Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that ...
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This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that way. To the contrary, from late summer 2001 until the spring of 2002, U.S. policy hardly gave Jerusalem the unwavering support for which it later became known. This period saw the height of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and Israel’s massive military response, Operation Defensive Shield. Christian Zionist leaders, alarmed by the Palestinian violence and acutely sensitive to the threat to the Israeli Jews, rose to Israel’s support. In rallies and email and telephone campaigns, they pressed the president to stop equivocating and side definitively with Jerusalem’s efforts to root out terrorism. That was Washington’s own policy toward Muslim radicals, they declared, so it would be hypocritical to ask Israel to do otherwise. Bush, they insisted, should allow Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to do that as he saw fit. Gary Bauer and other evangelicals later claimed that their pressure tactics worked: they induced Bush to change his position, giving Sharon free rein in dealing with the Palestinians. Media reports largely accepted that narrative.Less
This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that way. To the contrary, from late summer 2001 until the spring of 2002, U.S. policy hardly gave Jerusalem the unwavering support for which it later became known. This period saw the height of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and Israel’s massive military response, Operation Defensive Shield. Christian Zionist leaders, alarmed by the Palestinian violence and acutely sensitive to the threat to the Israeli Jews, rose to Israel’s support. In rallies and email and telephone campaigns, they pressed the president to stop equivocating and side definitively with Jerusalem’s efforts to root out terrorism. That was Washington’s own policy toward Muslim radicals, they declared, so it would be hypocritical to ask Israel to do otherwise. Bush, they insisted, should allow Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to do that as he saw fit. Gary Bauer and other evangelicals later claimed that their pressure tactics worked: they induced Bush to change his position, giving Sharon free rein in dealing with the Palestinians. Media reports largely accepted that narrative.
Jesse Ferris
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155142
- eISBN:
- 9781400845231
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155142.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This concluding chapter talks about how Nasser's greatest failing may well have been his failure to open up space for political participation. It was not just a question of creating a popular base ...
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This concluding chapter talks about how Nasser's greatest failing may well have been his failure to open up space for political participation. It was not just a question of creating a popular base for his rule (as Nasser repeatedly sought to do, from the Liberation Rally to the Arab Socialist Union), but of enabling genuinely participatory politics that would ensure the future of the regime and guide Egypt forward once the great leader left the stage. If Nasser survived Egypt's humiliating defeat in 1967, there is little reason to doubt he would have survived the inauguration of a phase of moderation following the perceived triumph of 1956. The pursuit of such an inward-focused policy would have meant that the legitimacy of the regime came to rest on domestic performance, not foreign pyrotechnics.Less
This concluding chapter talks about how Nasser's greatest failing may well have been his failure to open up space for political participation. It was not just a question of creating a popular base for his rule (as Nasser repeatedly sought to do, from the Liberation Rally to the Arab Socialist Union), but of enabling genuinely participatory politics that would ensure the future of the regime and guide Egypt forward once the great leader left the stage. If Nasser survived Egypt's humiliating defeat in 1967, there is little reason to doubt he would have survived the inauguration of a phase of moderation following the perceived triumph of 1956. The pursuit of such an inward-focused policy would have meant that the legitimacy of the regime came to rest on domestic performance, not foreign pyrotechnics.
Anna von der Goltz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199570324
- eISBN:
- 9780191722240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570324.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter investigates the fate of the Hindenburg myth during the Weimar Republic's ‘crisis years’. Between 1919 and 1924, right-wing anti-republicans increasingly discovered Hindenburg-worship as ...
