David Quint
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161914
- eISBN:
- 9781400850488
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161914.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter shows how book 1 of Paradise Lost metaphorically depicts the role of the devil in raising the rebel angels out of their “bottomless perdition,” an act of poetic creation analogous to the ...
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This chapter shows how book 1 of Paradise Lost metaphorically depicts the role of the devil in raising the rebel angels out of their “bottomless perdition,” an act of poetic creation analogous to the divine creation of the universe described in the invocation—“how the heavens and earth/Rose out of chaos.” The chief devils described in the catalog that occupies the center of book 1 and organizes its poetic figures and symbolic geography—Carthage, Sodom, Egypt, Babel-Babylon, Rome—are precisely those who will come to inhabit the pagan shrines that human idolatry will build next to or even inside the Jerusalem temple, profaning God's house. This catalog—whose traditional epic function is to size up military force—instead suggests the force of spiritual falsehood, and it corresponds to the defeated devils' own reluctance to pursue another direct war against God; they would rather resort to satanic fraud.Less
This chapter shows how book 1 of Paradise Lost metaphorically depicts the role of the devil in raising the rebel angels out of their “bottomless perdition,” an act of poetic creation analogous to the divine creation of the universe described in the invocation—“how the heavens and earth/Rose out of chaos.” The chief devils described in the catalog that occupies the center of book 1 and organizes its poetic figures and symbolic geography—Carthage, Sodom, Egypt, Babel-Babylon, Rome—are precisely those who will come to inhabit the pagan shrines that human idolatry will build next to or even inside the Jerusalem temple, profaning God's house. This catalog—whose traditional epic function is to size up military force—instead suggests the force of spiritual falsehood, and it corresponds to the defeated devils' own reluctance to pursue another direct war against God; they would rather resort to satanic fraud.
Christopher Bryan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195183344
- eISBN:
- 9780199835584
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183347.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
Jesus suffered crucifixion by the Romans. Is this because he was a rebel against Rome? Not according to the evangelists, who claim that the Sanhedrin under Caiaphas initially arraigned Jesus on a ...
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Jesus suffered crucifixion by the Romans. Is this because he was a rebel against Rome? Not according to the evangelists, who claim that the Sanhedrin under Caiaphas initially arraigned Jesus on a capital charge of blasphemy. References to Jesus’ death in Jewish sources (notably Josephus and the Talmud) also claim primary responsibility for the Jerusalem authorities. Having condemned Jesus, the Sanhedrin referred the case to Pilate, as would be necessary, given Rome’s normal practice of reserving the death penalty to itself. For Pilate’s benefit, the charge was restated in terms of maiestas laesa—high treason. The gospels describe Pilate as initially unconvinced and prepared to deal with Jesus of Nazareth as Albinus would later deal with Jesus ben Hananiah. Then, perhaps because he fears a riot, Pilate is persuaded to apply the death penalty. There is no good reason to doubt the essential truth of this record.Less
Jesus suffered crucifixion by the Romans. Is this because he was a rebel against Rome? Not according to the evangelists, who claim that the Sanhedrin under Caiaphas initially arraigned Jesus on a capital charge of blasphemy. References to Jesus’ death in Jewish sources (notably Josephus and the Talmud) also claim primary responsibility for the Jerusalem authorities. Having condemned Jesus, the Sanhedrin referred the case to Pilate, as would be necessary, given Rome’s normal practice of reserving the death penalty to itself. For Pilate’s benefit, the charge was restated in terms of maiestas laesa—high treason. The gospels describe Pilate as initially unconvinced and prepared to deal with Jesus of Nazareth as Albinus would later deal with Jesus ben Hananiah. Then, perhaps because he fears a riot, Pilate is persuaded to apply the death penalty. There is no good reason to doubt the essential truth of this record.
Charles Walker
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153599
- eISBN:
- 9781400845248
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153599.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines how fear was experienced by rebels, priests, and colonial administrators in Peru during the Tupac Amaru Rebellion of 1780–1783. It first provides a historical background on the ...
