Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780192880529
- eISBN:
- 9780191598876
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0192880527.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Obstacles to democratization and pre‐conditions for transformative change are examined, as are changing evaluations of Mikhail Gorbachev. The weakness of the dissident movement in the first half of ...
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Obstacles to democratization and pre‐conditions for transformative change are examined, as are changing evaluations of Mikhail Gorbachev. The weakness of the dissident movement in the first half of the 1980s and the modesty of expectations of change when Gorbachev succeeded Konstantin Chernenko as Soviet leader are noted. The radicalization of Gorbachev's policies is related to his learning process, to the strengthening of his political power between 1985 and 1988, and to societal pressures. Gorbachev outwitted the traditional holders of institutional power who imposed constraints upon the General Secretary's freedom of action but he was also responsible for the creation of new countervailing powers, more broadly based than the old ones, which ultimately undermined his institutional authority. The diversity of view within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union became increasingly apparent as the novel phenomenon of a serious reformer in the Kremlin allowed these divergent opinions to come out into the open.Less
Obstacles to democratization and pre‐conditions for transformative change are examined, as are changing evaluations of Mikhail Gorbachev. The weakness of the dissident movement in the first half of the 1980s and the modesty of expectations of change when Gorbachev succeeded Konstantin Chernenko as Soviet leader are noted. The radicalization of Gorbachev's policies is related to his learning process, to the strengthening of his political power between 1985 and 1988, and to societal pressures. Gorbachev outwitted the traditional holders of institutional power who imposed constraints upon the General Secretary's freedom of action but he was also responsible for the creation of new countervailing powers, more broadly based than the old ones, which ultimately undermined his institutional authority. The diversity of view within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union became increasingly apparent as the novel phenomenon of a serious reformer in the Kremlin allowed these divergent opinions to come out into the open.
Sidney Tarrow
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The first part of this chapter examines the four main types of political contention outlined in the introduction to it: expressive contention, reformist contention, integral contention and communal ...
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The first part of this chapter examines the four main types of political contention outlined in the introduction to it: expressive contention, reformist contention, integral contention and communal contention. The second section looks at how contentious political movements change; the four types frequently intersect, combine and transmute from one form to another. The types of change considered here are institutionalization, radicalization of once–moderate movements, the creation of hybrid forms of organization and strategy, and the privatization of movement activists. The third section of the chapter turns to how states interact with movements and considers the hypothesis that Western Europe and the United States are, in some ways, becoming movement societies. The chapter closes on a speculative note: how are European social movements – which arose in relation to the national state – being affected by the forces of ‘globalization’ and European integration in today’s world?Less
The first part of this chapter examines the four main types of political contention outlined in the introduction to it: expressive contention, reformist contention, integral contention and communal contention. The second section looks at how contentious political movements change; the four types frequently intersect, combine and transmute from one form to another. The types of change considered here are institutionalization, radicalization of once–moderate movements, the creation of hybrid forms of organization and strategy, and the privatization of movement activists. The third section of the chapter turns to how states interact with movements and considers the hypothesis that Western Europe and the United States are, in some ways, becoming movement societies. The chapter closes on a speculative note: how are European social movements – which arose in relation to the national state – being affected by the forces of ‘globalization’ and European integration in today’s world?
Hugh McLeod
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199298259
- eISBN:
- 9780191711619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298259.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines the social and religious upheavals of 1968. In the later 1960s, hopes for speedy and radical changes in both church and society were at a very high level. Christian radicals ...
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This chapter examines the social and religious upheavals of 1968. In the later 1960s, hopes for speedy and radical changes in both church and society were at a very high level. Christian radicals often suffered a double disappointment. Many radicals left their churches, and those Christian organizations that had been most sympathetic to ‘1968’ were severely upset. However, it would be wrong to exaggerate the extent either of the radical defeat or of the conservative resurgence. Many of those who had been influenced by the ideas and movements of that time remained within, or returned to their churches.Less
This chapter examines the social and religious upheavals of 1968. In the later 1960s, hopes for speedy and radical changes in both church and society were at a very high level. Christian radicals often suffered a double disappointment. Many radicals left their churches, and those Christian organizations that had been most sympathetic to ‘1968’ were severely upset. However, it would be wrong to exaggerate the extent either of the radical defeat or of the conservative resurgence. Many of those who had been influenced by the ideas and movements of that time remained within, or returned to their churches.