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This chapter investigates the fate of the Hindenburg myth during the Weimar Republic's ‘crisis years’. Between 1919 and 1924, right-wing anti-republicans increasingly discovered Hindenburg-worship as a resource of agitation against the despised ‘system’ of Weimar and the Treaty of Versailles. These years generally witnessed a regrouping and intensified mobilization of the militant Right. Hindenburg's public appearances, often accompanied by mass rallies, became increasingly politically charged. Such events provided an inconspicuous cover, not least for voicing anti-Semitic sentiments, and proved to be pivotal in the nationalization of Germany's masses. Hindenburg himself made a decisive contribution to this development by helping to popularise the stab-in-the-back legend, commemorating Tannenberg, and lending his name to other right-wing causes. The author argues that far from playing the integrative role it had done during wartime, the Hindenburg myth now helped to shift the political climate considerably to the right, intensifying the polarization of German politics already underway.Less
This chapter investigates the fate of the Hindenburg myth during the Weimar Republic's ‘crisis years’. Between 1919 and 1924, right-wing anti-republicans increasingly discovered Hindenburg-worship as a resource of agitation against the despised ‘system’ of Weimar and the Treaty of Versailles. These years generally witnessed a regrouping and intensified mobilization of the militant Right. Hindenburg's public appearances, often accompanied by mass rallies, became increasingly politically charged. Such events provided an inconspicuous cover, not least for voicing anti-Semitic sentiments, and proved to be pivotal in the nationalization of Germany's masses. Hindenburg himself made a decisive contribution to this development by helping to popularise the stab-in-the-back legend, commemorating Tannenberg, and lending his name to other right-wing causes. The author argues that far from playing the integrative role it had done during wartime, the Hindenburg myth now helped to shift the political climate considerably to the right, intensifying the polarization of German politics already underway.
Hassan Malik
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691170169
- eISBN:
- 9780691185002
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691170169.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter explores Russia's rapid recovery from the strains of revolution and war, and the impact of its return to war in 1914. It argues that this interrevolutionary rally is a striking and ...
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This chapter explores Russia's rapid recovery from the strains of revolution and war, and the impact of its return to war in 1914. It argues that this interrevolutionary rally is a striking and curious phenomenon that flies in the face of existing theories that suggest political instability and violence are bad for markets. In exploring the archival record, the chapter shows that investor perceptions of improvements in the real economy, a geopolitical realignment, and factors operating at the level of financial gatekeepers all contributed to the interrevolutionary rally. Yet despite the improving economic indicators and rising security prices, Russia's economy and financial system became increasingly fragile in the decade from 1906 to 1916. Paradoxically, were it not for the fiscal stimulus provided by the armaments buildup that preceded the First World War and the outbreak of the war itself, the Tsarist regime could have faced a potentially disastrous financial crisis in 1913–14.Less
This chapter explores Russia's rapid recovery from the strains of revolution and war, and the impact of its return to war in 1914. It argues that this interrevolutionary rally is a striking and curious phenomenon that flies in the face of existing theories that suggest political instability and violence are bad for markets. In exploring the archival record, the chapter shows that investor perceptions of improvements in the real economy, a geopolitical realignment, and factors operating at the level of financial gatekeepers all contributed to the interrevolutionary rally. Yet despite the improving economic indicators and rising security prices, Russia's economy and financial system became increasingly fragile in the decade from 1906 to 1916. Paradoxically, were it not for the fiscal stimulus provided by the armaments buildup that preceded the First World War and the outbreak of the war itself, the Tsarist regime could have faced a potentially disastrous financial crisis in 1913–14.
Richard Landes
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753598
- eISBN:
- 9780199897445
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753598.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This chapter traces the millennial dimensions of Hitler's career and his attempt to inaugurate the Tausendjähriges Reich. It shows how Hitler inserted himself into earlier German messianic traditions ...
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This chapter traces the millennial dimensions of Hitler's career and his attempt to inaugurate the Tausendjähriges Reich. It shows how Hitler inserted himself into earlier German messianic traditions around a Führer who would save the German people in a time of total catastrophe;how he linked them to the racist, millennial ideology of the Ariosophists; and how, once in power, he exploited modern technology to create a mass movement that swept up a nation in millennial enthusiasm (Nüremberg Rallies). Hitler's genocidal anti-Semitism appears as a form of hard zero-sum millennial competition between two “chosen people.”Less
This chapter traces the millennial dimensions of Hitler's career and his attempt to inaugurate the Tausendjähriges Reich. It shows how Hitler inserted himself into earlier German messianic traditions around a Führer who would save the German people in a time of total catastrophe;how he linked them to the racist, millennial ideology of the Ariosophists; and how, once in power, he exploited modern technology to create a mass movement that swept up a nation in millennial enthusiasm (Nüremberg Rallies). Hitler's genocidal anti-Semitism appears as a form of hard zero-sum millennial competition between two “chosen people.”
Di Arbeter Tsaytung
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814757437
- eISBN:
- 9780814763469
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814757437.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter reports on a campaign rally in support of the Socialist Labor Party, with which the Marxist weekly Di arbeter tsaytung was aligned. The demonstration took place on a Saturday evening in ...
