R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205081
- eISBN:
- 9780191676499
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205081.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This chapter presents a brief overview of the revolt led by Owain Glyn Dŵr. The revolt struck Wales like a bolt from the blue in September 1400; indeed some Englishmen came to wonder whether the king ...
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This chapter presents a brief overview of the revolt led by Owain Glyn Dŵr. The revolt struck Wales like a bolt from the blue in September 1400; indeed some Englishmen came to wonder whether the king was not taking it altogether too seriously. The movement which spread, albeit briefly, through much of north Wales within weeks and which was followed a few months later by the equally sudden and even more spectacular capture of Conway Castle was clearly rather more than the personal aberration of a disaffected Welsh squire and his close companions; it quickly tapped an undercurrent of frustration, resentment, and aspiration in Welsh society. It soon became a truly national revolt.Less
This chapter presents a brief overview of the revolt led by Owain Glyn Dŵr. The revolt struck Wales like a bolt from the blue in September 1400; indeed some Englishmen came to wonder whether the king was not taking it altogether too seriously. The movement which spread, albeit briefly, through much of north Wales within weeks and which was followed a few months later by the equally sudden and even more spectacular capture of Conway Castle was clearly rather more than the personal aberration of a disaffected Welsh squire and his close companions; it quickly tapped an undercurrent of frustration, resentment, and aspiration in Welsh society. It soon became a truly national revolt.
Christopher Tomlins
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691198668
- eISBN:
- 9780691199870
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691198668.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In 1831 Virginia, Nat Turner led a band of Southampton County slaves in a rebellion that killed fifty-five whites, mostly women and children. After more than two months in hiding, Turner was ...
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In 1831 Virginia, Nat Turner led a band of Southampton County slaves in a rebellion that killed fifty-five whites, mostly women and children. After more than two months in hiding, Turner was captured, and quickly convicted and executed. This book penetrates the historical caricature of Turner as befuddled mystic and self-styled Baptist preacher to recover the haunting persona of this legendary American slave rebel, telling of his self-discovery and the dawning of his Christian faith, of an impossible task given to him by God, and of redemptive violence and profane retribution. Much about Turner remains unknown. His extraordinary account of his life and rebellion, given in chains as he awaited trial in jail, was written down by an opportunistic white attorney and sold as a pamphlet to cash in on Turner's notoriety. But the enigmatic rebel leader had an immediate and broad impact on the American South, and his rebellion remains one of the most momentous episodes in American history. This book provides a luminous account of Turner's intellectual development, religious cosmology, and motivations, and offers an original and incisive analysis of the Turner Rebellion itself and its impact on Virginia politics. The book also undertakes a critical examination of William Styron's 1967 novel, The Confessions of Nat Turner, which restored Turner to the American consciousness in the era of civil rights, black power, and urban riots. A speculative history that recovers Turner from the few shards of evidence we have about his life, the book is also a unique speculation about the meaning and uses of history itself.Less
In 1831 Virginia, Nat Turner led a band of Southampton County slaves in a rebellion that killed fifty-five whites, mostly women and children. After more than two months in hiding, Turner was captured, and quickly convicted and executed. This book penetrates the historical caricature of Turner as befuddled mystic and self-styled Baptist preacher to recover the haunting persona of this legendary American slave rebel, telling of his self-discovery and the dawning of his Christian faith, of an impossible task given to him by God, and of redemptive violence and profane retribution. Much about Turner remains unknown. His extraordinary account of his life and rebellion, given in chains as he awaited trial in jail, was written down by an opportunistic white attorney and sold as a pamphlet to cash in on Turner's notoriety. But the enigmatic rebel leader had an immediate and broad impact on the American South, and his rebellion remains one of the most momentous episodes in American history. This book provides a luminous account of Turner's intellectual development, religious cosmology, and motivations, and offers an original and incisive analysis of the Turner Rebellion itself and its impact on Virginia politics. The book also undertakes a critical examination of William Styron's 1967 novel, The Confessions of Nat Turner, which restored Turner to the American consciousness in the era of civil rights, black power, and urban riots. A speculative history that recovers Turner from the few shards of evidence we have about his life, the book is also a unique speculation about the meaning and uses of history itself.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a ...
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The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.Less
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.
A. H. Halsey
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266609
- eISBN:
- 9780191601019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266603.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Between the Robbinsian expansion of the 1960s and the restrictions of the 1980s there was, among other social dramas, a period of student rebellion, imported largely from California and France. ...