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This chapter examines how fear was experienced by rebels, priests, and colonial administrators in Peru during the Tupac Amaru Rebellion of 1780–1783. It first provides a historical background on the rebellion before discussing the cases of twelve of the eighteen clerics who were prosecuted by the bishop of Cuzco, Juan Manuel Moscoso y Peralta, to illustrate how priests experienced the uprising. It then considers what the rebellion contributed to our understanding of fear as a historical category and how the trials of the priests shed light on important questions about the Tupac Amaru Rebellion. It also explores how the Tupac Amaru uprising heightened social divisions in the Andes and notes that historians have deemed the postrebellion decades as the period of great fear. The chapter argues that Tupac Amaru as a symbol failed to foster the same broad, reactionary cohesion that the Haitian Revolution did a decade later.Less
This chapter examines how fear was experienced by rebels, priests, and colonial administrators in Peru during the Tupac Amaru Rebellion of 1780–1783. It first provides a historical background on the rebellion before discussing the cases of twelve of the eighteen clerics who were prosecuted by the bishop of Cuzco, Juan Manuel Moscoso y Peralta, to illustrate how priests experienced the uprising. It then considers what the rebellion contributed to our understanding of fear as a historical category and how the trials of the priests shed light on important questions about the Tupac Amaru Rebellion. It also explores how the Tupac Amaru uprising heightened social divisions in the Andes and notes that historians have deemed the postrebellion decades as the period of great fear. The chapter argues that Tupac Amaru as a symbol failed to foster the same broad, reactionary cohesion that the Haitian Revolution did a decade later.
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813035406
- eISBN:
- 9780813038377
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813035406.003.0027
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
Seven ships and caravels departed Santo Domingo in July 1543 for Spain. Among them was a ship of Portugal that had come to the city with a cargo of Negroes to sell. In Santo Domingo these slaves were ...
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Seven ships and caravels departed Santo Domingo in July 1543 for Spain. Among them was a ship of Portugal that had come to the city with a cargo of Negroes to sell. In Santo Domingo these slaves were valuable and necessary for farms and services to the residents, for working the fields and gold mines, and for the sugar mills. At the time this story was recounted, there were so many of these slaves that many had rebelled and fled their masters. These rebels did much harm on the island, and worse was expected if they were not to be punished more vigorously than had been done until that point. They sailed the western route around this island and went out through the islands of the Lucayos, and from there they turned to the course for Europe. After it was out to sea and seven or eight days separated from the other ships, the ship was beset by bad weather.Less
Seven ships and caravels departed Santo Domingo in July 1543 for Spain. Among them was a ship of Portugal that had come to the city with a cargo of Negroes to sell. In Santo Domingo these slaves were valuable and necessary for farms and services to the residents, for working the fields and gold mines, and for the sugar mills. At the time this story was recounted, there were so many of these slaves that many had rebelled and fled their masters. These rebels did much harm on the island, and worse was expected if they were not to be punished more vigorously than had been done until that point. They sailed the western route around this island and went out through the islands of the Lucayos, and from there they turned to the course for Europe. After it was out to sea and seven or eight days separated from the other ships, the ship was beset by bad weather.
Julius Ruiz
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281831
- eISBN:
- 9780191712999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281831.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite ...