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This chapter reports on a campaign rally in support of the Socialist Labor Party, with which the Marxist weekly Di arbeter tsaytung was aligned. The demonstration took place on a Saturday evening in New York, and between 8,000 and 10,000 people were assembled. The demonstrators were the organizations of Districts 2, 3, 4, and 5 of the Socialist Labor Party; the Socialist Labor Campaign Club; the Brotherliness Society; the Jewelers' Union; the Purse Makers' Union; the Knee-Pants Workers' Union; the Socialist Tailors' Campaign Club; the Yiddish-Speaking Section of the Socialist Labor Party; the Proletariat Society; the Bookbinders' Union; the Shirt Makers' Union; and the Cap Makers' Union.Less
This chapter reports on a campaign rally in support of the Socialist Labor Party, with which the Marxist weekly Di arbeter tsaytung was aligned. The demonstration took place on a Saturday evening in New York, and between 8,000 and 10,000 people were assembled. The demonstrators were the organizations of Districts 2, 3, 4, and 5 of the Socialist Labor Party; the Socialist Labor Campaign Club; the Brotherliness Society; the Jewelers' Union; the Purse Makers' Union; the Knee-Pants Workers' Union; the Socialist Tailors' Campaign Club; the Yiddish-Speaking Section of the Socialist Labor Party; the Proletariat Society; the Bookbinders' Union; the Shirt Makers' Union; and the Cap Makers' Union.
T.K. Vinod Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198090335
- eISBN:
- 9780199082520
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198090335.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
From peaceful demonstrations to chaotic rallies, public events are at the heart of civic discourse in modern societies. The nature and number of public events and state response define the ...
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From peaceful demonstrations to chaotic rallies, public events are at the heart of civic discourse in modern societies. The nature and number of public events and state response define the characteristics of the society and governance. Events and the police response to them provide insight into the nature of social and democratic discourse in society. Surveying the data of public events in an urban area and police response to them, detailed case studies of selected major events, and advanced statistical analyses, this book reveals the relationship between public events and police response. While different characteristics of events have varying effect on police response, the scale of violence in the event has the greatest impact. The analyses indicate that the response of the police is largely circumscribed by democratic norms and rule of law. Revealing the tendency for police to be drawn into the ambit of political debate, which greatly impacts police organization and personnel, the study also points to the seeds of criminalization of politics and public discourse in selected public events. Incisive and compelling, this book will engage students of policing, the criminal justice system, and human rights and will also appeal to policymakers, administrators, and police professionals as well as anybody wanting to know more about the vexed issue of policing in India.Less
From peaceful demonstrations to chaotic rallies, public events are at the heart of civic discourse in modern societies. The nature and number of public events and state response define the characteristics of the society and governance. Events and the police response to them provide insight into the nature of social and democratic discourse in society. Surveying the data of public events in an urban area and police response to them, detailed case studies of selected major events, and advanced statistical analyses, this book reveals the relationship between public events and police response. While different characteristics of events have varying effect on police response, the scale of violence in the event has the greatest impact. The analyses indicate that the response of the police is largely circumscribed by democratic norms and rule of law. Revealing the tendency for police to be drawn into the ambit of political debate, which greatly impacts police organization and personnel, the study also points to the seeds of criminalization of politics and public discourse in selected public events. Incisive and compelling, this book will engage students of policing, the criminal justice system, and human rights and will also appeal to policymakers, administrators, and police professionals as well as anybody wanting to know more about the vexed issue of policing in India.
Alessandro Orsini
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709838
- eISBN:
- 9781501709630
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709838.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book's author is one of Italy's premier analysts of political extremism. His investigation of the beliefs and mindsets of Europe's political fringe has largely focused on anarchist and far-left ...