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Between the Robbinsian expansion of the 1960s and the restrictions of the 1980s there was, among other social dramas, a period of student rebellion, imported largely from California and France. Sociology was not a prime cause but bore a main part of the consequences. Over the centuries, British students have been relatively peaceable. Low student/staff ratios, the absence of a separate administration, and shared domesticity had distinguished British universities from their counterparts in France. Germany, and USA. The LSE, a recent addition, approximated least to the ‘English idea of the university’ and it was here that the troubles began. In consequence, the popular image of the undergraduate was transformed, and sociologists were widely held to have been responsible, but the most serious consequence was the rise of anti‐positivism and the intellectual disarray of sociology itself.Less
Between the Robbinsian expansion of the 1960s and the restrictions of the 1980s there was, among other social dramas, a period of student rebellion, imported largely from California and France. Sociology was not a prime cause but bore a main part of the consequences. Over the centuries, British students have been relatively peaceable. Low student/staff ratios, the absence of a separate administration, and shared domesticity had distinguished British universities from their counterparts in France. Germany, and USA. The LSE, a recent addition, approximated least to the ‘English idea of the university’ and it was here that the troubles began. In consequence, the popular image of the undergraduate was transformed, and sociologists were widely held to have been responsible, but the most serious consequence was the rise of anti‐positivism and the intellectual disarray of sociology itself.
Jeffrey T. Kenney
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195131697
- eISBN:
- 9780199785001
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019513169X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
To establish why and how modern Muslim thinkers were able to evoke and use the image of the Kharijite this chapter explores the historical, literary process by which the early Kharijites were ...
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To establish why and how modern Muslim thinkers were able to evoke and use the image of the Kharijite this chapter explores the historical, literary process by which the early Kharijites were transformed into a mythic symbol of rebellion. It argues that individuals find themselves recipients of a theology/ideology that was ordered in, and is sanctioned by, the past. However, the “givenness” with which such a tradition is received by later generations masks the fact that over time it has changed. It required interpretation and codification. In other words, the particulars of a tradition, such as those of the Kharijites in Islam, were made particular by a historical and historicizing process that is the very basis of the tradition.Less
To establish why and how modern Muslim thinkers were able to evoke and use the image of the Kharijite this chapter explores the historical, literary process by which the early Kharijites were transformed into a mythic symbol of rebellion. It argues that individuals find themselves recipients of a theology/ideology that was ordered in, and is sanctioned by, the past. However, the “givenness” with which such a tradition is received by later generations masks the fact that over time it has changed. It required interpretation and codification. In other words, the particulars of a tradition, such as those of the Kharijites in Islam, were made particular by a historical and historicizing process that is the very basis of the tradition.
Nigel Yates
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242382
- eISBN:
- 9780191603815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242380.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter looks at economic, political, and social developments in Ireland that had an impact on its religious development between 1770 and 1850.
This chapter looks at economic, political, and social developments in Ireland that had an impact on its religious development between 1770 and 1850.
Iain Mclean and Alistair Mcmillan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen ...
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Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.Less
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0022
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
While Caesar was occupied with the difficult campaign in the Balkans, two episodes of particularly dramatic social unrest occurred in Rome; each ended in repression. The main player in the first was ...
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While Caesar was occupied with the difficult campaign in the Balkans, two episodes of particularly dramatic social unrest occurred in Rome; each ended in repression. The main player in the first was Marcus Caelius Rufus, one of the tribunes who in January 49 bc had found refuge with Caesar. Caelius Rufus had, on his return from the Spanish campaign against Afranius and Petreius, received the praetorship from Caesar for 48 bc, but not the urban praetorship, which Caesar entrusted to Trebonius. This humiliated Caelius and increased his sense of disillusionment. The second ‘sedition’ was that of Dolabella, on the eve of Pharsalus. Dolabella, a tribune of the plebs, took up the matter of the remission of debts, but the proposal was defeated by Antony, Caesar's magister equitum. Dolabella occupied the Forum with his followers to force the approval of his proposed law. The Senate did not hesitate to take extreme measures that had already been used on other occasions: they declared the senatus consultum ultimum, proclaimed the country in danger, and charged Antony (who held the highest authority in the absence of the dictator) with the task of suppressing the rebellion.Less
While Caesar was occupied with the difficult campaign in the Balkans, two episodes of particularly dramatic social unrest occurred in Rome; each ended in repression. The main player in the first was Marcus Caelius Rufus, one of the tribunes who in January 49 bc had found refuge with Caesar. Caelius Rufus had, on his return from the Spanish campaign against Afranius and Petreius, received the praetorship from Caesar for 48 bc, but not the urban praetorship, which Caesar entrusted to Trebonius. This humiliated Caelius and increased his sense of disillusionment. The second ‘sedition’ was that of Dolabella, on the eve of Pharsalus. Dolabella, a tribune of the plebs, took up the matter of the remission of debts, but the proposal was defeated by Antony, Caesar's magister equitum. Dolabella occupied the Forum with his followers to force the approval of his proposed law. The Senate did not hesitate to take extreme measures that had already been used on other occasions: they declared the senatus consultum ultimum, proclaimed the country in danger, and charged Antony (who held the highest authority in the absence of the dictator) with the task of suppressing the rebellion.