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Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite the defiant cries of ‘No pasarán’, they did eventually pass on 28 March 1939. This book examines the consequences in Madrid of Franco's unconditional victory in the Spanish Civil War. Using recently available archival material, this book shows how the punishment of the vanquished was based on a cruel irony — Republicans, not the military rebels of July 1936, were held responsible for the fratricidal conflict. Military tribunals handed out sentences for the crime of ‘military rebellion’; mere passivity towards the Nationalists before 1939 was not only made a civil offence under the Law of Political Responsibilities but could cause dismissal from work; and freemasons and Communists, specifically blamed for the Civil War, were criminalized by decree in March 1940. However, contrary to much that has been written on the subject, the post-war Francoist repression was not exterminatory. Genocide did not take place in post-war Madrid. While a minimum of 3,113 judicial executions took place between 1939 and 1944, death sentences were largely based on accusations of participation in ‘blood crimes’ that occurred in Madrid in 1936. Moreover, and unlike most other accounts of the Francoist political violence, this book is concerned with the question of when and why mass repression came to an end. It shows that the sheer numbers of cases opened against Republican ‘rebels’, and the use of complex pre-war bureaucratic procedures to process them, produced a crisis that was only resolved by decisions taken by the Franco regime in 1940-1 to abandon much of the repressive system. By 1944, mass repression had come to an end.Less
Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite the defiant cries of ‘No pasarán’, they did eventually pass on 28 March 1939. This book examines the consequences in Madrid of Franco's unconditional victory in the Spanish Civil War. Using recently available archival material, this book shows how the punishment of the vanquished was based on a cruel irony — Republicans, not the military rebels of July 1936, were held responsible for the fratricidal conflict. Military tribunals handed out sentences for the crime of ‘military rebellion’; mere passivity towards the Nationalists before 1939 was not only made a civil offence under the Law of Political Responsibilities but could cause dismissal from work; and freemasons and Communists, specifically blamed for the Civil War, were criminalized by decree in March 1940. However, contrary to much that has been written on the subject, the post-war Francoist repression was not exterminatory. Genocide did not take place in post-war Madrid. While a minimum of 3,113 judicial executions took place between 1939 and 1944, death sentences were largely based on accusations of participation in ‘blood crimes’ that occurred in Madrid in 1936. Moreover, and unlike most other accounts of the Francoist political violence, this book is concerned with the question of when and why mass repression came to an end. It shows that the sheer numbers of cases opened against Republican ‘rebels’, and the use of complex pre-war bureaucratic procedures to process them, produced a crisis that was only resolved by decisions taken by the Franco regime in 1940-1 to abandon much of the repressive system. By 1944, mass repression had come to an end.
Guenael Mettraux
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199559329
- eISBN:
- 9780191705304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559329.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Public International Law
This chapter deals with the scope of application ‘ratione personae’ of the doctrine of superior responsibility. In particular, it discusses and analyses the application of that doctrine to military ...
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This chapter deals with the scope of application ‘ratione personae’ of the doctrine of superior responsibility. In particular, it discusses and analyses the application of that doctrine to military as well as civilian leaders and discusses the practical and evidential distinctions relevant in both contexts. It deals with the application of that doctrine to less formal types of superiors, such as terrorist or rebel leaders and military-private contractors. The chapter is also devoted to the all important question of the distinction between de jure superiors who have been appointed or elected to command and lead, and de facto superiors whose authority to command lays, not on domestic law, but on other factors.Less
This chapter deals with the scope of application ‘ratione personae’ of the doctrine of superior responsibility. In particular, it discusses and analyses the application of that doctrine to military as well as civilian leaders and discusses the practical and evidential distinctions relevant in both contexts. It deals with the application of that doctrine to less formal types of superiors, such as terrorist or rebel leaders and military-private contractors. The chapter is also devoted to the all important question of the distinction between de jure superiors who have been appointed or elected to command and lead, and de facto superiors whose authority to command lays, not on domestic law, but on other factors.
Philip B. Heymann
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195335385
- eISBN:
- 9780199851690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335385.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Senator Orrin Hatch arrived in Pakistan with his former associate from the Republican Steering Committee, Michael Pillsbury, in early June 1985 to see President Zia-ul-Haq. The group had two items on ...
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Senator Orrin Hatch arrived in Pakistan with his former associate from the Republican Steering Committee, Michael Pillsbury, in early June 1985 to see President Zia-ul-Haq. The group had two items on their agenda. The first was to learn directly from the Mujahideen what assistance would be most helpful. The second was to hear from Zia, unambiguously and without misunderstanding, whether he would sanction the delivery of stinger missiles to Afghan rebels. There was considerable confusion on this point. The Hatch trip failed to advance the aims of Pillsbury and others who wanted to secure Zia's permission to give stingers to the Mujahideen. The new Soviet leadership had raised diplomatic hopes that proximity talks in Geneva might be productive. Morton Abramowitz took every opportunity to raise the issue of giving stinger missiles to the Afghan rebels. With all parties to the decision apparently won over, a meeting was scheduled for the Planning and Coordination Group (covert actions) to approve the stinger proposal. Political accords were signed in Geneva. The last Soviet ground forces quit Afghanistan in February 1989, leaving behind a country in a state of civil war.Less
Senator Orrin Hatch arrived in Pakistan with his former associate from the Republican Steering Committee, Michael Pillsbury, in early June 1985 to see President Zia-ul-Haq. The group had two items on their agenda. The first was to learn directly from the Mujahideen what assistance would be most helpful. The second was to hear from Zia, unambiguously and without misunderstanding, whether he would sanction the delivery of stinger missiles to Afghan rebels. There was considerable confusion on this point. The Hatch trip failed to advance the aims of Pillsbury and others who wanted to secure Zia's permission to give stingers to the Mujahideen. The new Soviet leadership had raised diplomatic hopes that proximity talks in Geneva might be productive. Morton Abramowitz took every opportunity to raise the issue of giving stinger missiles to the Afghan rebels. With all parties to the decision apparently won over, a meeting was scheduled for the Planning and Coordination Group (covert actions) to approve the stinger proposal. Political accords were signed in Geneva. The last Soviet ground forces quit Afghanistan in February 1989, leaving behind a country in a state of civil war.