Linda Herrera
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195369212
- eISBN:
- 9780199871179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369212.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Islam
Youth in Egypt and throughout the Muslim Middle East are the most educated and globalized generation in history. Yet they are coming of age in a climate of unemployment, repressive regimes, a youth ...
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Youth in Egypt and throughout the Muslim Middle East are the most educated and globalized generation in history. Yet they are coming of age in a climate of unemployment, repressive regimes, a youth bulge, moral panics about radicalization, and an escalation of regional geopolitical conflicts with no resolution in sight. Despite their centrality to reforms for economic and political development, we tend to know little about youth lives, lifestyles, opinions, and visions for societal change. This chapter uses the life history method to understand the trajectories of young lives and to know from the young themselves about how they relate to politics, the economy, education, and citizenship. Their stories testify that youth may not be so much preoccupied with religious politics as they are with jobs and justice, arguably the defining issues of this youthful generation.Less
Youth in Egypt and throughout the Muslim Middle East are the most educated and globalized generation in history. Yet they are coming of age in a climate of unemployment, repressive regimes, a youth bulge, moral panics about radicalization, and an escalation of regional geopolitical conflicts with no resolution in sight. Despite their centrality to reforms for economic and political development, we tend to know little about youth lives, lifestyles, opinions, and visions for societal change. This chapter uses the life history method to understand the trajectories of young lives and to know from the young themselves about how they relate to politics, the economy, education, and citizenship. Their stories testify that youth may not be so much preoccupied with religious politics as they are with jobs and justice, arguably the defining issues of this youthful generation.
Tufyal Choudhury
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199548781
- eISBN:
- 9780191720673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548781.003.0024
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The UK's Terrorism Act 2006 makes it an offence for a person to publish statements that directly or indirectly encourage or induce a person to the commission, preparation, or instigation of acts of ...
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The UK's Terrorism Act 2006 makes it an offence for a person to publish statements that directly or indirectly encourage or induce a person to the commission, preparation, or instigation of acts of terrorism. These new ‘encouragement offences’ constitute a significant restriction on the exercise of the fundamental right of free expression. Its threat to free speech arises not only from specific prohibitions and prosecutions but also the wider chilling effect on expression. This chapter examines the potential contribution the new offence might make to the government's desired aim of preventing violent radicalization. It looks at the efficacy of the legislation in two respects: firstly, the role that the impugned statements play in the radicalization process; and, secondly, the potential for the criminalization of such statements to be counter-productive and undermine the government's broader counterterrorism strategy. It is argued that radicalization is largely a private process. Public statements that encourage acts of terrorism may contribute to this process but are not central to it. Furthermore, the provisions in the legislation that aim to proscribe such statements are drafted with a degree of breadth and vagueness that increases the risks of the legislation becoming counterproductive. The uncertainty surrounding the scope of the new offences and the discretion needed to enforce the legislation in a climate of distrust and fear between parts of the Muslim community and public institutions will reinforce perceptions of discrimination and unjust enforcement of counterterrorism laws, which in turn will undermine the broader counterterrorism strategy.Less
The UK's Terrorism Act 2006 makes it an offence for a person to publish statements that directly or indirectly encourage or induce a person to the commission, preparation, or instigation of acts of terrorism. These new ‘encouragement offences’ constitute a significant restriction on the exercise of the fundamental right of free expression. Its threat to free speech arises not only from specific prohibitions and prosecutions but also the wider chilling effect on expression. This chapter examines the potential contribution the new offence might make to the government's desired aim of preventing violent radicalization. It looks at the efficacy of the legislation in two respects: firstly, the role that the impugned statements play in the radicalization process; and, secondly, the potential for the criminalization of such statements to be counter-productive and undermine the government's broader counterterrorism strategy. It is argued that radicalization is largely a private process. Public statements that encourage acts of terrorism may contribute to this process but are not central to it. Furthermore, the provisions in the legislation that aim to proscribe such statements are drafted with a degree of breadth and vagueness that increases the risks of the legislation becoming counterproductive. The uncertainty surrounding the scope of the new offences and the discretion needed to enforce the legislation in a climate of distrust and fear between parts of the Muslim community and public institutions will reinforce perceptions of discrimination and unjust enforcement of counterterrorism laws, which in turn will undermine the broader counterterrorism strategy.
