Keith Banting, Richard Johnston, Will Kymlicka, and Stuart Soroka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter introduces a new framework for testing the recognition/redistribution hypothesis. It develops an index of twenty-three different types of MCPs that have been adopted for three different ...
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This chapter introduces a new framework for testing the recognition/redistribution hypothesis. It develops an index of twenty-three different types of MCPs that have been adopted for three different types of minority groups (immigrants, national minorities, and indigenous peoples). Western countries are then categorized in terms of their level of MCPs. Whether countries with higher levels of MCPs have faced an erosion of the welfare state as compared to countries with lower levels of MCPs is tested. It is shown that there is no negative correlation between the strength of a country's commitment to MCPs and its ability to sustain welfare spending or economic redistribution. The chapter also examines the heterogeneity/redistribution hypothesis, and shows that this too is overstated. In general, the size of immigrant groups, national minorities, and indigenous peoples in Western countries does not affect a country's ability to sustain its welfare commitments, although a rapid change in the size of immigrant groups does seem to have an effect. Yet even here, the authors of this chapter argue, there are hints that adopting MCPs can help to mitigate whatever negative effect a rapidly increasing immigrant population may have.Less
This chapter introduces a new framework for testing the recognition/redistribution hypothesis. It develops an index of twenty-three different types of MCPs that have been adopted for three different types of minority groups (immigrants, national minorities, and indigenous peoples). Western countries are then categorized in terms of their level of MCPs. Whether countries with higher levels of MCPs have faced an erosion of the welfare state as compared to countries with lower levels of MCPs is tested. It is shown that there is no negative correlation between the strength of a country's commitment to MCPs and its ability to sustain welfare spending or economic redistribution. The chapter also examines the heterogeneity/redistribution hypothesis, and shows that this too is overstated. In general, the size of immigrant groups, national minorities, and indigenous peoples in Western countries does not affect a country's ability to sustain its welfare commitments, although a rapid change in the size of immigrant groups does seem to have an effect. Yet even here, the authors of this chapter argue, there are hints that adopting MCPs can help to mitigate whatever negative effect a rapidly increasing immigrant population may have.
Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of ...
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In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.Less
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.
Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies ...
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This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies stimulating growth or by central redistribution from Brussels? Will the enlarged EU cope with the challenge of global economic competition by opting for more institutional differentiation or central regulation? Will it try to insulate itself from poor and unstable neighbors or try to govern them? In all three cases, the enlarged EU is more likely to embrace the neo-medieval rather than the neo-Westphalian alternative.Less
This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies stimulating growth or by central redistribution from Brussels? Will the enlarged EU cope with the challenge of global economic competition by opting for more institutional differentiation or central regulation? Will it try to insulate itself from poor and unstable neighbors or try to govern them? In all three cases, the enlarged EU is more likely to embrace the neo-medieval rather than the neo-Westphalian alternative.
Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This introductory chapter provides an overview of two recent debates on the relationship between ethnic diversity, multiculturalism, and the welfare state. Some commentators argue that increasing ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of two recent debates on the relationship between ethnic diversity, multiculturalism, and the welfare state. Some commentators argue that increasing levels of ethnic and racial heterogeneity make it difficult to sustain a welfare state (the ‘heterogeneity/redistribution trade-off’). This chapter reviews the evidence that has been emerged in previous research for both claims, which is shown to be inconclusive. There are many unanswered questions about the conditions under which the heterogeneity/redistribution and recognition/redistribution trade-offs may exist, about the causal mechanisms that underpin them, and about the possible strategies for reducing them. The subsequent chapters in this volume fill in some of these important gaps in our knowledge, drawing on cross-national statistical analyses, case studies, and theoretical reflections.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of two recent debates on the relationship between ethnic diversity, multiculturalism, and the welfare state. Some commentators argue that increasing levels of ethnic and racial heterogeneity make it difficult to sustain a welfare state (the ‘heterogeneity/redistribution trade-off’). This chapter reviews the evidence that has been emerged in previous research for both claims, which is shown to be inconclusive. There are many unanswered questions about the conditions under which the heterogeneity/redistribution and recognition/redistribution trade-offs may exist, about the causal mechanisms that underpin them, and about the possible strategies for reducing them. The subsequent chapters in this volume fill in some of these important gaps in our knowledge, drawing on cross-national statistical analyses, case studies, and theoretical reflections.