María Lorena Cook
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ ...
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Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.Less
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.
Prathama Banerjee
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195681567
- eISBN:
- 9780199081677
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195681567.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This book is about the politics of time, the politics through which colonial modern societies attempt to make a time of their own. It is about the predicament of colonial modern practice caught ...
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This book is about the politics of time, the politics through which colonial modern societies attempt to make a time of their own. It is about the predicament of colonial modern practice caught between dreams of modernity and desire for difference. A significant part of the book is an analysis of the various ways, in which the colonized produce themselves as a modern historical nation, in negotiation with the ‘primitive’ within, just as at the same time ‘primitives’ are produced out of certain sections of the colonized population through various colonial modern technologies. The rest of the book analyses the implications of this. It is argued that modernity is determined by the dominance of the history. The mutual articulation of knowledge and monetary rationality in colonial Bengal is described. The book presents the argument that Santal rebellions and narrations are most beneficial when read as moments of practical temporalization. Moreover, it deals with the colonial experience of being penetrated by contradictory times. It illustrates how the colonial production of the ‘primitive’ was not only a concrete process of severing all unmediated relationships between peoples, but also a process of inserting money as the sole mediator between them.Less
This book is about the politics of time, the politics through which colonial modern societies attempt to make a time of their own. It is about the predicament of colonial modern practice caught between dreams of modernity and desire for difference. A significant part of the book is an analysis of the various ways, in which the colonized produce themselves as a modern historical nation, in negotiation with the ‘primitive’ within, just as at the same time ‘primitives’ are produced out of certain sections of the colonized population through various colonial modern technologies. The rest of the book analyses the implications of this. It is argued that modernity is determined by the dominance of the history. The mutual articulation of knowledge and monetary rationality in colonial Bengal is described. The book presents the argument that Santal rebellions and narrations are most beneficial when read as moments of practical temporalization. Moreover, it deals with the colonial experience of being penetrated by contradictory times. It illustrates how the colonial production of the ‘primitive’ was not only a concrete process of severing all unmediated relationships between peoples, but also a process of inserting money as the sole mediator between them.
MARION TURNER
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199207893
- eISBN:
- 9780191709142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207893.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Early and Medieval Literature
This book has tried to explore some of the ways in which social antagonism was articulated and addressed in Geoffrey Chaucer's textual environment. It appears that producers of texts in late ...
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This book has tried to explore some of the ways in which social antagonism was articulated and addressed in Geoffrey Chaucer's textual environment. It appears that producers of texts in late 14th-century London were profoundly concerned with problems of civic dissent and social division. The explosiveness of the climate in which Chaucer lived and wrote is dramatically exemplified in the example of John Constantyn, a cordwainer in the city of London whose hard fate bears witness to the heightened atmosphere of anxiety about rebellion, gossip, and faction in the 1380s. Chaucer's writings suggest that discursive turbulence cannot be tamed, that voices of aggression and dissent will make themselves heard, that societies will repeat the self-destructive behaviour of their predecessors, that people will betray each other, and that social groups will always fragment.Less
This book has tried to explore some of the ways in which social antagonism was articulated and addressed in Geoffrey Chaucer's textual environment. It appears that producers of texts in late 14th-century London were profoundly concerned with problems of civic dissent and social division. The explosiveness of the climate in which Chaucer lived and wrote is dramatically exemplified in the example of John Constantyn, a cordwainer in the city of London whose hard fate bears witness to the heightened atmosphere of anxiety about rebellion, gossip, and faction in the 1380s. Chaucer's writings suggest that discursive turbulence cannot be tamed, that voices of aggression and dissent will make themselves heard, that societies will repeat the self-destructive behaviour of their predecessors, that people will betray each other, and that social groups will always fragment.
