of welfare capitalism: the liberal welfare regime, the social democratic welfare regime, and the conservative welfare regime. A summary overview of the three regime characteristics is provided. The second part looks at the historical and comparative robustness of regime typologies, and examines whether a three‐way typology adequately exhausts the variance of the different regimes found in different countries. Three cases are identified that call for an additional fourth ‘world’; these are the Antipodes, the Mediterranean, and Japan.
Assuming the validity of these three claims, a total of six models is reached for 19–20 nations. These three cases are examined under the headings The Antipodean Fourth World, The Mediterranean Fourth World, and The East Asian Fourth World (Japan possibly with Korea and Taiwan). This second section of the chapter also looks at families and welfare regimes.
Jagdish Bhagwati
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198288473
- eISBN:
- 9780191684609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198288473.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the ...
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This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the inward-looking, bureaucratic regime that grew to Kafkaesque dimensions, starting in the early 1950s. It provides a rationale for the economic reforms begun in June 1991 by the new government of Prime Minister Rao. These reforms are set into historical and analytical perspective.Less
This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the inward-looking, bureaucratic regime that grew to Kafkaesque dimensions, starting in the early 1950s. It provides a rationale for the economic reforms begun in June 1991 by the new government of Prime Minister Rao. These reforms are set into historical and analytical perspective.
Paul Pierson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297567
- eISBN:
- 9780191600104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297564.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter argues that the contemporary politics of the welfare state takes shape against a backdrop of both intense pressures for austerity and enduring popularity. In this context, ...
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This concluding chapter argues that the contemporary politics of the welfare state takes shape against a backdrop of both intense pressures for austerity and enduring popularity. In this context, even strong supporters of the welfare state may come to acknowledge the need for adjustment, and even severe critics may need to accept the political realities of continuing popular enthusiasm for social provision. Thus, in most of the affluent democracies, the politics of social policy centre on the renegotiation, restructuring, and modernization of the terms of the post‐war social contract rather than on its dismantling. The crucial issue is whether particular national settings facilitate the emergence of such a centrist reform effort, and if so, on what terms. The argument proceeds in three stages: in the first, a basic framework is outlined for studying the politics of reform in a context of permanent austerity; in the second, two complications are discussed — the need to incorporate different dimensions of social policy reform and the need to recognize three quite distinct configurations of welfare state politics among the affluent democracies; in the third, these arguments are applied to analyse the politics of restructuring in the liberal, social democratic, and conservative ‘worlds’ (regimes) of welfare capitalism.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the contemporary politics of the welfare state takes shape against a backdrop of both intense pressures for austerity and enduring popularity. In this context, even strong supporters of the welfare state may come to acknowledge the need for adjustment, and even severe critics may need to accept the political realities of continuing popular enthusiasm for social provision. Thus, in most of the affluent democracies, the politics of social policy centre on the renegotiation, restructuring, and modernization of the terms of the post‐war social contract rather than on its dismantling. The crucial issue is whether particular national settings facilitate the emergence of such a centrist reform effort, and if so, on what terms. The argument proceeds in three stages: in the first, a basic framework is outlined for studying the politics of reform in a context of permanent austerity; in the second, two complications are discussed — the need to incorporate different dimensions of social policy reform and the need to recognize three quite distinct configurations of welfare state politics among the affluent democracies; in the third, these arguments are applied to analyse the politics of restructuring in the liberal, social democratic, and conservative ‘worlds’ (regimes) of welfare capitalism.
Joe Foweraker and Todd Landman
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199240463
- eISBN:
- 9780191696831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199240463.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in ...
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Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.Less
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In this second chapter of Part III of the book (Truth and Justice under Successor Democratic Regimes), an examination is made of how the issues of truth and justice were dealt with under democratic ...