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This book's author is one of Italy's premier analysts of political extremism. His investigation of the beliefs and mindsets of Europe's political fringe has largely focused on anarchist and far-left groups, but this book turns inquiry to the rapidly expanding neofascist movement. The author joined local groups of a neofascist organization he names Sacrifice in two neighboring cities with very different political cultures. This “insider” book, which features dialogues with various militia members, shows how fascists live day to day, how they understand their world, and how they build a parallel universe in which the correctness and probity of their attitudes are clear. The book describes the long, troubled process by which these two groups slowly accepted the author as an investigator-activist and later expelled him for his ideologically uncommitted stance and refusal to subject his observations to censorship. The author's activities as a fascist were often mundane: leafleting, distributing food parcels to the indigent, and attending public rallies. This book describes from within the masculine ethos of the militias, the groups' relations with local police and politicians, and the central role of violence and anticommunist actions in building a sense of fascist community.Less
This book's author is one of Italy's premier analysts of political extremism. His investigation of the beliefs and mindsets of Europe's political fringe has largely focused on anarchist and far-left groups, but this book turns inquiry to the rapidly expanding neofascist movement. The author joined local groups of a neofascist organization he names Sacrifice in two neighboring cities with very different political cultures. This “insider” book, which features dialogues with various militia members, shows how fascists live day to day, how they understand their world, and how they build a parallel universe in which the correctness and probity of their attitudes are clear. The book describes the long, troubled process by which these two groups slowly accepted the author as an investigator-activist and later expelled him for his ideologically uncommitted stance and refusal to subject his observations to censorship. The author's activities as a fascist were often mundane: leafleting, distributing food parcels to the indigent, and attending public rallies. This book describes from within the masculine ethos of the militias, the groups' relations with local police and politicians, and the central role of violence and anticommunist actions in building a sense of fascist community.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199752027
- eISBN:
- 9780199979431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752027.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter provides a detailed overview of the Carolina Klan's spectacular rise in 1964 and 1965, constructing a close portrait of Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton, Grand Dragon Bob Jones, and other ...
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This chapter provides a detailed overview of the Carolina Klan's spectacular rise in 1964 and 1965, constructing a close portrait of Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton, Grand Dragon Bob Jones, and other key leaders, as well as documenting the functioning of the group's rallies and street walks, its financial machinations, its layered membership structure, and the ambiguous place of violence within the organization. Throughout, the discussion emphasizes how solidarity among members was maintained and strengthened by tightly-bounded conceptions of the “white public,” as well as how varied civic efforts sought to create alternative “pure” white institutions to insulate adherents from looming civil rights reforms. While primarily focused on the rapid growth of United Klans in North Carolina, the chapter situates this story within a broader account of KKK violence elsewhere in the South, in particular the Klan-perpetrated killings of civil rights workers in Neshoba County, Mississippi, and Selma, Alabama.Less
This chapter provides a detailed overview of the Carolina Klan's spectacular rise in 1964 and 1965, constructing a close portrait of Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton, Grand Dragon Bob Jones, and other key leaders, as well as documenting the functioning of the group's rallies and street walks, its financial machinations, its layered membership structure, and the ambiguous place of violence within the organization. Throughout, the discussion emphasizes how solidarity among members was maintained and strengthened by tightly-bounded conceptions of the “white public,” as well as how varied civic efforts sought to create alternative “pure” white institutions to insulate adherents from looming civil rights reforms. While primarily focused on the rapid growth of United Klans in North Carolina, the chapter situates this story within a broader account of KKK violence elsewhere in the South, in particular the Klan-perpetrated killings of civil rights workers in Neshoba County, Mississippi, and Selma, Alabama.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501749650
- eISBN:
- 9781501749674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter recounts the July 8 ku Klux Klan event that worsened the division among members of Charlottesville's clergy. It looks at religious leaders who had gone to Justice Park to confront the ...
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This chapter recounts the July 8 ku Klux Klan event that worsened the division among members of Charlottesville's clergy. It looks at religious leaders who had gone to Justice Park to confront the Klan largely that believed that the Charlottesville Police Department had effectively taken sides in favor of the Klan and against the counterprotesters. It also talks about the “Congregate Charlottesville,” which is a clergy group that was created after the Klan rally and who identified themselves as an instrument for organizing faith leaders. The chapter describes the Congregate Charlottesville's determination to take a more aggressive approach to the next Unite the Right rally. It discloses how the group issued a national appeal to the clergy to come to Charlottesville to oppose and confront the national white supremacist rally.Less
This chapter recounts the July 8 ku Klux Klan event that worsened the division among members of Charlottesville's clergy. It looks at religious leaders who had gone to Justice Park to confront the Klan largely that believed that the Charlottesville Police Department had effectively taken sides in favor of the Klan and against the counterprotesters. It also talks about the “Congregate Charlottesville,” which is a clergy group that was created after the Klan rally and who identified themselves as an instrument for organizing faith leaders. The chapter describes the Congregate Charlottesville's determination to take a more aggressive approach to the next Unite the Right rally. It discloses how the group issued a national appeal to the clergy to come to Charlottesville to oppose and confront the national white supremacist rally.