Masooda Bano
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450440
- eISBN:
- 9780801463860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450440.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Islamic schools, or madrasas, have been accused of radicalizing Muslims and participating, either actively or passively, in terrorist networks since the events of 9/11. In Pakistan, the 2007 siege by ...
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Islamic schools, or madrasas, have been accused of radicalizing Muslims and participating, either actively or passively, in terrorist networks since the events of 9/11. In Pakistan, the 2007 siege by government forces of Islamabad's Red Mosque and its madrasa complex, whose imam and students staged an armed resistance against the state for its support of the “war on terror,” reinforced concerns about madrasas' role in regional and global jihad. By 2006 madrasas registered with Pakistan's five regulatory boards for religious schools enrolled over one million male and 200,000 female students. This book explores the network of Pakistani madrasas. It maps the choices and decisions confronted by students, teachers, parents, and clerics and explains why available choices make participation in jihad appear at times a viable course of action. The book shows that beliefs are rational and that religious believers look to maximize utility in ways not captured by classical rational choice. The book applies analytical tools from the New Institutional Economics to explain apparent contradictions in the madrasa system—for example, how thousands of young Pakistani women now demand the national adoption of traditional sharia law, despite its highly restrictive limits on female agency, and do so from their location in Islamic schools for girls that were founded only a generation ago.Less
Islamic schools, or madrasas, have been accused of radicalizing Muslims and participating, either actively or passively, in terrorist networks since the events of 9/11. In Pakistan, the 2007 siege by government forces of Islamabad's Red Mosque and its madrasa complex, whose imam and students staged an armed resistance against the state for its support of the “war on terror,” reinforced concerns about madrasas' role in regional and global jihad. By 2006 madrasas registered with Pakistan's five regulatory boards for religious schools enrolled over one million male and 200,000 female students. This book explores the network of Pakistani madrasas. It maps the choices and decisions confronted by students, teachers, parents, and clerics and explains why available choices make participation in jihad appear at times a viable course of action. The book shows that beliefs are rational and that religious believers look to maximize utility in ways not captured by classical rational choice. The book applies analytical tools from the New Institutional Economics to explain apparent contradictions in the madrasa system—for example, how thousands of young Pakistani women now demand the national adoption of traditional sharia law, despite its highly restrictive limits on female agency, and do so from their location in Islamic schools for girls that were founded only a generation ago.
PATRICIA LYNCH
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256211
- eISBN:
- 9780191719677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256211.003.01
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter explores the causes and the nature of the dramatic changes that overtook the rural Liberal party between 1884 and 1886. The first three sections, which focus on the constituencies of ...
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This chapter explores the causes and the nature of the dramatic changes that overtook the rural Liberal party between 1884 and 1886. The first three sections, which focus on the constituencies of Holmfirth and North Essex, show that labourers in many parts of England possessed longstanding traditions of radical social protest that inspired them, once enfranchised, to demand a voice first in the choice of a Liberal Parliamentary candidate and then in the planning of the Liberal election campaign. The fourth section addresses the subject of rural divisions where the Liberals lost the election. The fifth section discusses the effect of household enfranchisement on the local Liberal moderates who had previously controlled the party in the counties, and particularly the ways in which the democratization of local party structures and the radicalization of the Liberal agenda alienated moderate support.Less
This chapter explores the causes and the nature of the dramatic changes that overtook the rural Liberal party between 1884 and 1886. The first three sections, which focus on the constituencies of Holmfirth and North Essex, show that labourers in many parts of England possessed longstanding traditions of radical social protest that inspired them, once enfranchised, to demand a voice first in the choice of a Liberal Parliamentary candidate and then in the planning of the Liberal election campaign. The fourth section addresses the subject of rural divisions where the Liberals lost the election. The fifth section discusses the effect of household enfranchisement on the local Liberal moderates who had previously controlled the party in the counties, and particularly the ways in which the democratization of local party structures and the radicalization of the Liberal agenda alienated moderate support.
