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This chapter follows the reform process forward until shortly before the Berlin Summit. This includes sections on the pressures driving the Agenda 2000 reforms and such wider considerations as the rise of multifunctionality. The issue in July 1997 of the Agenda 2000 document marked the formal commencement of the next round of Common Agricultural Policy reform. It was envisaged that the proposals would prepare the Common Agricultural Policy for the next century; and, over the course of the reform process, the realization in concrete terms of a European Model of Agriculture was increasingly articulated as a guiding policy objective. In this context, it is necessary to consider, first, the pressures driving reform and, secondly, the policy developments and negotiations leading to the Berlin Summit of March 1999.

This chapter seeks to focus upon and analyse certain key features of the European Model of Agriculture. It considers the impact of the reform process on the ‘first pillar’ and the ‘second pillar’ of the Common Agricultural Policy, and also on the relationship between these two pillars. In this context, three avenues of enquiry may be pursued. First, the impact of the Agenda 2000 reforms on the ‘first pillar’ of the Common Agricultural Policy may be assessed. Secondly, the success of the Agenda 2000 reforms in establishing a ‘second pillar’ of the Common Agricultural Policy may be examined. Thirdly, specific legal issues may be raised which flow directly from the impact of these reforms on one or both pillars of the Common Agricultural Policy. Particular reference is accorded to the enhanced, multifunctional role of direct payments. In addition, specific legal issues flowing from these reforms are identified.

Although Australia’s modern reform era began with the election of the Hawke Government in 1983, it was not till the National Competition Policy (NCP) which ran from 1995 to 2005, that a collaborative reform effort emerged between the central and state governments. The subsequent period, covers the National Reform Agenda (NRA) which was aborted after a couple of years and the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) Reform Agenda which is currently under implementation. The interim assessment of the COAG Reform Agenda contained in this chapter identifies several problems. Its main conclusion is that that for cooperative federal reform efforts to work there has to be a basis for cooperation, namely buy-in to an agreed solution to the identified problem. Unfortunately, this seems to be missing from much of the COAG Reform Agenda. As long as that remains the case, progress is likely to be slow and tortuous.

It is reasonable to suppose that economists may be able to supply useful data suitably analysed for use by policymakers, who should not to be allowed to ‘sit round the table’ with a vote on what are ‘good policies’. However, full use of economists' accumulated experience entails the opportunity to explain to decision makers why some policies may work and others may not and to warn them of some of the possible unintended consequences of adopting one policy rather than another. This book has been designed to illustrate how economics may be used at different levels of policy discourse, but goes further in concentrating on the policy scenario that accords with maximizing the welfare of those ultimately expected to benefit from heritage provision. This final chapter presents six principles that offer guidelines for this policy. They emphasize in particular that incentives and opportunities need to be offered to the public to develop interest, understanding, and participation in the arts as a whole, of which heritage provision is a major component, taking account of new technologies that encourage the expansion of individual choice.

This chapter talks about the factors behind the different institutional trajectories of the British government in three periods: 1960s and 1970s, 1980s, and in the 1990s and 2000s. It gives specific attention to the nature of support within the business community and the extent to which various firms are able to commit to structural reform agendas promoted by governments. The rationale behind a government's structural reform agenda is to influence corporate strategies through policies and institutional innovations in order to make firms more competitive in product markets. The chapter shows that the ability of governments to develop corporate strategies that make institutional reforms sustainable for the British market economy is a function of how governments reconcile domestic reforms with their foreign economic policies.

This chapter recapitulates the different ways states in developing societies responded to preexisting forms of patriarchal authority and strong cultural traditions as they augmented their capacity, recognized difference, and regulated family life. By comparing Turkey, Tunisia, Indonesia, India, Egypt, and Lebanon, it shows that two factors influenced one another and shaped family law: regimes’ aims to change state-society relations, and salient discourses about the nation, its cultural groups, and traditions. These comparisons indicate that there is considerable scope in most developing societies for family law reforms based in cultural traditions that advance women's rights and individual liberties, and for forms of secularism that accommodate public religion significantly. Certain reform proposals are currently feasible in India (for example, no-fault divorce and shares in matrimonial property), but others are possible only if predominant visions of nation and community change (such as dissolution of Hindu joint property or Christian adoption rights).