Xuelin Zhou
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098497
- eISBN:
- 9789882207707
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098497.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Has China in the 1980s gone through a phase of “youth rebellion” comparable with that represented in films such as Rebel Without a Cause (1954), Look Back in Anger (1959), or Easy Rider (1969)? This ...
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Has China in the 1980s gone through a phase of “youth rebellion” comparable with that represented in films such as Rebel Without a Cause (1954), Look Back in Anger (1959), or Easy Rider (1969)? This study is an attempt to look for evidence in the “youth-rebellion” films produced over that period of time that may help to answer the question. In the last twenty years of the twentieth century, the People 's Republic of China underwent profound transformations, of which the changing situation of youth was particularly striking. In a society that has traditionally assumed respect for age, the prominence of youth and their new autonomy were conspicuous. A young generation born on the eve of and growing up during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) came to depart from the established social norms by the late 1980s and were considered “rebels,” standing in an antagonistic relationship with mainstream ideology. This book analyzes the construction of “youth culture” in 1980s China by examining young-rebel films in terms of three areas: products (rock ‘n’ roll music), belief (or lack of it) and mode of behaviour. The study also contextualizes these films by tracing the relationship between changes in politics and changes in film from the 1950s to the present, with particular reference to the altered portrayal of young adults in the 1980s.Less
Has China in the 1980s gone through a phase of “youth rebellion” comparable with that represented in films such as Rebel Without a Cause (1954), Look Back in Anger (1959), or Easy Rider (1969)? This study is an attempt to look for evidence in the “youth-rebellion” films produced over that period of time that may help to answer the question. In the last twenty years of the twentieth century, the People 's Republic of China underwent profound transformations, of which the changing situation of youth was particularly striking. In a society that has traditionally assumed respect for age, the prominence of youth and their new autonomy were conspicuous. A young generation born on the eve of and growing up during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) came to depart from the established social norms by the late 1980s and were considered “rebels,” standing in an antagonistic relationship with mainstream ideology. This book analyzes the construction of “youth culture” in 1980s China by examining young-rebel films in terms of three areas: products (rock ‘n’ roll music), belief (or lack of it) and mode of behaviour. The study also contextualizes these films by tracing the relationship between changes in politics and changes in film from the 1950s to the present, with particular reference to the altered portrayal of young adults in the 1980s.
Kama Maclean
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195338942
- eISBN:
- 9780199867110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195338942.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
This chapter draws attention to the fort of Allahabad, built by Akbar at the sangam next to the mela grounds, and charts the tensions that characterized the coexistence of these highly charged arenas ...
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This chapter draws attention to the fort of Allahabad, built by Akbar at the sangam next to the mela grounds, and charts the tensions that characterized the coexistence of these highly charged arenas of devotional expression and military security. Drawing on oral histories and Hindu traditions relating to the sangam site and the fort, the chapter describes how locals have understood and incorporated the presence of the fort, and the British, into their devotional landscape. It also delineates the changes in pilgrimage activity in the 18th century, as the East India Company inserted itself into key pilgrimage cities in north India, attempting to manage pilgrimage as a matter of diplomacy and limiting pilgrim access to a key shrine in the fort, while profiting handsomely from pilgrim taxes. This intervention was resented and resisted by pilgrimage priests in Allahabad, Prayagwals, who traditionally played an important role in the management of piety at the sangam in Allahabad. This reached its height when the Prayagwals lent their support to the rebellion in 1857, in which the fort of Allahabad, as the base of British military organization and refuge, was a key site.Less
This chapter draws attention to the fort of Allahabad, built by Akbar at the sangam next to the mela grounds, and charts the tensions that characterized the coexistence of these highly charged arenas of devotional expression and military security. Drawing on oral histories and Hindu traditions relating to the sangam site and the fort, the chapter describes how locals have understood and incorporated the presence of the fort, and the British, into their devotional landscape. It also delineates the changes in pilgrimage activity in the 18th century, as the East India Company inserted itself into key pilgrimage cities in north India, attempting to manage pilgrimage as a matter of diplomacy and limiting pilgrim access to a key shrine in the fort, while profiting handsomely from pilgrim taxes. This intervention was resented and resisted by pilgrimage priests in Allahabad, Prayagwals, who traditionally played an important role in the management of piety at the sangam in Allahabad. This reached its height when the Prayagwals lent their support to the rebellion in 1857, in which the fort of Allahabad, as the base of British military organization and refuge, was a key site.