Jennifer M. Hazen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451669
- eISBN:
- 9780801467578
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451669.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
How easy is it for rebel groups to purchase weapons and ammunition in the middle of a war? How quickly can commodities such as diamonds and cocoa be converted into cash to buy war supplies? And why ...
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How easy is it for rebel groups to purchase weapons and ammunition in the middle of a war? How quickly can commodities such as diamonds and cocoa be converted into cash to buy war supplies? And why does answering these questions matter for understanding civil wars? This book challenges the commonly held view that rebel groups can get what they want, when they want it, and when they most need it. The book's assessments of resource availability in the wars in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d'Ivoire lead to a better understanding of rebel group capacity and options for war and war termination. Resources entail more than just cash; they include various other economic, military, and political goods, including natural resources, arms and ammunition, safe haven, and diplomatic support. However, rebel groups rarely enjoy continuous access to resources throughout a conflict. Understanding fluctuations in fortune is central to identifying the options available to rebel groups and the reasons why a rebel group chooses to pursue war or peace. The stronger the group's capacity, the more options it possesses with respect to fighting a war. The chances for successful negotiations and the implementation of a peace agreement increase as the options of the rebel group narrow. Sustainable negotiated solutions are most likely, the book finds, when a rebel group views negotiations not as one of the solutions for obtaining what it wants, but as the only solution.Less
How easy is it for rebel groups to purchase weapons and ammunition in the middle of a war? How quickly can commodities such as diamonds and cocoa be converted into cash to buy war supplies? And why does answering these questions matter for understanding civil wars? This book challenges the commonly held view that rebel groups can get what they want, when they want it, and when they most need it. The book's assessments of resource availability in the wars in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d'Ivoire lead to a better understanding of rebel group capacity and options for war and war termination. Resources entail more than just cash; they include various other economic, military, and political goods, including natural resources, arms and ammunition, safe haven, and diplomatic support. However, rebel groups rarely enjoy continuous access to resources throughout a conflict. Understanding fluctuations in fortune is central to identifying the options available to rebel groups and the reasons why a rebel group chooses to pursue war or peace. The stronger the group's capacity, the more options it possesses with respect to fighting a war. The chances for successful negotiations and the implementation of a peace agreement increase as the options of the rebel group narrow. Sustainable negotiated solutions are most likely, the book finds, when a rebel group views negotiations not as one of the solutions for obtaining what it wants, but as the only solution.
Matthew Butler
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262986
- eISBN:
- 9780191734656
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262986.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the history of the Cristero Rebellion in Michoacán, Mexico during the period from 1926 to 1929. It explains that despite Bishop Leopoldo Ruiz y Flores' call for passive ...
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This chapter examines the history of the Cristero Rebellion in Michoacán, Mexico during the period from 1926 to 1929. It explains that despite Bishop Leopoldo Ruiz y Flores' call for passive resistance to the regime some curas at the parish level allowed Catholics to follow their consciences and rebel if they choose. It discusses the decision of many Catholics to mix elements of hierarchical dogma with their own understandings of Catholicism and legitimate violence while holding to a basic conviction that shouldering arms in defence of los padrecitos was a moral, political and practical necessity. It provides a narrative of the various cristero revolts which broke out in east Michoacán, Mexico in 1927–29 and analyses the social base, leadership and motivations of the rebel movement.Less
This chapter examines the history of the Cristero Rebellion in Michoacán, Mexico during the period from 1926 to 1929. It explains that despite Bishop Leopoldo Ruiz y Flores' call for passive resistance to the regime some curas at the parish level allowed Catholics to follow their consciences and rebel if they choose. It discusses the decision of many Catholics to mix elements of hierarchical dogma with their own understandings of Catholicism and legitimate violence while holding to a basic conviction that shouldering arms in defence of los padrecitos was a moral, political and practical necessity. It provides a narrative of the various cristero revolts which broke out in east Michoacán, Mexico in 1927–29 and analyses the social base, leadership and motivations of the rebel movement.