Neophytos Loizides
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794084
- eISBN:
- 9780804796330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794084.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in ...
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Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in Thessaloniki and Athens attracted at least a million people each. At the same time, it asks why conflicts related to Turkey or Albania received little attention despite ethnic antagonisms and an alleged “civilizational divide” between Greece and its predominantly Muslim neighbors. Drawing evidence from the Hellenic Parliament, this chapter demonstrates that on Turkish and Albanian issues, a sizeable moderate camp championed reconciliation and compromise, maintaining a balance between hardliners and moderates in Greece. Even so, hardliners monopolized the framing of Greece’s Macedonian policies, thus shaping an early nationalist consensus. By adopting this hegemonic frame, mainstream Greek political elites prevented adaptation to new realities in the 1990s, obstructing a feasible peace agreement between the two nations.Less
Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in Thessaloniki and Athens attracted at least a million people each. At the same time, it asks why conflicts related to Turkey or Albania received little attention despite ethnic antagonisms and an alleged “civilizational divide” between Greece and its predominantly Muslim neighbors. Drawing evidence from the Hellenic Parliament, this chapter demonstrates that on Turkish and Albanian issues, a sizeable moderate camp championed reconciliation and compromise, maintaining a balance between hardliners and moderates in Greece. Even so, hardliners monopolized the framing of Greece’s Macedonian policies, thus shaping an early nationalist consensus. By adopting this hegemonic frame, mainstream Greek political elites prevented adaptation to new realities in the 1990s, obstructing a feasible peace agreement between the two nations.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501749650
- eISBN:
- 9781501749674
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This personal and frank book offers an insider's view on the violent confrontations in Charlottesville during the “summer of hate.” Blending memoir, courtroom drama, and a consideration of the ...
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This personal and frank book offers an insider's view on the violent confrontations in Charlottesville during the “summer of hate.” Blending memoir, courtroom drama, and a consideration of the unhealed wound of racism in our society, the book shines a light on the conflict between the value of free speech and the protection of civil rights. The author has spent his career in the thick of these tempestuous and fraught issues, from acting as lead counsel in a famous Supreme Court decision challenging Virginia's law against burning crosses, to serving as co-counsel in a libel suit brought by a fraternity against Rolling Stone magazine for publishing an article alleging that one of the fraternity's initiation rituals included gang rape. The author has also been active as a university leader, serving as dean of three law schools and president of one and railing against hate speech and sexual assault on US campuses. Well before the tiki torches cast their ominous shadows across the nation, the city of Charlottesville sought to relocate the Unite the Right rally; the author was approached to represent the alt-right groups. Though the author declined, he came to wonder what his history of advocacy had wrought. Feeling unsettlingly complicit, the author joined the Charlottesville Task Force, and realized that the events that transpired there had meaning and resonance far beyond a singular time and place. Why, he wonders, has one of our foundational rights created a land in which such tragic clashes happen all too frequently?Less
This personal and frank book offers an insider's view on the violent confrontations in Charlottesville during the “summer of hate.” Blending memoir, courtroom drama, and a consideration of the unhealed wound of racism in our society, the book shines a light on the conflict between the value of free speech and the protection of civil rights. The author has spent his career in the thick of these tempestuous and fraught issues, from acting as lead counsel in a famous Supreme Court decision challenging Virginia's law against burning crosses, to serving as co-counsel in a libel suit brought by a fraternity against Rolling Stone magazine for publishing an article alleging that one of the fraternity's initiation rituals included gang rape. The author has also been active as a university leader, serving as dean of three law schools and president of one and railing against hate speech and sexual assault on US campuses. Well before the tiki torches cast their ominous shadows across the nation, the city of Charlottesville sought to relocate the Unite the Right rally; the author was approached to represent the alt-right groups. Though the author declined, he came to wonder what his history of advocacy had wrought. Feeling unsettlingly complicit, the author joined the Charlottesville Task Force, and realized that the events that transpired there had meaning and resonance far beyond a singular time and place. Why, he wonders, has one of our foundational rights created a land in which such tragic clashes happen all too frequently?