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In this second chapter of Part III of the book (Truth and Justice under Successor Democratic Regimes), an examination is made of how the issues of truth and justice were dealt with under democratic rule from 1990 to 1996 in Chile (the governments of Aylwin 1990–93 and of Frei 1993–96). The different sections of the chapter are: Introduction; Truth Telling in Chile: The Jewel in the Concertaciin’s Human Rights Crown; Releasing the Political Prisoners: Hostages to the Conflict over Justice; Reparations and Symbolic Justice by Individual Prosecution; The Frei Administration and the Continuing Struggle for Justice, 1993–96; and Conclusion.Less
In this second chapter of Part III of the book (Truth and Justice under Successor Democratic Regimes), an examination is made of how the issues of truth and justice were dealt with under democratic rule from 1990 to 1996 in Chile (the governments of Aylwin 1990–93 and of Frei 1993–96). The different sections of the chapter are: Introduction; Truth Telling in Chile: The Jewel in the Concertaciin’s Human Rights Crown; Releasing the Political Prisoners: Hostages to the Conflict over Justice; Reparations and Symbolic Justice by Individual Prosecution; The Frei Administration and the Continuing Struggle for Justice, 1993–96; and Conclusion.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is ...
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The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.Less
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Starts by discussing the perennial welfare state crisis, making the point that the contemporary crisis differs notably from its forebears. Rigidity is an endogenous symptom of the crisis, and the ...
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Starts by discussing the perennial welfare state crisis, making the point that the contemporary crisis differs notably from its forebears. Rigidity is an endogenous symptom of the crisis, and the various symptoms include demographic ageing, and the growing risks of poverty and social exclusion (which spring from the malfunctioning of the labour market and the family). The aim of the book is to come to terms with the new political economy—the post‐industrial economy—that is emerging. To do this it pursues a set of interlinked arguments: the so‐called welfare state crisis, in which debate has been too focused on the state, when it should be on the interaction between the component parts of contemporary welfare regimes such as labour markets, the family, and the welfare state itself; the fact that the real crisis of contemporary welfare regimes lies in the disjuncture between the existing institutional construction and exogenous change; and the fact that the emerging risks of post‐industrial society come primarily from the revolution that is unfolding in both labour markets and households. Four phenomena form the unifying theme of the book: equality, risks, jobs, and the new political economy. Risks and jobs are dealt with in separate chapters; the introduction discusses equality and the new political economy.Less
Starts by discussing the perennial welfare state crisis, making the point that the contemporary crisis differs notably from its forebears. Rigidity is an endogenous symptom of the crisis, and the various symptoms include demographic ageing, and the growing risks of poverty and social exclusion (which spring from the malfunctioning of the labour market and the family). The aim of the book is to come to terms with the new political economy—the post‐industrial economy—that is emerging. To do this it pursues a set of interlinked arguments: the so‐called welfare state crisis, in which debate has been too focused on the state, when it should be on the interaction between the component parts of contemporary welfare regimes such as labour markets, the family, and the welfare state itself; the fact that the real crisis of contemporary welfare regimes lies in the disjuncture between the existing institutional construction and exogenous change; and the fact that the emerging risks of post‐industrial society come primarily from the revolution that is unfolding in both labour markets and households. Four phenomena form the unifying theme of the book: equality, risks, jobs, and the new political economy. Risks and jobs are dealt with in separate chapters; the introduction discusses equality and the new political economy.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter and the next revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now, appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of the democratic class ...
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This chapter and the next revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now, appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of the democratic class struggle. The first section of the chapter looks at varieties of the struggle, and has subsections on models of industrial relations, employment regulation, and worker rights. The second section looks at de‐ruralization and post‐industrialization, and has subsections on family behaviour and full employment, and the declining correlates of class.Less
This chapter and the next revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now, appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of the democratic class struggle. The first section of the chapter looks at varieties of the struggle, and has subsections on models of industrial relations, employment regulation, and worker rights. The second section looks at de‐ruralization and post‐industrialization, and has subsections on family behaviour and full employment, and the declining correlates of class.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter and the previous one revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of social risks and ...