Lane Kenworthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199591527
- eISBN:
- 9780191731389
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199591527.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
One of the principal goals of antipoverty efforts should be to improve the absolute living standards of the least well-off. This book aims to enhance our understanding of how to do that, drawing on ...
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One of the principal goals of antipoverty efforts should be to improve the absolute living standards of the least well-off. This book aims to enhance our understanding of how to do that, drawing on the experiences of twenty affluent countries since the 1970s. The book addresses a set of questions at the heart of political economy and public policy: How much does economic growth help the poor? When and why does growth fail to trickle down? How can social policy help? Can a country have a sizeable low-wage sector yet few poor households? Are universal programs better than targeted ones? What role can public services play in antipoverty efforts? What is the best tax mix? Is more social spending better for the poor? If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes?Less
One of the principal goals of antipoverty efforts should be to improve the absolute living standards of the least well-off. This book aims to enhance our understanding of how to do that, drawing on the experiences of twenty affluent countries since the 1970s. The book addresses a set of questions at the heart of political economy and public policy: How much does economic growth help the poor? When and why does growth fail to trickle down? How can social policy help? Can a country have a sizeable low-wage sector yet few poor households? Are universal programs better than targeted ones? What role can public services play in antipoverty efforts? What is the best tax mix? Is more social spending better for the poor? If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes?
Martine Quinzii
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195065534
- eISBN:
- 9780199855063
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195065534.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
The general equilibrium analysis presented in this book shows that there are even more problems in using marginal cost pricing with increasing returns technologies than has been discussed at the time ...
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The general equilibrium analysis presented in this book shows that there are even more problems in using marginal cost pricing with increasing returns technologies than has been discussed at the time of the “marginal cost pricing controversy,” but also that, in some circumstances, the problems can be solved. The earlier literature raised objections to the income redistribution induced by financing the deficit of public firms through income taxes, and questioned the incentives that a subsidized public firm would have to minimize costs. Once a good can be produced with increasing returns, its total production should be supervised by a central agency to avoid inefficient use of different units of production. Such an agency cannot rely on equalization of marginal costs to ensure productive efficiency. In cases where the economies of scale in the production of a good are large enough to justify its production by a public sector, it seems unlikely that there exist alternative techniques available to the private sector to produce small quantities at the same marginal cost.Less
The general equilibrium analysis presented in this book shows that there are even more problems in using marginal cost pricing with increasing returns technologies than has been discussed at the time of the “marginal cost pricing controversy,” but also that, in some circumstances, the problems can be solved. The earlier literature raised objections to the income redistribution induced by financing the deficit of public firms through income taxes, and questioned the incentives that a subsidized public firm would have to minimize costs. Once a good can be produced with increasing returns, its total production should be supervised by a central agency to avoid inefficient use of different units of production. Such an agency cannot rely on equalization of marginal costs to ensure productive efficiency. In cases where the economies of scale in the production of a good are large enough to justify its production by a public sector, it seems unlikely that there exist alternative techniques available to the private sector to produce small quantities at the same marginal cost.
Martin Ravallion
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.003.0014
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This essay examines the role of targeted transfers in poor countries in the light of the new theories on the social costs of unmitigated inequalities and uninsured risks. Recognizing that the policy ...