Michael V. Metz
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042416
- eISBN:
- 9780252051258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042416.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Energies around the DuBois Club issue, the Clabaugh Act, national civil rights activism, and growing antiwar agitation all flowed together to make 1967 a watershed year for protest on the campus. An ...
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Energies around the DuBois Club issue, the Clabaugh Act, national civil rights activism, and growing antiwar agitation all flowed together to make 1967 a watershed year for protest on the campus. An anti-Clabaugh Act event at the Chicago campus sparked sympathy demonstrations on the Urbana campus quadrangle that grew day by day. Activists formed SACA, Students Against the Clabaugh Act, and Vern Fein arose as a movement leader. Rallies on the quad called for a public meeting with Henry to discuss the Clabaugh Act. Henry demurred.Less
Energies around the DuBois Club issue, the Clabaugh Act, national civil rights activism, and growing antiwar agitation all flowed together to make 1967 a watershed year for protest on the campus. An anti-Clabaugh Act event at the Chicago campus sparked sympathy demonstrations on the Urbana campus quadrangle that grew day by day. Activists formed SACA, Students Against the Clabaugh Act, and Vern Fein arose as a movement leader. Rallies on the quad called for a public meeting with Henry to discuss the Clabaugh Act. Henry demurred.
Michael V. Metz
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042416
- eISBN:
- 9780252051258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042416.003.0015
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
President Henry’s office offered to meet with two student leaders. A crowd of six hundred on the quad voted down the offer, demanding a public group meeting. Henry declined, also stating he would not ...
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President Henry’s office offered to meet with two student leaders. A crowd of six hundred on the quad voted down the offer, demanding a public group meeting. Henry declined, also stating he would not offer an opinion on the Clabaugh Act. Millet invited twenty student leaders to meet, suggesting that Henry, too, would be willing to meet with them. At a noon rally the crowd voted to turn down the Henry meeting, but later in the week at a follow-on rally more moderate views predominated and the crowd voted to accept Henry’s offer. Letters poured in to administrators.Less
President Henry’s office offered to meet with two student leaders. A crowd of six hundred on the quad voted down the offer, demanding a public group meeting. Henry declined, also stating he would not offer an opinion on the Clabaugh Act. Millet invited twenty student leaders to meet, suggesting that Henry, too, would be willing to meet with them. At a noon rally the crowd voted to turn down the Henry meeting, but later in the week at a follow-on rally more moderate views predominated and the crowd voted to accept Henry’s offer. Letters poured in to administrators.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501749650
- eISBN:
- 9781501749674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0017
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter describes the Klan's rally at Justice Park, where counterprotestors came openly carrying firearms or knives and wearing Black Lives Matter shirts. It describes how the police divided ...
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This chapter describes the Klan's rally at Justice Park, where counterprotestors came openly carrying firearms or knives and wearing Black Lives Matter shirts. It describes how the police divided Justice Park into four zones for all groups to conduct their protest. It also mentions the media staging area that was established on East Jefferson Street, wherein the police allowed members of the media to enter the buffer zone. The chapter details the arrival of Antifa members at Justice Park, who were highly prepared for potential physical confrontation as they wore helmets, shields, body armor, padded clothing, and gas masks. It discloses how the police were not able to prevent the counterprotesters from tossing punches, hurling fruit and bottles, and berating the Klan with catcalls and insults during their rally.Less
This chapter describes the Klan's rally at Justice Park, where counterprotestors came openly carrying firearms or knives and wearing Black Lives Matter shirts. It describes how the police divided Justice Park into four zones for all groups to conduct their protest. It also mentions the media staging area that was established on East Jefferson Street, wherein the police allowed members of the media to enter the buffer zone. The chapter details the arrival of Antifa members at Justice Park, who were highly prepared for potential physical confrontation as they wore helmets, shields, body armor, padded clothing, and gas masks. It discloses how the police were not able to prevent the counterprotesters from tossing punches, hurling fruit and bottles, and berating the Klan with catcalls and insults during their rally.
Cathal Kilcline
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781781382899
- eISBN:
- 9781789629323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781781382899.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The popularity of the Paris-Dakar rally in the 1980s drew on both a growing market for new adventure sports in France and nostalgia for colonial-era narratives of desert exploration. Since its ...