James G. Patterson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076930
- eISBN:
- 9781781700822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076930.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His ...
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On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His name was Robert Emmet and he was standing trial for heading a rebellion on 23 July 1803. The iconic power of Robert Emmet in Irish history cannot be overstated. Emmet looms large in narratives of the past, yet the rebellion which he led remains to be fully contextualised. This book repairs this omission and explains the complex of politicisation and revolutionary activity extending into the 1800s, detailing the radicalisation of the grass roots, their para-militarism and engagement in secret societies. Drawing on a range of sources, the book offers a comprehensive insight into a relatively neglected period of history.Less
On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His name was Robert Emmet and he was standing trial for heading a rebellion on 23 July 1803. The iconic power of Robert Emmet in Irish history cannot be overstated. Emmet looms large in narratives of the past, yet the rebellion which he led remains to be fully contextualised. This book repairs this omission and explains the complex of politicisation and revolutionary activity extending into the 1800s, detailing the radicalisation of the grass roots, their para-militarism and engagement in secret societies. Drawing on a range of sources, the book offers a comprehensive insight into a relatively neglected period of history.
Michael Mulqueen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719080272
- eISBN:
- 9781781702734
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719080272.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On the afternoon of September 11 2001 the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach), Bertie Ahern ordered the ‘heads of the security services of key government departments’ to undertake a complete ...
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On the afternoon of September 11 2001 the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach), Bertie Ahern ordered the ‘heads of the security services of key government departments’ to undertake a complete re-evaluation of measures to protect the state from attack. Hence, underway within hours of the 9/11 outrage in the United States was potentially the most far-reaching review of Irish national security in decades. This book, an academic investigation of Irish national security policy as it has operated since 9/11, provides a theoretically informed analysis of that re-evaluation and the decisions that were taken as a consequence of it up until September 2008. In so doing, it draws on unprecedented access to Ireland's police, security and intelligence agencies; over twenty senior personnel agreed to be interviewed. Questions are raised over the effectiveness of the Irish agencies, the relative absence of naval and airborne defence and the impact on national security of the policy imperative to transform the Defence Forces, particularly the army, for more robust missions overseas. The book also considers the securitisation of Irish immigration policy and the apparent absence of a coherent integration policy despite international evidence suggesting the potential for radicalisation in socially marginalised western communities. Theoretically, the book demonstrates the utility to the analysis of national security policy of three conceptual models of historical institutionalism, governmental politics and threat evaluation.Less
On the afternoon of September 11 2001 the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach), Bertie Ahern ordered the ‘heads of the security services of key government departments’ to undertake a complete re-evaluation of measures to protect the state from attack. Hence, underway within hours of the 9/11 outrage in the United States was potentially the most far-reaching review of Irish national security in decades. This book, an academic investigation of Irish national security policy as it has operated since 9/11, provides a theoretically informed analysis of that re-evaluation and the decisions that were taken as a consequence of it up until September 2008. In so doing, it draws on unprecedented access to Ireland's police, security and intelligence agencies; over twenty senior personnel agreed to be interviewed. Questions are raised over the effectiveness of the Irish agencies, the relative absence of naval and airborne defence and the impact on national security of the policy imperative to transform the Defence Forces, particularly the army, for more robust missions overseas. The book also considers the securitisation of Irish immigration policy and the apparent absence of a coherent integration policy despite international evidence suggesting the potential for radicalisation in socially marginalised western communities. Theoretically, the book demonstrates the utility to the analysis of national security policy of three conceptual models of historical institutionalism, governmental politics and threat evaluation.
Graeme Gill and Roger D. Markwick
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240418
- eISBN:
- 9780191599347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240418.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
On achieving power, Gorbachev initially sought to introduce a range of political and economic measures that would remedy the system's problems without fundamentally changing its structure. However, ...