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This essay examines the role of targeted transfers in poor countries in the light of the new theories on the social costs of unmitigated inequalities and uninsured risks. Recognizing that the policy implications depend crucially on whether there is good empirical evidence to support the theoretical arguments, the bulk of the first half of the essay discusses the evidence. The essay then takes up a key question for policy: Can the potential for efficient redistribution be realized in practice using targeted transfers, given the constraints faced in poor countries? It is argued that there can be too much uninsured risk and inequality, when judged solely from the viewpoint of aggregate output. For example, credit market failures can mean that it is the poor who are unable to exploit new economic opportunities; the more poor people, the fewer the opportunities that get exploited, and thus the lower the rate of growth. Persistent concentrations of poverty in poor environments can also arise from market failures, given geographic externalities whereby living in a poor area is a cause of poverty. This body of theory and evidence offers a new perspective on social protection policies in poor countries, suggesting that there is scope for using these policies to compensate for the market failures that help perpetuate poverty, particularly in high-inequality settings.Less
This essay examines the role of targeted transfers in poor countries in the light of the new theories on the social costs of unmitigated inequalities and uninsured risks. Recognizing that the policy implications depend crucially on whether there is good empirical evidence to support the theoretical arguments, the bulk of the first half of the essay discusses the evidence. The essay then takes up a key question for policy: Can the potential for efficient redistribution be realized in practice using targeted transfers, given the constraints faced in poor countries? It is argued that there can be too much uninsured risk and inequality, when judged solely from the viewpoint of aggregate output. For example, credit market failures can mean that it is the poor who are unable to exploit new economic opportunities; the more poor people, the fewer the opportunities that get exploited, and thus the lower the rate of growth. Persistent concentrations of poverty in poor environments can also arise from market failures, given geographic externalities whereby living in a poor area is a cause of poverty. This body of theory and evidence offers a new perspective on social protection policies in poor countries, suggesting that there is scope for using these policies to compensate for the market failures that help perpetuate poverty, particularly in high-inequality settings.
Stephen J. Collier
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148304
- eISBN:
- 9781400840427
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148304.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
The Soviet Union created a unique form of urban modernity, developing institutions of social provisioning for hundreds of millions of people in small and medium-sized industrial cities spread across ...
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The Soviet Union created a unique form of urban modernity, developing institutions of social provisioning for hundreds of millions of people in small and medium-sized industrial cities spread across a vast territory. After the collapse of socialism, these institutions were profoundly shaken—casualties, in the eyes of many observers, of market-oriented reforms associated with neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus. This book examines reform in Russia beyond the Washington Consensus. It turns attention from the noisy battles over stabilization and privatization during the 1990s to subsequent reforms that grapple with the mundane details of pipes, wires, bureaucratic routines, and budgetary formulas that made up the Soviet social state. Drawing on Michel Foucault's lectures from the late 1970s, the book uses the Russian case to examine neoliberalism as a central form of political rationality in contemporary societies. The book's basic finding—that neoliberal reforms provide a justification for redistribution and social welfare, and may work to preserve the norms and forms of social modernity—lays the groundwork for a critical revision of conventional understandings of these topics.Less
The Soviet Union created a unique form of urban modernity, developing institutions of social provisioning for hundreds of millions of people in small and medium-sized industrial cities spread across a vast territory. After the collapse of socialism, these institutions were profoundly shaken—casualties, in the eyes of many observers, of market-oriented reforms associated with neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus. This book examines reform in Russia beyond the Washington Consensus. It turns attention from the noisy battles over stabilization and privatization during the 1990s to subsequent reforms that grapple with the mundane details of pipes, wires, bureaucratic routines, and budgetary formulas that made up the Soviet social state. Drawing on Michel Foucault's lectures from the late 1970s, the book uses the Russian case to examine neoliberalism as a central form of political rationality in contemporary societies. The book's basic finding—that neoliberal reforms provide a justification for redistribution and social welfare, and may work to preserve the norms and forms of social modernity—lays the groundwork for a critical revision of conventional understandings of these topics.
Fred Campano and Dominick Salvatore
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195300918
- eISBN:
- 9780199783441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195300912.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter examines the question of whether there is a connection between income distribution and the macro-economy. The debate surrounding Kuznets’ inverted ‘U-shaped’ hypothesis is explained. ...