Amelia Hoover Green
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501726477
- eISBN:
- 9781501726484
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501726477.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Why do some military and rebel groups commit many types of violence, creating an impression of senseless chaos, whereas others carefully control violence against civilians? A classic catch-22 faces ...
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Why do some military and rebel groups commit many types of violence, creating an impression of senseless chaos, whereas others carefully control violence against civilians? A classic catch-22 faces the leaders of armed groups. Leaders need large groups of people willing to kill and maim—but to do so only under strict control. How can commanders control violence when fighters who are not under direct supervision experience extraordinary stress, fear, and anger? This book argues that discipline is not enough in wartime. Restraint occurs when fighters know why they are fighting and believe in the cause—that is, when commanders invest in political education. Drawing on evidence about state and non-state groups in El Salvador, and extending the argument to the Mano River wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, the book shows that investments in political education can improve human rights outcomes even where rational incentives for restraint are weak—and that groups whose fighters lack a sense of purpose may engage in massive violence even where incentives for restraint are strong. It concludes that high levels of violence against civilians should be considered a “default setting,” not an aberration.Less
Why do some military and rebel groups commit many types of violence, creating an impression of senseless chaos, whereas others carefully control violence against civilians? A classic catch-22 faces the leaders of armed groups. Leaders need large groups of people willing to kill and maim—but to do so only under strict control. How can commanders control violence when fighters who are not under direct supervision experience extraordinary stress, fear, and anger? This book argues that discipline is not enough in wartime. Restraint occurs when fighters know why they are fighting and believe in the cause—that is, when commanders invest in political education. Drawing on evidence about state and non-state groups in El Salvador, and extending the argument to the Mano River wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, the book shows that investments in political education can improve human rights outcomes even where rational incentives for restraint are weak—and that groups whose fighters lack a sense of purpose may engage in massive violence even where incentives for restraint are strong. It concludes that high levels of violence against civilians should be considered a “default setting,” not an aberration.
Alexander Spencer
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719095290
- eISBN:
- 9781526115287
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095290.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book is a story about the importance of stories in International Relations. It brings insights from Literary Studies and Narratology into IR and political science by developing a new discourse ...
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This book is a story about the importance of stories in International Relations. It brings insights from Literary Studies and Narratology into IR and political science by developing a new discourse analytical method of narrative analysis. Focusing on the three narrative elements of setting, characterization and emplotment, the book argues that narratives are of fundamental importance for human cognition and identity construction. Narratives help us understand the social and political world in which we live. The book emphasizes the idea of intertextual narratability which holds that for narratives to become dominant they have to link themselves to previously existing stories. Empirically the book looks at narratives about pirates, rebels and private military and security companies (PMSCs). The book illustrates in the case of pirates and rebels that the romantic images embedded in cultural narratives influence our understanding of modern piracy in places like Somalia or rebels in Libya. Dominant romantic narratives marginalize other, less flattering, stories about these actors, in which they are constituted as terrorists and made responsible for human rights violations. In contrast, in the case of PMSCs in Iraq the absence of such romantic cultural narratives makes it difficult for such actors to successfully narrate themselves as romantic heroes to the public.Less
This book is a story about the importance of stories in International Relations. It brings insights from Literary Studies and Narratology into IR and political science by developing a new discourse analytical method of narrative analysis. Focusing on the three narrative elements of setting, characterization and emplotment, the book argues that narratives are of fundamental importance for human cognition and identity construction. Narratives help us understand the social and political world in which we live. The book emphasizes the idea of intertextual narratability which holds that for narratives to become dominant they have to link themselves to previously existing stories. Empirically the book looks at narratives about pirates, rebels and private military and security companies (PMSCs). The book illustrates in the case of pirates and rebels that the romantic images embedded in cultural narratives influence our understanding of modern piracy in places like Somalia or rebels in Libya. Dominant romantic narratives marginalize other, less flattering, stories about these actors, in which they are constituted as terrorists and made responsible for human rights violations. In contrast, in the case of PMSCs in Iraq the absence of such romantic cultural narratives makes it difficult for such actors to successfully narrate themselves as romantic heroes to the public.