Kama Maclean
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195338942
- eISBN:
- 9780199867110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195338942.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
This chapter points out that while the tradition of an annual Magh Mela is very old, and is attested to in several historical accounts, a complete absence of any record or any other evidence of a ...
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This chapter points out that while the tradition of an annual Magh Mela is very old, and is attested to in several historical accounts, a complete absence of any record or any other evidence of a quinquennial “Kumbh” festival suggests that it is a relatively recent phenomenon in Allahabad. The chapter then contends that the Kumbh genre of festivals was adapted from Haridwar, where it was a recognized and celebrated tradition, and that this was carried out primarily by Allahabad's pilgrimage priests, who saw the disjuncture created by the change of power after the rebellion as an opportunity to establish, through the institution of a religious festival, an arena of sovereignty, as had been guaranteed by Queen Victoria's Proclamation after the 1857 rebellion. A careful analysis of these changes reveal the extent to which colonized people understood, and made sophisticated use of, the discourses, dynamics, and constraints of colonialism.Less
This chapter points out that while the tradition of an annual Magh Mela is very old, and is attested to in several historical accounts, a complete absence of any record or any other evidence of a quinquennial “Kumbh” festival suggests that it is a relatively recent phenomenon in Allahabad. The chapter then contends that the Kumbh genre of festivals was adapted from Haridwar, where it was a recognized and celebrated tradition, and that this was carried out primarily by Allahabad's pilgrimage priests, who saw the disjuncture created by the change of power after the rebellion as an opportunity to establish, through the institution of a religious festival, an arena of sovereignty, as had been guaranteed by Queen Victoria's Proclamation after the 1857 rebellion. A careful analysis of these changes reveal the extent to which colonized people understood, and made sophisticated use of, the discourses, dynamics, and constraints of colonialism.
Tracey A. Sowerby
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584635
- eISBN:
- 9780191723162
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584635.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The accession of Mary Tudor brought Morison's long service to the crown to an end, and after the failure of Wyatt's rebellion (in which he was implicated), Morison left England for a safe haven ...
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The accession of Mary Tudor brought Morison's long service to the crown to an end, and after the failure of Wyatt's rebellion (in which he was implicated), Morison left England for a safe haven abroad. This chapter outlines Morison's itinerary and activities in exile, establishing him as a more significant figure in the Marian exile community than has previously been recognised. His considerable overseas experience had brought him into contact with a range of continental scholars and evangelicals, and these contacts were to prove crucial to his personal choices in exile. Morison was at the heart of the exile community in Strasbourg, where he presided over a pedagogic household that offered shelter to other Englishmen, many of whom were involved in the production of polemics against Mary, as was Morison himself.Less
The accession of Mary Tudor brought Morison's long service to the crown to an end, and after the failure of Wyatt's rebellion (in which he was implicated), Morison left England for a safe haven abroad. This chapter outlines Morison's itinerary and activities in exile, establishing him as a more significant figure in the Marian exile community than has previously been recognised. His considerable overseas experience had brought him into contact with a range of continental scholars and evangelicals, and these contacts were to prove crucial to his personal choices in exile. Morison was at the heart of the exile community in Strasbourg, where he presided over a pedagogic household that offered shelter to other Englishmen, many of whom were involved in the production of polemics against Mary, as was Morison himself.
Janet L. Abu-Lughod
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195328752
- eISBN:
- 9780199944057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195328752.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
American society has been long plagued by cycles of racial violence, most dramatically in the 1960s when hundreds of ghetto uprisings erupted across American cities. Though the larger, underlying ...