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This chapter examines the question of whether there is a connection between income distribution and the macro-economy. The debate surrounding Kuznets’ inverted ‘U-shaped’ hypothesis is explained. Techniques for projecting income shares under the assumption of the ‘U-shaped’ hypothesis are demonstrated.Less
This chapter examines the question of whether there is a connection between income distribution and the macro-economy. The debate surrounding Kuznets’ inverted ‘U-shaped’ hypothesis is explained. Techniques for projecting income shares under the assumption of the ‘U-shaped’ hypothesis are demonstrated.
Fred Campano and Dominick Salvatore
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195300918
- eISBN:
- 9780199783441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195300912.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter focuses on the role of the government in ensuring basic needs and how that may be managed through income taxes and public expenditure. The analysis is mainly done in the framework of ...
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This chapter focuses on the role of the government in ensuring basic needs and how that may be managed through income taxes and public expenditure. The analysis is mainly done in the framework of income flows to and from quantiles of households.Less
This chapter focuses on the role of the government in ensuring basic needs and how that may be managed through income taxes and public expenditure. The analysis is mainly done in the framework of income flows to and from quantiles of households.
Lane Kenworthy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199550593
- eISBN:
- 9780191720727
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550593.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Economic and social shifts have led to rising income inequality in the world's affluent countries. This is worrisome for reasons of fairness and because inequality has adverse effects on other ...
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Economic and social shifts have led to rising income inequality in the world's affluent countries. This is worrisome for reasons of fairness and because inequality has adverse effects on other socioeconomic goods. Redistribution can help, but government revenues are threatened by globalization and population aging. A way out of this impasse is for countries to increase their employment rate. Increasing employment enlarges the tax base, allowing tax revenues to rise without an increase in tax rates; it also reduces welfare state costs by decreasing the amount of government benefits going to individuals and households. The question is: can egalitarian institutions and policies be coupled with employment growth? For two decades conventional wisdom has held that the answer is no. This book provides an assessment of the experiences of rich nations since the late 1970s. It examines the impact on employment of six key policies and institutions: wage levels at the low end of the labor market, employment protection regulations, government benefit generosity, taxes, skills, and women-friendly policies. The analysis includes twenty countries, with a focus on Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The book concludes that there is some indication of tradeoffs, but that they tend to be small in magnitude. There is no parsimonious set of policies and institutions that have been the key to good or bad employment performance. Instead, there are multiple paths to employment success. The comparative experience suggests reason for optimism about possibilities for a high-employment, high-equality society.Less
Economic and social shifts have led to rising income inequality in the world's affluent countries. This is worrisome for reasons of fairness and because inequality has adverse effects on other socioeconomic goods. Redistribution can help, but government revenues are threatened by globalization and population aging. A way out of this impasse is for countries to increase their employment rate. Increasing employment enlarges the tax base, allowing tax revenues to rise without an increase in tax rates; it also reduces welfare state costs by decreasing the amount of government benefits going to individuals and households. The question is: can egalitarian institutions and policies be coupled with employment growth? For two decades conventional wisdom has held that the answer is no. This book provides an assessment of the experiences of rich nations since the late 1970s. It examines the impact on employment of six key policies and institutions: wage levels at the low end of the labor market, employment protection regulations, government benefit generosity, taxes, skills, and women-friendly policies. The analysis includes twenty countries, with a focus on Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The book concludes that there is some indication of tradeoffs, but that they tend to be small in magnitude. There is no parsimonious set of policies and institutions that have been the key to good or bad employment performance. Instead, there are multiple paths to employment success. The comparative experience suggests reason for optimism about possibilities for a high-employment, high-equality society.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many ...
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This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.Less
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the ...
