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This chapter examines the properties of EP and range assignment to E , especially in the context of unergative and transitive structures. It shows that locatives, in some configurations, do allow for post-verbal subjects in unergatives, and in some transitive structures as well. This fact gives rise to an analysis of some locatives as existential binders and as range assigners to E , thereby shedding some important light on the nature of EP and E. Following a general discussion of the event argument and its properties and licensing in Section 9.2, Sections 9.3-5 turn to the investigation of locatives. Cases of locative licensing of post-verbal subjects in transitives are discussed in Section 9.6.

This chapter turns to cases where range assignment in event structure is marked morphologically, specifically through the Slavic perfective system. It argues that the perfective system is fundamentally the marking of aktionsart (although this does not hold for the imperfective system), and that just as within languages such as English or Hebrew, quantity marking of the argument translates into quantity marking of an aspectual head. Thus, in Slavic languages, quantity marking on the head (i.e., a quantity head feature) translates into quantity marking on the argument. One of the most important predictions of the system presented here is that in well-defined structural environments, telicity could exist without an ‘internal’ argument.

This chapter argues that there is telicity without Verkuyl's generalization in Slavic, which lends support to the specifier-head agreement mechanism suggested as an account for Verkuyl's generalization. It also constitutes strong support for the syntactic representation of telicity and event structure proposed here.

This chapter investigates the properties of the Modern Hebrew (henceforth Hebrew) singular in its different indefinite and definite instantiations. It is here that much of this variation is best illustrated. The investigation of the singular will further serve as a springboard to discussing the properties of Hebrew cardinal determiners in general, the status of specifier cardinals vs. head cardinals, and the interaction, in Hebrew, between the assignment of range to _d and to _#.

This chapter examines Hebrew classifiers and partitive structures, elaborating further the interaction between the assignment of range and grammatical variation. Grocerese nominals and container phrases are discussed.