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The popularity of the Paris-Dakar rally in the 1980s drew on both a growing market for new adventure sports in France and nostalgia for colonial-era narratives of desert exploration. Since its inception, the event has provided a spectacle of motorised speed, physical suffering, technical prowess and logistical expertise, set against a backdrop of splendid scenery. The race has also been criticised for transforming some of the poorest locations in the world into a playground for a (predominantly) Western and wealthy elite and for the death toll that it has incurred in its wake. Such criticisms followed the rally along its various African itineraries and on its transposition to South America in 2009. In its early versions, the Paris-Dakar was the vehicle for the nostalgic re-enactment of French colonial-era exploits in Africa, and the subject of virulent criticism for its neo-colonial connotations and material effects. The contemporary ‘Dakar’ emerges in this analysis as a demonstration of the ‘deterritorialising’ potential of the sports-media nexus, with its opponents attesting to its contribution to the global disenfranchisement of local communities.Less
The popularity of the Paris-Dakar rally in the 1980s drew on both a growing market for new adventure sports in France and nostalgia for colonial-era narratives of desert exploration. Since its inception, the event has provided a spectacle of motorised speed, physical suffering, technical prowess and logistical expertise, set against a backdrop of splendid scenery. The race has also been criticised for transforming some of the poorest locations in the world into a playground for a (predominantly) Western and wealthy elite and for the death toll that it has incurred in its wake. Such criticisms followed the rally along its various African itineraries and on its transposition to South America in 2009. In its early versions, the Paris-Dakar was the vehicle for the nostalgic re-enactment of French colonial-era exploits in Africa, and the subject of virulent criticism for its neo-colonial connotations and material effects. The contemporary ‘Dakar’ emerges in this analysis as a demonstration of the ‘deterritorialising’ potential of the sports-media nexus, with its opponents attesting to its contribution to the global disenfranchisement of local communities.
Robert F. Zeidel
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501748318
- eISBN:
- 9781501748332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501748318.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter investigates the Haymarket Square rally in 1886, which solidified the presumed connection between aliens and undesirable worker radicalism. Reaction to the Molly Maguires and the Great ...
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This chapter investigates the Haymarket Square rally in 1886, which solidified the presumed connection between aliens and undesirable worker radicalism. Reaction to the Molly Maguires and the Great Railroad Strike had established the practice of blaming immigrants and associated foreign ideologies for the industrial era's loss of workplace harmony, but the stigma did not prevent employers from fulfilling their growing labor needs by hiring large numbers of alien workers. Those recruited regularly included strikebreakers whose presence angered established workers. Through the early 1880s, laborers—not capitalists—tended to harbor animosity toward recent arrivals. When the Haymarket affair renewed and intensified fears of working-class violence, employers resorted to the pattern of implicating the immigrants who labored at their mills, mines, and factories, even as they continued to employ them.Less
This chapter investigates the Haymarket Square rally in 1886, which solidified the presumed connection between aliens and undesirable worker radicalism. Reaction to the Molly Maguires and the Great Railroad Strike had established the practice of blaming immigrants and associated foreign ideologies for the industrial era's loss of workplace harmony, but the stigma did not prevent employers from fulfilling their growing labor needs by hiring large numbers of alien workers. Those recruited regularly included strikebreakers whose presence angered established workers. Through the early 1880s, laborers—not capitalists—tended to harbor animosity toward recent arrivals. When the Haymarket affair renewed and intensified fears of working-class violence, employers resorted to the pattern of implicating the immigrants who labored at their mills, mines, and factories, even as they continued to employ them.
Hyunjin Seo
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- December 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197538883
- eISBN:
- 9780197538920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197538883.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter examines how supporters of President Park Geun-hye responded to the Park-Choi scandal and impeachment rallies. Park’s diehard supporters organized so-called Taegeukgi rallies suggesting ...