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Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the shift towards an individual rational actor approach to policy-making, risks weakening the values that sustain social citizenship. It may support reciprocity but undermines social inclusion and trust in welfare state institutions. Any response must recognise the continuing pressures for greater competitiveness arising in a more open economy. Cost-constraint is not the only factor contributing to productivity. Greater inclusiveness, more open opportunities and constraint on privilege at the top end may help to secure better mobilization of human resources. More democratic accountability will enhance trust in services. The individual rational actor approach to welfare state reform has considerable weaknesses as well as the strengths that make it attractive to governments.Less
Welfare states have enjoyed considerable success in containing the pressures of economic, political, and social change identified in Chapter 1. However, an important theme in their responses, the shift towards an individual rational actor approach to policy-making, risks weakening the values that sustain social citizenship. It may support reciprocity but undermines social inclusion and trust in welfare state institutions. Any response must recognise the continuing pressures for greater competitiveness arising in a more open economy. Cost-constraint is not the only factor contributing to productivity. Greater inclusiveness, more open opportunities and constraint on privilege at the top end may help to secure better mobilization of human resources. More democratic accountability will enhance trust in services. The individual rational actor approach to welfare state reform has considerable weaknesses as well as the strengths that make it attractive to governments.
Erik Jones
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208333
- eISBN:
- 9780191708985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208333.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter examines how the breakdown of consociational democracy (depillarization) complicated the process of consensus building, and so made it more difficult for Belgium and the Netherlands to ...
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This chapter examines how the breakdown of consociational democracy (depillarization) complicated the process of consensus building, and so made it more difficult for Belgium and the Netherlands to benefit from European integration. It describes the economic shocks that affected both countries that resulted in lost competitiveness, mounting unemployment, and current account and fiscal deficits. The chapter then sets out the necessary conditions for an effective response. This response involved an important transfer of income and resources from labour to capital. The challenge, therefore, was to build consensus around the need for such redistribution. It was also necessary to develop new institutions for exchange rate stabilization at the European level.Less
This chapter examines how the breakdown of consociational democracy (depillarization) complicated the process of consensus building, and so made it more difficult for Belgium and the Netherlands to benefit from European integration. It describes the economic shocks that affected both countries that resulted in lost competitiveness, mounting unemployment, and current account and fiscal deficits. The chapter then sets out the necessary conditions for an effective response. This response involved an important transfer of income and resources from labour to capital. The challenge, therefore, was to build consensus around the need for such redistribution. It was also necessary to develop new institutions for exchange rate stabilization at the European level.
Daniel Butt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199218240
- eISBN:
- 9780191711589
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199218240.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter outlines a number of critical responses to the project of seeking to rectify historic injustice, and explains why they largely do not apply to international libertarian accounts of ...
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This chapter outlines a number of critical responses to the project of seeking to rectify historic injustice, and explains why they largely do not apply to international libertarian accounts of international justice. It distinguishes between backward-looking and forward-looking accounts of distributive justice in both ideal and non-ideal theory, and looks at how both accounts relate to ideas of rectificatory justice. If one advocates a forward-looking account of distributive justice, and so advocates a redistribution of resources with each new generation, then the rectificatory project will seem to be of little importance. However, this nonchalance in the face of historic injustice is unsustainable if one advocates backward-looking principles. Since international libertarians resist cosmopolitan calls for a generational redistribution of resources across political boundaries, they must carefully scrutinize the provenance of modern day distributions.Less
This chapter outlines a number of critical responses to the project of seeking to rectify historic injustice, and explains why they largely do not apply to international libertarian accounts of international justice. It distinguishes between backward-looking and forward-looking accounts of distributive justice in both ideal and non-ideal theory, and looks at how both accounts relate to ideas of rectificatory justice. If one advocates a forward-looking account of distributive justice, and so advocates a redistribution of resources with each new generation, then the rectificatory project will seem to be of little importance. However, this nonchalance in the face of historic injustice is unsustainable if one advocates backward-looking principles. Since international libertarians resist cosmopolitan calls for a generational redistribution of resources across political boundaries, they must carefully scrutinize the provenance of modern day distributions.