Christina Rice
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813144269
- eISBN:
- 9780813144474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144269.003.0026
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This epilogue discusses how Ann Dvorak became a relatively forgotten public figure after her retirement and explores possible reasons for this. Also covered is her reemergence into popular culture as ...
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This epilogue discusses how Ann Dvorak became a relatively forgotten public figure after her retirement and explores possible reasons for this. Also covered is her reemergence into popular culture as her films have become more readily available, especially those of the pre-Code era, which has developed a loyal and ever-growing fan base. This rediscovery of Ann has made it easier to establish what her legacy is within the bigger landscape of Hollywood’s golden age. Finally, “what ifs” of Ann’s early career are broached in an effort to determine if she would have had a more high-profile career had she not taken actions that instead rendered her Hollywood’s forgotten rebel.Less
This epilogue discusses how Ann Dvorak became a relatively forgotten public figure after her retirement and explores possible reasons for this. Also covered is her reemergence into popular culture as her films have become more readily available, especially those of the pre-Code era, which has developed a loyal and ever-growing fan base. This rediscovery of Ann has made it easier to establish what her legacy is within the bigger landscape of Hollywood’s golden age. Finally, “what ifs” of Ann’s early career are broached in an effort to determine if she would have had a more high-profile career had she not taken actions that instead rendered her Hollywood’s forgotten rebel.
Zhou Xuelin
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098497
- eISBN:
- 9789882207707
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098497.003.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This book examines the relationship between changes in politics and film from the 1950s to the present, focusing on the altered cinematic portrayal of young adults from the late 1980s. It examines ...
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This book examines the relationship between changes in politics and film from the 1950s to the present, focusing on the altered cinematic portrayal of young adults from the late 1980s. It examines films that have taken young rebels as central characters and investigates how a “Chinese youth culture” has been constructed, represented, and interpreted. While focusing in particular on 1980s “young-rebel films”, it also examines some earlier and later periods of Chinese film to provide comparative perspectives.Less
This book examines the relationship between changes in politics and film from the 1950s to the present, focusing on the altered cinematic portrayal of young adults from the late 1980s. It examines films that have taken young rebels as central characters and investigates how a “Chinese youth culture” has been constructed, represented, and interpreted. While focusing in particular on 1980s “young-rebel films”, it also examines some earlier and later periods of Chinese film to provide comparative perspectives.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205081
- eISBN:
- 9780191676499
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205081.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr began as the conspiracy and vision of a group, or possibly two groups, of men in north Wales in the autumn of 1400; by the midsummer of 1403 it had become a movement ...
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The revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr began as the conspiracy and vision of a group, or possibly two groups, of men in north Wales in the autumn of 1400; by the midsummer of 1403 it had become a movement which took the whole of Wales for its stage and drew its support from all comers of the country. The success of the revolt, first in surviving beyond its first, very uncertain, year and then in transforming itself into what may be truly termed a national revolt, owed not a little to the incompetence and distractions of the royal government and of the English lords in Wales as well as to the difficulties of countering guerrilla warfare in mountainous terrain. The evidence is much too sparse and one-dimensional to show why some men chose, or at least agreed, to fight for Glyn Dŵr while others, at equal cost to themselves and their families, chose otherwise. But two things are fairly sure. First, in Wales as in other societies which experience revolt, choice for the majority was only made reluctantly and when it could no longer be avoided. Secondly, the success of the revolt was such that sooner or later it demanded a response; it could not be ignored.Less
The revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr began as the conspiracy and vision of a group, or possibly two groups, of men in north Wales in the autumn of 1400; by the midsummer of 1403 it had become a movement which took the whole of Wales for its stage and drew its support from all comers of the country. The success of the revolt, first in surviving beyond its first, very uncertain, year and then in transforming itself into what may be truly termed a national revolt, owed not a little to the incompetence and distractions of the royal government and of the English lords in Wales as well as to the difficulties of countering guerrilla warfare in mountainous terrain. The evidence is much too sparse and one-dimensional to show why some men chose, or at least agreed, to fight for Glyn Dŵr while others, at equal cost to themselves and their families, chose otherwise. But two things are fairly sure. First, in Wales as in other societies which experience revolt, choice for the majority was only made reluctantly and when it could no longer be avoided. Secondly, the success of the revolt was such that sooner or later it demanded a response; it could not be ignored.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The U.S. Embassy did not expect “ideal democratic” conditions, but the forthcoming national elections were “infinitely better than a violent overthrow of Batista and far better than no elections at ...