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American society has been long plagued by cycles of racial violence, most dramatically in the 1960s when hundreds of ghetto uprisings erupted across American cities. Though the larger, underlying causes of contentious race relations have remained the same, the lethality, intensity, and outcomes of these urban rebellions have varied widely. What accounts for these differences? And what lessons can be learned that might reduce the destructive effects of riots and move race relations forward? This detailed study is the first attempt to compare six major race riots that occurred in the three largest American urban areas during the course of the twentieth century: in Chicago in 1919 and 1968; in New York in 1935/1943 and 1964; and in Los Angeles in 1965 and 1992. The book weaves together detailed narratives of each riot, placing them in their changing historical contexts and showing how urban space, political regimes, and economic conditions—not simply an abstract “race conflict”—have structured the nature and extent of urban rebellions. The book draws upon archival research, primary sources, case studies, and personal observations to reconstruct events—especially for the 1964 Harlem-Bedford Stuyvesant uprising and Chicago's 1968 riots where no documented studies are available. By focusing on the similarities and differences in each city, identifying the unique and persisting issues, and evaluating the ways political leaders, law enforcement, and the local political culture have either defused or exacerbated urban violence, this book points the way toward alleviating long-standing ethnic and racial tensions.Less
American society has been long plagued by cycles of racial violence, most dramatically in the 1960s when hundreds of ghetto uprisings erupted across American cities. Though the larger, underlying causes of contentious race relations have remained the same, the lethality, intensity, and outcomes of these urban rebellions have varied widely. What accounts for these differences? And what lessons can be learned that might reduce the destructive effects of riots and move race relations forward? This detailed study is the first attempt to compare six major race riots that occurred in the three largest American urban areas during the course of the twentieth century: in Chicago in 1919 and 1968; in New York in 1935/1943 and 1964; and in Los Angeles in 1965 and 1992. The book weaves together detailed narratives of each riot, placing them in their changing historical contexts and showing how urban space, political regimes, and economic conditions—not simply an abstract “race conflict”—have structured the nature and extent of urban rebellions. The book draws upon archival research, primary sources, case studies, and personal observations to reconstruct events—especially for the 1964 Harlem-Bedford Stuyvesant uprising and Chicago's 1968 riots where no documented studies are available. By focusing on the similarities and differences in each city, identifying the unique and persisting issues, and evaluating the ways political leaders, law enforcement, and the local political culture have either defused or exacerbated urban violence, this book points the way toward alleviating long-standing ethnic and racial tensions.
Russell Hardin
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199232567
- eISBN:
- 9780191715976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232567.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter discusses Hume's political theory. Topics covered include power, social order, government, justificatory theories of the state, contractarianism, public-goods theories, shared-value ...
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This chapter discusses Hume's political theory. Topics covered include power, social order, government, justificatory theories of the state, contractarianism, public-goods theories, shared-value theories, rebellion, and international relations. It is argued that Hume's account is richly grounded in coordination and convention. He thinks that utility or interest is a major part of what motivates us in general and especially with respect to government. This concern may be elevated to the moral theory of utilitarianism.Less
This chapter discusses Hume's political theory. Topics covered include power, social order, government, justificatory theories of the state, contractarianism, public-goods theories, shared-value theories, rebellion, and international relations. It is argued that Hume's account is richly grounded in coordination and convention. He thinks that utility or interest is a major part of what motivates us in general and especially with respect to government. This concern may be elevated to the moral theory of utilitarianism.
Isaac Ariail Reed
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226689319
- eISBN:
- 9780226689593
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226689593.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
In Power in Modernity, Isaac Ariail Reed proposes a new theory of power that describes overlapping networks of delegation and domination. Chains of power and their representation, linking together ...