Lane Kenworthy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199550593
- eISBN:
- 9780191720727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550593.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Tax rates and tax structures differ markedly across the rich countries, and play a key role in reducing inequality but may also reduce employment. This chapter addresses the following questions: do ...
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Tax rates and tax structures differ markedly across the rich countries, and play a key role in reducing inequality but may also reduce employment. This chapter addresses the following questions: do taxes reduce inequality directly, or do they contribute to redistribution chiefly by providing the revenue for transfers? To what extent does globalization constrain governments' ability to maintain large and progressive tax systems? Have countries been moving toward more or less redistributive types of taxation? Do taxes in fact impede employment? The chapter argues that a tax policy conducive to low income inequality and high employment should have four principal features: taxes should generate a high level of revenues, in order to finance generous transfers and services; the tax system should be progressive, or at worst minimally regressive; payroll and consumption taxes should be moderate, so as not to impede employment growth in low-end services; and to encourage investment and entreneurship and prevent capital flight, there should be a relatively low statutory rate and a not-too-high effective tax rate on capital.Less
Tax rates and tax structures differ markedly across the rich countries, and play a key role in reducing inequality but may also reduce employment. This chapter addresses the following questions: do taxes reduce inequality directly, or do they contribute to redistribution chiefly by providing the revenue for transfers? To what extent does globalization constrain governments' ability to maintain large and progressive tax systems? Have countries been moving toward more or less redistributive types of taxation? Do taxes in fact impede employment? The chapter argues that a tax policy conducive to low income inequality and high employment should have four principal features: taxes should generate a high level of revenues, in order to finance generous transfers and services; the tax system should be progressive, or at worst minimally regressive; payroll and consumption taxes should be moderate, so as not to impede employment growth in low-end services; and to encourage investment and entreneurship and prevent capital flight, there should be a relatively low statutory rate and a not-too-high effective tax rate on capital.
David Miller and Michael Walzer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280088
- eISBN:
- 9780191599927
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280084.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The book contains a series of critical appraisals by political theorists of Michael Walzer's book Spheres of Justice. The main ideas of Walzer's work are summarized in the introduction, and Walzer ...
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The book contains a series of critical appraisals by political theorists of Michael Walzer's book Spheres of Justice. The main ideas of Walzer's work are summarized in the introduction, and Walzer himself replies to criticisms in the concluding chapter. Four main issues are addressed. First, does the interpretative approach to justice favoured by Walzer, which focuses on the shared understandings of political communities, allow him to obtain sufficient critical distance from the beliefs and practices of his own society? Second, is it possible to preserve separate ‘spheres of justice’ in which different social goods are distributed by different criteria, or do some goods— especially money—have a significance that blurs the boundaries between spheres? Third, can equality be achieved simply by keeping the spheres of justice separate, or does it require a more radical form of redistribution? Fourth, what role does democratic citizenship play in Walzer's theory of justice?Less
The book contains a series of critical appraisals by political theorists of Michael Walzer's book Spheres of Justice. The main ideas of Walzer's work are summarized in the introduction, and Walzer himself replies to criticisms in the concluding chapter. Four main issues are addressed. First, does the interpretative approach to justice favoured by Walzer, which focuses on the shared understandings of political communities, allow him to obtain sufficient critical distance from the beliefs and practices of his own society? Second, is it possible to preserve separate ‘spheres of justice’ in which different social goods are distributed by different criteria, or do some goods— especially money—have a significance that blurs the boundaries between spheres? Third, can equality be achieved simply by keeping the spheres of justice separate, or does it require a more radical form of redistribution? Fourth, what role does democratic citizenship play in Walzer's theory of justice?
William Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Argues that the shift in the US policy from supporting authoritarianism to promoting polyarchy in much of the Third World corresponds to the emergence of a global capitalist economy and is meant to ...