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The U.S. Embassy did not expect “ideal democratic” conditions, but the forthcoming national elections were “infinitely better than a violent overthrow of Batista and far better than no elections at all.” Not even Ambassador Smith anticipated the national elections to end the revolutionary war because the atmosphere for an honest election that Batista pledged could not have been more dreary. A full-blown civil upheaval was plaguing Cuba. Batista's bet, Andres Rivero Aguero, running under the ticket of the Progressive Action Party, defended the administration. Moreover, the rebels persuaded voters to boycott the elections.Less
The U.S. Embassy did not expect “ideal democratic” conditions, but the forthcoming national elections were “infinitely better than a violent overthrow of Batista and far better than no elections at all.” Not even Ambassador Smith anticipated the national elections to end the revolutionary war because the atmosphere for an honest election that Batista pledged could not have been more dreary. A full-blown civil upheaval was plaguing Cuba. Batista's bet, Andres Rivero Aguero, running under the ticket of the Progressive Action Party, defended the administration. Moreover, the rebels persuaded voters to boycott the elections.
Andrew D. Brown
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205210
- eISBN:
- 9780191676550
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205210.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, History of Religion
Cathedrals of secular clergy were potentially as detached from the laity as monastic houses. The daily round of liturgical service conducted by the Salisbury canons and vicars-choral — the seven ...
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Cathedrals of secular clergy were potentially as detached from the laity as monastic houses. The daily round of liturgical service conducted by the Salisbury canons and vicars-choral — the seven canonical hours, daily mass, chantry masses, and anniversary services — tended to cut off the clerical members from lay people. The cathedral's wealth and exclusiveness meant that the institution sometimes became a focus of discontent. The rebels of the Lollard uprising in 1431 drew up plans to disendow the cathedral and raze it to the ground. Unsavoury incidents like these do not suggest that the cathedral clergy were held in high esteem. They do not even imply that the laity regarded the cathedral at best with a mixture of ‘respect and indifference’. This chapter argues, however, that lay people were neither indifferent nor hostile to the cathedral.Less
Cathedrals of secular clergy were potentially as detached from the laity as monastic houses. The daily round of liturgical service conducted by the Salisbury canons and vicars-choral — the seven canonical hours, daily mass, chantry masses, and anniversary services — tended to cut off the clerical members from lay people. The cathedral's wealth and exclusiveness meant that the institution sometimes became a focus of discontent. The rebels of the Lollard uprising in 1431 drew up plans to disendow the cathedral and raze it to the ground. Unsavoury incidents like these do not suggest that the cathedral clergy were held in high esteem. They do not even imply that the laity regarded the cathedral at best with a mixture of ‘respect and indifference’. This chapter argues, however, that lay people were neither indifferent nor hostile to the cathedral.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205081
- eISBN:
- 9780191676499
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205081.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Glyn Dŵ's revolt was primarily a guerrilla war; but during the years of success he and his fellow leaders were able to muster much larger forces. Reports regarding contemporary figures, often based ...