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On achieving power, Gorbachev initially sought to introduce a range of political and economic measures that would remedy the system's problems without fundamentally changing its structure. However, this process of reform became radicalized in the second half of 1986. The notions of perestroika, glasnost and democratisation signalled the attempted liberalization of political life. This radicalization of the programme provoked more determined resistance on the part of conservative opponents, which in turn stimulated further radicalization of the measures Gorbachev sought to introduce. This dynamic led to the adoption at the XIX Conference of the Communist Party in mid‐1988 of measures designed to revolutionize the political system. The programme of liberal reform had become a programme of systemic transformation, which paradoxically undercut the authority of the party and unleashed new political forces.Less
On achieving power, Gorbachev initially sought to introduce a range of political and economic measures that would remedy the system's problems without fundamentally changing its structure. However, this process of reform became radicalized in the second half of 1986. The notions of perestroika, glasnost and democratisation signalled the attempted liberalization of political life. This radicalization of the programme provoked more determined resistance on the part of conservative opponents, which in turn stimulated further radicalization of the measures Gorbachev sought to introduce. This dynamic led to the adoption at the XIX Conference of the Communist Party in mid‐1988 of measures designed to revolutionize the political system. The programme of liberal reform had become a programme of systemic transformation, which paradoxically undercut the authority of the party and unleashed new political forces.
Ariane Chebel d’Appollonia
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450686
- eISBN:
- 9780801463914
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
On both sides of the Atlantic, restrictive immigration policies have been framed as security imperatives since the 1990s. This trend accelerated in the aftermath of 9/11 and subsequent terrorist ...
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On both sides of the Atlantic, restrictive immigration policies have been framed as security imperatives since the 1990s. This trend accelerated in the aftermath of 9/11 and subsequent terrorist attacks in Europe. This book raises two central questions with profound consequences for national security and immigration policy: First, does the securitization of immigration issues actually contribute to the enhancement of internal security? Second, does the use of counterterrorism measures address such immigration issues as the increasing number of illegal immigrants, the resilience of ethnic tensions, and the emergence of home-grown radicalization? This book questions the main assumptions that inform political agendas in the United States and throughout Europe, analyzing implementation and evaluating the effectiveness of policies in terms of their stated objectives. It argues that the new security-based immigration regime has proven ineffective in achieving its prescribed goals and even aggravated the problems it was supposed to solve: A security/insecurity cycle has been created that results in less security and less democracy. The excesses of securitization have harmed both immigration and counterterrorist policies and seriously damaged the delicate balance between security and respect for civil liberties.Less
On both sides of the Atlantic, restrictive immigration policies have been framed as security imperatives since the 1990s. This trend accelerated in the aftermath of 9/11 and subsequent terrorist attacks in Europe. This book raises two central questions with profound consequences for national security and immigration policy: First, does the securitization of immigration issues actually contribute to the enhancement of internal security? Second, does the use of counterterrorism measures address such immigration issues as the increasing number of illegal immigrants, the resilience of ethnic tensions, and the emergence of home-grown radicalization? This book questions the main assumptions that inform political agendas in the United States and throughout Europe, analyzing implementation and evaluating the effectiveness of policies in terms of their stated objectives. It argues that the new security-based immigration regime has proven ineffective in achieving its prescribed goals and even aggravated the problems it was supposed to solve: A security/insecurity cycle has been created that results in less security and less democracy. The excesses of securitization have harmed both immigration and counterterrorist policies and seriously damaged the delicate balance between security and respect for civil liberties.
Alison Sharrock
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277125
- eISBN:
- 9780191684159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277125.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter discusses the essence and scope of political radicalization of the Arab minority in Israel. Arab politics is divided between ...
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This concluding chapter discusses the essence and scope of political radicalization of the Arab minority in Israel. Arab politics is divided between extremists and moderates. In general, the moderates consider full equality as a worthwhile and achievable objective while the extremists continuously debate their attitudes towards the state and its majority. The extremists are more organized and more popular in their constituency than the moderates. This chapter also outlines a possible course of the radicalization and suggests ways of coping with it.Less
This concluding chapter discusses the essence and scope of political radicalization of the Arab minority in Israel. Arab politics is divided between extremists and moderates. In general, the moderates consider full equality as a worthwhile and achievable objective while the extremists continuously debate their attitudes towards the state and its majority. The extremists are more organized and more popular in their constituency than the moderates. This chapter also outlines a possible course of the radicalization and suggests ways of coping with it.
Christopher Baker-Beall
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719091063
- eISBN:
- 9781526115294
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091063.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book is about the language of the European Union’s response to the threat of terrorism: the ‘fight against terrorism’. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September ...