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Argues that the shift in the US policy from supporting authoritarianism to promoting polyarchy in much of the Third World corresponds to the emergence of a global capitalist economy and is meant to ‘make the world safe for capital’. Authoritarianism is seen as an increasingly ineffective mechanism of social control and is replaced by polyarchic regimes that do not pursue any fundamental class redistribution of political and economic power. The author examines some instances of US polyarchy promotion in Latin America.Less
Argues that the shift in the US policy from supporting authoritarianism to promoting polyarchy in much of the Third World corresponds to the emergence of a global capitalist economy and is meant to ‘make the world safe for capital’. Authoritarianism is seen as an increasingly ineffective mechanism of social control and is replaced by polyarchic regimes that do not pursue any fundamental class redistribution of political and economic power. The author examines some instances of US polyarchy promotion in Latin America.
Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195150162
- eISBN:
- 9780199833924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195150163.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Taxation has two primary functions. First, it determines how much of a society’s resources will come under the control of government, for expenditure in accordance with some collective decision ...
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Taxation has two primary functions. First, it determines how much of a society’s resources will come under the control of government, for expenditure in accordance with some collective decision procedure, and how much will be left in the discretionary control of private individuals, as their personal property; call this public-private division. Second, it plays a central role in determining how the social product is shared out among different individuals, both in the form of private property and in the form of publicly provided benefits; call this distribution. Though these functions are typically run together in political discussion--by the use of slogans such as “big government”–they are conceptually and normatively distinct. It is difficult, however, to address the two policy issues separately, since the two functions are mutually interdependent in practice.Less
Taxation has two primary functions. First, it determines how much of a society’s resources will come under the control of government, for expenditure in accordance with some collective decision procedure, and how much will be left in the discretionary control of private individuals, as their personal property; call this public-private division. Second, it plays a central role in determining how the social product is shared out among different individuals, both in the form of private property and in the form of publicly provided benefits; call this distribution. Though these functions are typically run together in political discussion--by the use of slogans such as “big government”–they are conceptually and normatively distinct. It is difficult, however, to address the two policy issues separately, since the two functions are mutually interdependent in practice.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the ...
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Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the object of public policy–whether it is legal rights, economic resources, political institutions, civic virtues, or communal identities–the aim of state policy should be to promote principles of right, not to promote particular conceptions of the good. However much Sandel describes republican freedom as an alternative to liberal justice, one may guess that he would not promote the former at the expense of the latter, and that he (tacitly) views principles of justice as setting constraints on the promotion of republican freedom. While right-wing liberalism has been influential, its influence has often been to rationalize nonliberal opposition to progressive policies, which it is able to do because it is right-wing (i.e. because it opposes redistribution), not because it is liberal (i.e. not because of its commitment to revisability and its rejection of perfectionism). If the traditional liberal commitment to national institutions as the site of collective self-government and distributive justice is no longer viable, then liberals will need to create new forums of self-government, new institutions of redistribution, and corresponding new forms of identity and virtues.Less
Civic republicanism and procedural liberalism are–or should be–allies; exaggerating their differences is philosophically suspect and politically counterproductive. Liberals insist that whatever the object of public policy–whether it is legal rights, economic resources, political institutions, civic virtues, or communal identities–the aim of state policy should be to promote principles of right, not to promote particular conceptions of the good. However much Sandel describes republican freedom as an alternative to liberal justice, one may guess that he would not promote the former at the expense of the latter, and that he (tacitly) views principles of justice as setting constraints on the promotion of republican freedom. While right-wing liberalism has been influential, its influence has often been to rationalize nonliberal opposition to progressive policies, which it is able to do because it is right-wing (i.e. because it opposes redistribution), not because it is liberal (i.e. not because of its commitment to revisability and its rejection of perfectionism). If the traditional liberal commitment to national institutions as the site of collective self-government and distributive justice is no longer viable, then liberals will need to create new forums of self-government, new institutions of redistribution, and corresponding new forms of identity and virtues.