This chapter discusses the book's firm-centric approach to accounting for variations in institutional development and for behavioral institutionalism. It demonstrates how the integration of national and multilateral institutions shape patterns of institutional development by focusing on how the ways in which governments settle the so-called design problem affect their ability to sustain domestic economic reform agendas. In the process of adding a layer of multilateral institutions to existing national ones, the modern market economy becomes an open system of governance. Governments come to rely on innovations in the international sphere through the expanded use of multilateralism. Multilateralism, depending on its form, can both serve to reinforce and implement reform agendas.

This chapter examines the political activism of clergy outside the context of congregational life. It first analyzes the political topics that clergy report they address publicly with regularity, the resulting particular political agendas advanced by clergy, and the changing relative emphasis given to such agendas over time. The second portion of the chapter examines the reported activities of clergy related to political campaigns, political contacting, and political protesting, along with changes in the reported levels of such activities. The final portion of the chapter examines the changing partisan nature of clergy engagement in politics. Clergy have shifted to placing an increased emphasis on a social justice as opposed to moral reform agenda, are no more political active today than two decades ago, have exhibited considerable change in the partisan identifications they hold, and have become more polarized politically over time.

As the new progressive mood took hold in California, Elizabeth Watt led the expansion of the West Oakland Free Kindergarten into the class-bridging, racially integrated charity, first called the West Oakland Settlement and later the New Century Club. A comparison with Manse Polytechnic and the Oakland Club shows how women used architecture to shape working class childhood. Inspired by Jane Addams and Hull House, Watt made a plain cottage into a feminized setting of fine design, suited for bourgeois women to meet and open to all in the neighborhood. Coupling a gender-defined reform agenda with self-interest, Watt led the settlement to help mothers in the Salvage Bureau, organize sewing classes and clubs for immigrant girls and boys, and acquire buildings for kitchen garden and domestic science classes. Her support of integration is situated in the disputes about racial exclusion that fractured the women’s club movement in the 1890s.

Issues of food safety and food quality had attracted attention long before the commencement of the Agenda 2000 reforms. This chapter takes the study beyond the traditional confines of the Common Agricultural Policy to analyse certain other key features of the European Model of Agriculture. More broadly, attention is directed to the changing position of agriculture within the food chain. In this context, four aspects may be considered: first, legal aspects of food safety and food quality, with particular reference to the precautionary principle; secondly, specific legal aspects of genetically modified organisms; thirdly, legal aspects of animal welfare, with particular reference to the ability of States to impose their own standards; and, fourthly, and more broadly, the place of agriculture in the food chain.

This chapter describes how systemic educational reform was an integral part of Southern policy and politics. Indeed, a series of South-focused reports set the education reform agenda for the decades ahead. Throughout the 1970s, Southern states lagged behind other states in educational funding per capita, educational standards, and teacher competency despite these reports' and other observers' recognition of persistent problems with student achievement, poor teacher quality, and teacher shortages. At the time of the first state-level omnibus education reform passage in Mississippi in 1982, every Southern state spent less on education than did states in other regions, and in Mississippi the per-pupil expenditure rate was just over half the national average. Among the states ranking lowest, Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina almost always were near the bottom.

This introductory chapter briefly reviews the recent history of government modernization efforts with emphasis on the New Public Management, a reform agenda with which the UK is particularly associated. Such reforms included drawing on ideas from business, bringing in new kinds of people as managers of government organizations, and structural makeovers of various kinds intended to cut running costs and make government more focused, responsive, or ‘joined-up’. New types of information technology were introduced with the aim of cost-cutting and introducing transformative change in the traditional workings of bureaucracy. And a stress on improved presentation and packaging of initiatives and ideas was aimed at making government more persuasive, effective and ‘user-friendly’. The chapter lays out nine possible outcomes of such reforms, in terms of what happened to costs of running government and of what happened to consistency and fairness in administration, to be explored in the subsequent chapters.

This chapter presents an overview and critical analysis of the nature of the rise of China and its geopolitical and geo-economic implications for the Indo-Pacific region. The chapter is in six parts—China’s inexorable rise; China’s reform agenda; China’s regional trade relationships; China’s Belt and Road Initiative; the South China Sea dispute; and the future for a risen China. It is argued that the Indo-Pacific concept has little if any relevance in the conduct of current or future Chinese foreign policy. Indeed, at an annual media conference in Beijing in 2018 the Chinese foreign minister, Wang Yi, reportedly mocked the US–Australia preference for describing the Asia-Pacific region as the ‘Indo-Pacific’ as an example of attention grabbing. Rather, China has proposed a reform strategy for relations among great powers which emphasizes a more equal relationship with the US and the need for a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region.