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This book is about the language of the European Union’s response to the threat of terrorism: the ‘fight against terrorism’. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the ‘fight against terrorism’ has come to represent a priority area of action for the European Union (EU). Drawing on interpretive approaches to International Relations, the author outlines a discourse theory of identity and counter-terrorism policy in order to explore the ways in which the EU’s counter-terrorism discourse has been constructed and the ways in which it functions. Importantly, the author shows how the ‘fight against terrorism’ structures the EU response to terrorism through the prism of identity, drawing our attention to the various ‘others’ that have come to form the target of EU counter-terrorism policy. Through an extensive analysis of the wider societal impact of the EU’s ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse, the author reveals the various ways in which EU counter-terrorism policy is contributing to the ‘securitisation’ of social and political life within Europe.Less
This book is about the language of the European Union’s response to the threat of terrorism: the ‘fight against terrorism’. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the ‘fight against terrorism’ has come to represent a priority area of action for the European Union (EU). Drawing on interpretive approaches to International Relations, the author outlines a discourse theory of identity and counter-terrorism policy in order to explore the ways in which the EU’s counter-terrorism discourse has been constructed and the ways in which it functions. Importantly, the author shows how the ‘fight against terrorism’ structures the EU response to terrorism through the prism of identity, drawing our attention to the various ‘others’ that have come to form the target of EU counter-terrorism policy. Through an extensive analysis of the wider societal impact of the EU’s ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse, the author reveals the various ways in which EU counter-terrorism policy is contributing to the ‘securitisation’ of social and political life within Europe.
Gary R. Bunt
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469643168
- eISBN:
- 9781469643182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469643168.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
An overview of the themes in Hashtag Islam, discussing some of the inspiration in its writing and responses to changes in discourse about cyber-Islamic environments.
An overview of the themes in Hashtag Islam, discussing some of the inspiration in its writing and responses to changes in discourse about cyber-Islamic environments.
Sonia Alonso
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199691579
- eISBN:
- 9780191741234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199691579.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This chapter analyses the strategic reaction of peripheral parties in response to the state parties’ pro-periphery moves. The chapter discusses under what conditions the peripheral parties’ ...
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This chapter analyses the strategic reaction of peripheral parties in response to the state parties’ pro-periphery moves. The chapter discusses under what conditions the peripheral parties’ strategies were effective, stopping or even reversing their losses to state parties. The chapter uses survey data to explore the effect that political parties’ strategies had on their electoral weight among the different constituencies along the centre–periphery dimension. The results show that being simultaneously present among the centrist and the extreme pro-periphery voters was nearly an impossible task. Peripheral parties had to choose whether to concentrate their efforts among one or the other constituency and in the presence of state parties’ pro-periphery strategies a majority opted for growing among pro-periphery voters. Finally, in the years of devolution reforms or (partial) implementation of peripheral parties’ demands all state parties benefited by increasing their credibility among the pro-periphery voters, even the state parties with a most centralist trajectory.Less
This chapter analyses the strategic reaction of peripheral parties in response to the state parties’ pro-periphery moves. The chapter discusses under what conditions the peripheral parties’ strategies were effective, stopping or even reversing their losses to state parties. The chapter uses survey data to explore the effect that political parties’ strategies had on their electoral weight among the different constituencies along the centre–periphery dimension. The results show that being simultaneously present among the centrist and the extreme pro-periphery voters was nearly an impossible task. Peripheral parties had to choose whether to concentrate their efforts among one or the other constituency and in the presence of state parties’ pro-periphery strategies a majority opted for growing among pro-periphery voters. Finally, in the years of devolution reforms or (partial) implementation of peripheral parties’ demands all state parties benefited by increasing their credibility among the pro-periphery voters, even the state parties with a most centralist trajectory.
Eitan Y. Alimi, Chares Demetriou, and Lorenzo Bosi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199937707
- eISBN:
- 9780190236601
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199937707.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Social Movements and Social Change
The chapter engages in a systematic comparison of the three episodes of radicalization featured centrally in the book, that of the Red Brigades, EOKA, and al-Qaeda. While earlier chapters analyzed ...