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Glyn Dŵ's revolt was primarily a guerrilla war; but during the years of success he and his fellow leaders were able to muster much larger forces. Reports regarding contemporary figures, often based on hysterical reports, need of course to be taken with a very large pinch of salt; but they do register clearly that by 1403, and at the height of the military season, Owain was able to command very substantial forces. There are at least two reasons which help explain why the English authorities took so long to quell the revolt. One arose out of the structure of governmental authority in Wales. The other explanation for the inadequacy of the English government's response to the Welsh revolt was not peculiar to Wales but rather was a general feature which bedevilled Henry IV's rule, especially in the first half of his reign — a desperate shortage of cash.Less
Glyn Dŵ's revolt was primarily a guerrilla war; but during the years of success he and his fellow leaders were able to muster much larger forces. Reports regarding contemporary figures, often based on hysterical reports, need of course to be taken with a very large pinch of salt; but they do register clearly that by 1403, and at the height of the military season, Owain was able to command very substantial forces. There are at least two reasons which help explain why the English authorities took so long to quell the revolt. One arose out of the structure of governmental authority in Wales. The other explanation for the inadequacy of the English government's response to the Welsh revolt was not peculiar to Wales but rather was a general feature which bedevilled Henry IV's rule, especially in the first half of his reign — a desperate shortage of cash.
Madelene A. Sta. Maria
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195178425
- eISBN:
- 9780199958528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178425.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
The involvement of Filipino youth in violent situations is primarily found in their participation in the armed conflict between rebel movements — primarily the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), ...
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The involvement of Filipino youth in violent situations is primarily found in their participation in the armed conflict between rebel movements — primarily the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and New People's Army (NPA) — and the government. Their involvement is likewise evident in the commission of crimes against property (e.g. theft and robbery) and against the person (e.g. homicide and rape), and in their participation in gang and fraternity wars. This chapter describes the situation of young people who are involved in conflict (specifically, armed conflict) through a review of selected literature and data collected from published and unpublished documents, and from initial interviews and correspondence with various representatives from relevant government and non-government agencies. These sources were used to identify the reasons and conditions that shape the participation of young people in violent activities. Likewise, an attempt is made to explore the possible implications for developmental theory.Less
The involvement of Filipino youth in violent situations is primarily found in their participation in the armed conflict between rebel movements — primarily the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and New People's Army (NPA) — and the government. Their involvement is likewise evident in the commission of crimes against property (e.g. theft and robbery) and against the person (e.g. homicide and rape), and in their participation in gang and fraternity wars. This chapter describes the situation of young people who are involved in conflict (specifically, armed conflict) through a review of selected literature and data collected from published and unpublished documents, and from initial interviews and correspondence with various representatives from relevant government and non-government agencies. These sources were used to identify the reasons and conditions that shape the participation of young people in violent activities. Likewise, an attempt is made to explore the possible implications for developmental theory.
William Doyle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199559855
- eISBN:
- 9780191701788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559855.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter talks about the discontentment and rebellion of peasants during the 18th century due to the failure of the nobles and their land lords to protect their welfare and safety. Peasant rebels ...
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This chapter talks about the discontentment and rebellion of peasants during the 18th century due to the failure of the nobles and their land lords to protect their welfare and safety. Peasant rebels or urban mobs who butchered persons of condition and sacked and looted their dwellings spread terror far beyond the ranks of their lordly victims. These rebels were protesting at the failure of lords to protect their vassals against wartime marauders. There were 512 violent episodes that challenged the exactions of feudalism and lordship, three-fifths occurring after 1760.Less
This chapter talks about the discontentment and rebellion of peasants during the 18th century due to the failure of the nobles and their land lords to protect their welfare and safety. Peasant rebels or urban mobs who butchered persons of condition and sacked and looted their dwellings spread terror far beyond the ranks of their lordly victims. These rebels were protesting at the failure of lords to protect their vassals against wartime marauders. There were 512 violent episodes that challenged the exactions of feudalism and lordship, three-fifths occurring after 1760.
Edmund L. Drago
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823229376
- eISBN:
- 9780823234912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823229376.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to examine the rebel children and their families in South Carolina, where the Civil War erupted. Composed of a black majority, ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to examine the rebel children and their families in South Carolina, where the Civil War erupted. Composed of a black majority, South Carolina earned a reputation as the most militant Confederate state. Fierce fighting took place along the coast. In 1860, South Carolina leaders urged their people to war and gambled with the future of the children of their state, and lost.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to examine the rebel children and their families in South Carolina, where the Civil War erupted. Composed of a black majority, South Carolina earned a reputation as the most militant Confederate state. Fierce fighting took place along the coast. In 1860, South Carolina leaders urged their people to war and gambled with the future of the children of their state, and lost.