More
This chapter and the previous one revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of social risks and welfare states. The post‐war welfare state was premised upon assumptions about family structure and labour market behaviour that, today, are largely invalid. Risks that in the 1950s or 1960s were assumed away are now becoming dominant, and vice versa. The post‐war welfare state being the child of the 1930s Depression and the ‘workers question’, was moulded on a society in which the prototypical client was a male production worker, who is now rather hard to find. A first step towards an understanding of the contemporary welfare state crisis must begin with: (a) a diagnosis of the changing distribution and intensity of social risks, and (b) a comprehensive examination of how risks are pooled and distributed between state, market, and family. The different sections of the chapter are: The State in the Welfare Nexus—the misunderstood family, and the welfare triad of state, market, and family; The Foundations of Welfare Regimes: Risk Management—family and market ‘failures’; and The distribution of risks and models of solidarity—class risks, life‐course risks, intergenerational risks, de‐commodification, and familialism and de‐familialism.Less
This chapter and the previous one revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of social risks and welfare states. The post‐war welfare state was premised upon assumptions about family structure and labour market behaviour that, today, are largely invalid. Risks that in the 1950s or 1960s were assumed away are now becoming dominant, and vice versa. The post‐war welfare state being the child of the 1930s Depression and the ‘workers question’, was moulded on a society in which the prototypical client was a male production worker, who is now rather hard to find. A first step towards an understanding of the contemporary welfare state crisis must begin with: (a) a diagnosis of the changing distribution and intensity of social risks, and (b) a comprehensive examination of how risks are pooled and distributed between state, market, and family. The different sections of the chapter are: The State in the Welfare Nexus—the misunderstood family, and the welfare triad of state, market, and family; The Foundations of Welfare Regimes: Risk Management—family and market ‘failures’; and The distribution of risks and models of solidarity—class risks, life‐course risks, intergenerational risks, de‐commodification, and familialism and de‐familialism.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction to this chapter discusses the question of why nations respond so differently to a set of social risks that are similar over various countries, and analyses three typical homines: ...
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The introduction to this chapter discusses the question of why nations respond so differently to a set of social risks that are similar over various countries, and analyses three typical homines: Homo liberalisimus, Homo familias, and Homo socialdemocraticus. When the instincts of these ideal typical homines are combined, moral conflicts result, although a sufficient mass manages to profile itself in collective expression and sways society towards its preferred welfare regime. Old risks may fade and new ones emerge, but the response of a welfare regime will be, more likely than not, normatively path dependent. It is argued that since core institutional traits appear to be so unyielding to change, it is unlikely that the contemporary welfare state crisis will produce revolutionary change: there may be a blueprint for an ideal post‐industrial regime, but unless it is compatible with existing welfare regime practice, it may not be practicable. The author argues that, nonetheless, optimizing welfare in a post‐industrial setting will require radical departures, and these are discussed under the following headings: What is to be Optimized; Rival Reform Strategies; The Market Strategy; A Third Way?; and Equality with Inequality?Less
The introduction to this chapter discusses the question of why nations respond so differently to a set of social risks that are similar over various countries, and analyses three typical homines: Homo liberalisimus, Homo familias, and Homo socialdemocraticus. When the instincts of these ideal typical homines are combined, moral conflicts result, although a sufficient mass manages to profile itself in collective expression and sways society towards its preferred welfare regime. Old risks may fade and new ones emerge, but the response of a welfare regime will be, more likely than not, normatively path dependent. It is argued that since core institutional traits appear to be so unyielding to change, it is unlikely that the contemporary welfare state crisis will produce revolutionary change: there may be a blueprint for an ideal post‐industrial regime, but unless it is compatible with existing welfare regime practice, it may not be practicable. The author argues that, nonetheless, optimizing welfare in a post‐industrial setting will require radical departures, and these are discussed under the following headings: What is to be Optimized; Rival Reform Strategies; The Market Strategy; A Third Way?; and Equality with Inequality?