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The chapter engages in a systematic comparison of the three episodes of radicalization featured centrally in the book, that of the Red Brigades, EOKA, and al-Qaeda. While earlier chapters analyzed these episodes and showed that commonalities run through them by way of the same set of relational mechanisms, this chapter treats these mechanisms as entry points for the analysis of dissimilarity. Four aspects of dissimilarity are analyzed: (1) particularities of radicalization—differences in the underlying sub-mechanisms that variously constitute the relational mechanisms, (2) modalities of radicalization—differences in the relative weight of each relational mechanism in a given episode, (3) varieties of radicalization—differences in the particular sequence of how mechanisms combine in driving radicalization forward, and (4) degrees of radicalization—differences in the severity and lethality of political violence employed. The generalizability of these dissimilarities is assessed by drawing parallels with other episodes of radicalization, including the Weather Underground, the Insurrectional Anarchists, and the Provisional IRA.Less
The chapter engages in a systematic comparison of the three episodes of radicalization featured centrally in the book, that of the Red Brigades, EOKA, and al-Qaeda. While earlier chapters analyzed these episodes and showed that commonalities run through them by way of the same set of relational mechanisms, this chapter treats these mechanisms as entry points for the analysis of dissimilarity. Four aspects of dissimilarity are analyzed: (1) particularities of radicalization—differences in the underlying sub-mechanisms that variously constitute the relational mechanisms, (2) modalities of radicalization—differences in the relative weight of each relational mechanism in a given episode, (3) varieties of radicalization—differences in the particular sequence of how mechanisms combine in driving radicalization forward, and (4) degrees of radicalization—differences in the severity and lethality of political violence employed. The generalizability of these dissimilarities is assessed by drawing parallels with other episodes of radicalization, including the Weather Underground, the Insurrectional Anarchists, and the Provisional IRA.
Eitan Y. Alimi, Chares Demetriou, and Lorenzo Bosi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199937707
- eISBN:
- 9780190236601
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199937707.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Social Movements and Social Change
The chapter brings together the four main agendas of the book: conceptualizing radicalization as a process involving a shift from predominantly nonviolent forms of contention on the part of a ...
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The chapter brings together the four main agendas of the book: conceptualizing radicalization as a process involving a shift from predominantly nonviolent forms of contention on the part of a movement organization to predominantly violent ones; theorizing radicalization as a process driven most centrally by relational dynamics; researching radicalization through a mechanism-based strategy of process tracing; and, comparing radicalization in a way that maintain a balance between similarities and dissimilarities across episodes of contention. In discussing each agenda, the chapter elaborates on scholarly influences on our work, how the book expands on these influences, and the analytical and theoretical contributions offered in the book.Less
The chapter brings together the four main agendas of the book: conceptualizing radicalization as a process involving a shift from predominantly nonviolent forms of contention on the part of a movement organization to predominantly violent ones; theorizing radicalization as a process driven most centrally by relational dynamics; researching radicalization through a mechanism-based strategy of process tracing; and, comparing radicalization in a way that maintain a balance between similarities and dissimilarities across episodes of contention. In discussing each agenda, the chapter elaborates on scholarly influences on our work, how the book expands on these influences, and the analytical and theoretical contributions offered in the book.
Mia Bloom
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780801453885
- eISBN:
- 9781501709425
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453885.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Using child operatives provides terrorist organizations with the element of surprise. Small Arms assesses the growing phenomenon of children’s involvement in terrorist organizations. The book ...
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Using child operatives provides terrorist organizations with the element of surprise. Small Arms assesses the growing phenomenon of children’s involvement in terrorist organizations. The book analyses the different mechanisms for children’s mobilization, contrasts children in terrorist movements with child and discusses the impact that this tactic has on the militarized children. The book explores in details ISIS Cubs of the Caliphate and shows how children are both victims and victimizers.Less
Using child operatives provides terrorist organizations with the element of surprise. Small Arms assesses the growing phenomenon of children’s involvement in terrorist organizations. The book analyses the different mechanisms for children’s mobilization, contrasts children in terrorist movements with child and discusses the impact that this tactic has on the militarized children. The book explores in details ISIS Cubs of the Caliphate and shows how children are both victims and victimizers.