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This chapter examines how supporters of President Park Geun-hye responded to the Park-Choi scandal and impeachment rallies. Park’s diehard supporters organized so-called Taegeukgi rallies suggesting the Park-Choi scandal was a plot by pro–North Korea forces and news media designed to destroy the conservative president. Trafficking in conspiracy theories produced by far-right media outlets, these staunch supporters used social media and physical gatherings to consolidate pro-Park groups. In contrast, some of Park’s early supporters ultimately turned against her, becoming outraged and embarrassed as details of her corruption became widely known. This chapter analyzes information consumption patterns of Park’s diehard supporters along with their demographic and social-psychological characteristics.Less
This chapter examines how supporters of President Park Geun-hye responded to the Park-Choi scandal and impeachment rallies. Park’s diehard supporters organized so-called Taegeukgi rallies suggesting the Park-Choi scandal was a plot by pro–North Korea forces and news media designed to destroy the conservative president. Trafficking in conspiracy theories produced by far-right media outlets, these staunch supporters used social media and physical gatherings to consolidate pro-Park groups. In contrast, some of Park’s early supporters ultimately turned against her, becoming outraged and embarrassed as details of her corruption became widely known. This chapter analyzes information consumption patterns of Park’s diehard supporters along with their demographic and social-psychological characteristics.
Mikhail A. Alexseev and Henry E. Hale
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781474410427
- eISBN:
- 9781474418751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474410427.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyses and compares the results of the 2013 and 2014 NEORUSS surveys. It finds that attitudes regarding such typically ‘nationalist’ issues as ethnic pride and ethnocentrism had ...
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This chapter analyses and compares the results of the 2013 and 2014 NEORUSS surveys. It finds that attitudes regarding such typically ‘nationalist’ issues as ethnic pride and ethnocentrism had changed very little after Russia’s annexation of Crimea–possibly because Russians had scored high on these issues already prior to the Crimean annexation. What really changed was support for the regime in general and for President Vladimir Putin in particular. To a greater extent than before, respondents now expressed the view that Putin was the right man to tackle all kinds of nationalist challenges to the state and in society. Thus, rather than the typical ‘rally around the flag’-effect, the chapter finds what the authors call a ‘rally around the leader’-effect.Less
This chapter analyses and compares the results of the 2013 and 2014 NEORUSS surveys. It finds that attitudes regarding such typically ‘nationalist’ issues as ethnic pride and ethnocentrism had changed very little after Russia’s annexation of Crimea–possibly because Russians had scored high on these issues already prior to the Crimean annexation. What really changed was support for the regime in general and for President Vladimir Putin in particular. To a greater extent than before, respondents now expressed the view that Putin was the right man to tackle all kinds of nationalist challenges to the state and in society. Thus, rather than the typical ‘rally around the flag’-effect, the chapter finds what the authors call a ‘rally around the leader’-effect.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501749650
- eISBN:
- 9781501749674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter introduces the task force created by Governor Terry McAuliffe in Richmond, Virginia that are tasked to study the racial violence in the city of Charlottesville during the summer of 2017. ...
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This chapter introduces the task force created by Governor Terry McAuliffe in Richmond, Virginia that are tasked to study the racial violence in the city of Charlottesville during the summer of 2017. It mentions the violence in Richmond that claimed the life of Heather Heyer when a white supremacist, James Alex Fields Jr., slammed his speeding car into a crowd of counter-protesters confronting a “Unite the Right” rally. This chapter explains the work of the task force, which requires them to deeply investigate the constitutional protections of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly and the rules of engagement governing what society could or could not do when confronted with racial supremacist groups rallying in a city. It also describes the famous free speech case called Virginia vs. Black involving vicious racist hate speech. The case involved a cross-burning rally of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in rural western Virginia in 1998 and a second cross-burning incident in Virginia Beach in the yard of an African American, James Jubilee.Less
This chapter introduces the task force created by Governor Terry McAuliffe in Richmond, Virginia that are tasked to study the racial violence in the city of Charlottesville during the summer of 2017. It mentions the violence in Richmond that claimed the life of Heather Heyer when a white supremacist, James Alex Fields Jr., slammed his speeding car into a crowd of counter-protesters confronting a “Unite the Right” rally. This chapter explains the work of the task force, which requires them to deeply investigate the constitutional protections of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly and the rules of engagement governing what society could or could not do when confronted with racial supremacist groups rallying in a city. It also describes the famous free speech case called Virginia vs. Black involving vicious racist hate speech. The case involved a cross-burning rally of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in rural western Virginia in 1998 and a second cross-burning incident in Virginia Beach in the yard of an African American, James Jubilee.