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In Power in Modernity, Isaac Ariail Reed proposes a new theory of power that describes overlapping networks of delegation and domination. Chains of power and their representation, linking together groups and individuals across time and space, create a vast network of intersecting alliances, subordinations, redistributions, and violent exclusions. Reed traces the common action of “sending someone else to do something for you”—reformulating via cultural sociology classic theories of principal and agent—as it expands outward into the hierarchies that control territories, persons, artifacts, minds, and money. He mobilizes this theory to investigate the onset of modernity in the Atlantic world, with a focus on rebellion, revolution, and state-formation in colonial North America, the early American republic, and the English Civil war and French Revolution. Modernity, Reed argues, dismantled the “King’s Two Bodies”—the monarch’s physical body and his ethereal, sacred second body that encompassed the body politic—as a schema of representation for forging power relations. This leads to a new understanding of the democratic possibilities and violent exclusions forged in the name of “the people,” as revolutionaries sought new ways to secure delegation, build hierarchy, and attack alterity. Reconsidering the role of myth in modern politics, he proposes to see the creative destruction and eternal recurrence of the King’s Two Bodies as constitutive of the modern attitude, and thus as a new starting point for critical theory. Modernity poses in a new way an eternal human question: what does it mean to be the author of one’s own actions?Less
In Power in Modernity, Isaac Ariail Reed proposes a new theory of power that describes overlapping networks of delegation and domination. Chains of power and their representation, linking together groups and individuals across time and space, create a vast network of intersecting alliances, subordinations, redistributions, and violent exclusions. Reed traces the common action of “sending someone else to do something for you”—reformulating via cultural sociology classic theories of principal and agent—as it expands outward into the hierarchies that control territories, persons, artifacts, minds, and money. He mobilizes this theory to investigate the onset of modernity in the Atlantic world, with a focus on rebellion, revolution, and state-formation in colonial North America, the early American republic, and the English Civil war and French Revolution. Modernity, Reed argues, dismantled the “King’s Two Bodies”—the monarch’s physical body and his ethereal, sacred second body that encompassed the body politic—as a schema of representation for forging power relations. This leads to a new understanding of the democratic possibilities and violent exclusions forged in the name of “the people,” as revolutionaries sought new ways to secure delegation, build hierarchy, and attack alterity. Reconsidering the role of myth in modern politics, he proposes to see the creative destruction and eternal recurrence of the King’s Two Bodies as constitutive of the modern attitude, and thus as a new starting point for critical theory. Modernity poses in a new way an eternal human question: what does it mean to be the author of one’s own actions?
A. S. Morrison
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199547371
- eISBN:
- 9780191720710
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547371.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Despite their military and technological superiority, the Russians were far from all-powerful in Turkestan, owing to lack of trained personnel, finance, and, perhaps most importantly, knowledge. ...
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Despite their military and technological superiority, the Russians were far from all-powerful in Turkestan, owing to lack of trained personnel, finance, and, perhaps most importantly, knowledge. Their paranoid fear of Islamic rebellion led to considerable administrative inertia, and the colonial regime was characterized by corruption, inefficiency, and a failure to modernize and reform. Although local clerical and aristocratic elites lost some of their power and significance, urban, mercantile, and village elites exploited Russian power for their own purposes, and controlled important elements of the administration. However, compared with India the regime was not particularly violent, and taxed very lightly, not least because, unlike their counterparts in India, Turkestan's peasants did not have to finance Imperial defence. Russian rule brought about a number of changes, but many were quite superficial, and few were on the rulers' terms.Less
Despite their military and technological superiority, the Russians were far from all-powerful in Turkestan, owing to lack of trained personnel, finance, and, perhaps most importantly, knowledge. Their paranoid fear of Islamic rebellion led to considerable administrative inertia, and the colonial regime was characterized by corruption, inefficiency, and a failure to modernize and reform. Although local clerical and aristocratic elites lost some of their power and significance, urban, mercantile, and village elites exploited Russian power for their own purposes, and controlled important elements of the administration. However, compared with India the regime was not particularly violent, and taxed very lightly, not least because, unlike their counterparts in India, Turkestan's peasants did not have to finance Imperial defence. Russian rule brought about a number of changes, but many were quite superficial, and few were on the rulers' terms.
Colin G. Calloway
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195340129
- eISBN:
- 9780199867202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340129.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Warfare dominates much of Scottish and Native American history. The British and the Americans considered tribal peoples to be “natural warriors,” and employed them and treated them as such. This ...
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Warfare dominates much of Scottish and Native American history. The British and the Americans considered tribal peoples to be “natural warriors,” and employed them and treated them as such. This chapter examines the experiences of Highland Scots and American Indians in fighting colonial powers and fighting alongside and against each other, especially in the Seven Years' War and the American Revolution. It shows how Britain, having defeated the Jacobites and tried to dismantle the militarism of Highland society, then encouraged and harnessed that militarism in the service of the Empire. The United States later followed similar policies in recruiting and employing Indian allies.Less
Warfare dominates much of Scottish and Native American history. The British and the Americans considered tribal peoples to be “natural warriors,” and employed them and treated them as such. This chapter examines the experiences of Highland Scots and American Indians in fighting colonial powers and fighting alongside and against each other, especially in the Seven Years' War and the American Revolution. It shows how Britain, having defeated the Jacobites and tried to dismantle the militarism of Highland society, then encouraged and harnessed that militarism in the service of the Empire. The United States later followed similar policies in recruiting and employing Indian allies.