Tahir Abbas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190083410
- eISBN:
- 9780190099657
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190083410.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
The final chapter returns to the core themes of this book-Islamophobia and radicalization-to suggest some possible ways forward in breaking down the formidable cycle of hate, intolerance and cruelty. ...
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The final chapter returns to the core themes of this book-Islamophobia and radicalization-to suggest some possible ways forward in breaking down the formidable cycle of hate, intolerance and cruelty. This concluding chapter summarizes the primary messages of this book, which have concentrated on establishing the sociological, political and ideological associations between two important concepts in the current period–Islamophobia and radicalization. The main contribution of this book has been to outline how they are interrelated but also mutually reinforcing due the interaction of global, national and local forces. In this process, the nature of Muslimness is being molded by the state, which seeks to create a moderate Muslim amenable to the idea of an identity based on ‘values’. In an uncertain future, the only inevitability is change itself.Less
The final chapter returns to the core themes of this book-Islamophobia and radicalization-to suggest some possible ways forward in breaking down the formidable cycle of hate, intolerance and cruelty. This concluding chapter summarizes the primary messages of this book, which have concentrated on establishing the sociological, political and ideological associations between two important concepts in the current period–Islamophobia and radicalization. The main contribution of this book has been to outline how they are interrelated but also mutually reinforcing due the interaction of global, national and local forces. In this process, the nature of Muslimness is being molded by the state, which seeks to create a moderate Muslim amenable to the idea of an identity based on ‘values’. In an uncertain future, the only inevitability is change itself.
Katherine E. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- July 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190075699
- eISBN:
- 9780190075729
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190075699.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This volume offers a feminist critique of counter- and deradicalization programs, including those under the umbrella of “preventing and countering violent extremism.” Based on insights from five ...
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This volume offers a feminist critique of counter- and deradicalization programs, including those under the umbrella of “preventing and countering violent extremism.” Based on insights from five countries and examples from elsewhere, the book shows how, collectively, efforts rely on particular narratives of agency, security, and human rights. Putting gender at the center of the analysis reveals significant limitations in antiradicalization work—in construction, operation, and evaluation. First, these programs fail to explore or engage with how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process. As a result, they cannot successfully understand the personal drivers or the sociopolitical environment of these programs. Second, within the operations of these programs male radicalization is clearly and unreflectively linked to an excessive but flawed masculinity, while ideas about women’s radicalization depend on orientalist stereotypes about passivity and subjugation. Solutions for male deradicalization therefore hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, and deradicalizing women is seen as a rescue mission. Third, the impact of these programs derives from a racialized paternalist logic that justifies intervention in “ordinary lives” in the name of security, yet fails to deliver. There is a gendered differential in the impact of counter-radicalization measures. Although the rhetoric of countering terrorism is often couched in a narrative of “women’s rights” and “liberal values,” the book demonstrates that the consequences are often detrimental to these precepts. The book concludes by offering an alternative way of thinking about and implementing antiradicalization efforts, rooted in a feminist peace.Less
This volume offers a feminist critique of counter- and deradicalization programs, including those under the umbrella of “preventing and countering violent extremism.” Based on insights from five countries and examples from elsewhere, the book shows how, collectively, efforts rely on particular narratives of agency, security, and human rights. Putting gender at the center of the analysis reveals significant limitations in antiradicalization work—in construction, operation, and evaluation. First, these programs fail to explore or engage with how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process. As a result, they cannot successfully understand the personal drivers or the sociopolitical environment of these programs. Second, within the operations of these programs male radicalization is clearly and unreflectively linked to an excessive but flawed masculinity, while ideas about women’s radicalization depend on orientalist stereotypes about passivity and subjugation. Solutions for male deradicalization therefore hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, and deradicalizing women is seen as a rescue mission. Third, the impact of these programs derives from a racialized paternalist logic that justifies intervention in “ordinary lives” in the name of security, yet fails to deliver. There is a gendered differential in the impact of counter-radicalization measures. Although the rhetoric of countering terrorism is often couched in a narrative of “women’s rights” and “liberal values,” the book demonstrates that the consequences are often detrimental to these precepts. The book concludes by offering an alternative way of thinking about and implementing antiradicalization efforts, rooted in a feminist peace.
