Michael O. Emerson and George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199742684
- eISBN:
- 9780199943388
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742684.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to ...
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Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to combat racial division. The chapters document the historical move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of our society. They argue that both conservative and progressive approaches have failed, as they continually fall victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. They then explore group interest and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. They also look to multiracial congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports teams—all situations in which group interests have been overcome before. In each context they find the development of a core set of values that binds together different racial groups, along with the flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does not conflict with this critical core. The book offers what is at once a balanced approach towards dealing with racial alienation and a bold step forward in the debate about the steps necessary to overcome present-day racism.Less
Despite recent progress against racial inequalities, American society continues to produce attitudes and outcomes that reinforce the racial divide. This book offers a fresh perspective on how to combat racial division. The chapters document the historical move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of our society. They argue that both conservative and progressive approaches have failed, as they continually fall victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. They then explore group interest and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. They also look to multiracial congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports teams—all situations in which group interests have been overcome before. In each context they find the development of a core set of values that binds together different racial groups, along with the flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does not conflict with this critical core. The book offers what is at once a balanced approach towards dealing with racial alienation and a bold step forward in the debate about the steps necessary to overcome present-day racism.
Yancey George Allan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199735433
- eISBN:
- 9780199866267
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199735433.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book explores the racial climate on Protestant colleges and universities. It examines why these institutions succeed or fail to attract students of color and why students of color who attend ...
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This book explores the racial climate on Protestant colleges and universities. It examines why these institutions succeed or fail to attract students of color and why students of color who attend these institutions succeed or fail to graduate from them. Using a national online Internet survey of Protestant campuses, an online survey of students from selected campuses, and two national data sets (National Center for Education Statistics and Princeton Review’s Complete Book of Colleges), research showed what works and what does not work in promoting racial diversity on Protestant campuses. There is quantitative evidence for the efficacy of diversity courses, minority professors, and student-led multicultural organizations but less support for multicultural programs, antiracism programs, and financial aid support in the promotion of racial diversity. The qualitative findings in the book explore why some programs are more successful in promoting racial diversity. These findings can provide guidance for leaders of Protestant institutions of higher education who want to increase racial diversity on their campuses. Since Protestant campuses are less likely to be racially diverse than other campuses, understanding factors that help Protestant campuses overcome their tendency toward racial homogeneity can also help other educational institutions become more racially diverse. The book explores the generalizabilty of its findings to non-Protestant campuses.Less
This book explores the racial climate on Protestant colleges and universities. It examines why these institutions succeed or fail to attract students of color and why students of color who attend these institutions succeed or fail to graduate from them. Using a national online Internet survey of Protestant campuses, an online survey of students from selected campuses, and two national data sets (National Center for Education Statistics and Princeton Review’s Complete Book of Colleges), research showed what works and what does not work in promoting racial diversity on Protestant campuses. There is quantitative evidence for the efficacy of diversity courses, minority professors, and student-led multicultural organizations but less support for multicultural programs, antiracism programs, and financial aid support in the promotion of racial diversity. The qualitative findings in the book explore why some programs are more successful in promoting racial diversity. These findings can provide guidance for leaders of Protestant institutions of higher education who want to increase racial diversity on their campuses. Since Protestant campuses are less likely to be racially diverse than other campuses, understanding factors that help Protestant campuses overcome their tendency toward racial homogeneity can also help other educational institutions become more racially diverse. The book explores the generalizabilty of its findings to non-Protestant campuses.
Daisy L. Machado
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195152234
- eISBN:
- 9780199834426
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195152239.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The westward movement of people connected to the nineteenth‐century expansionism of the developing U.S. helped promote the growth and expansion of many of the mainline Protestant denominations that ...
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The westward movement of people connected to the nineteenth‐century expansionism of the developing U.S. helped promote the growth and expansion of many of the mainline Protestant denominations that traveled to the southwest borderlands of this country. Following the expanding western frontier, the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) entered what is today the state of Texas and came face to face with the Tejanos. Bringing Protestantism as a new element in the southwest borderlands of Texas, the Disciples of Christ also carried with them the Euro‐American ideologies and self‐definitions that would function at two levels. First, these would shape their relationship as English‐speaking Protestants with the Spanish‐speaking Roman Catholic Tejanos, and secondly, an ethos was created that would influence the Disciples’ ministry to the Mexican population. This shaping and influence were notable in the often racist and paternalistic missionary ideology of the Disciples throughout the late nineteenth century, into the twentieth century, and even to the present day. This is one slice of the religious history of the nineteenth‐century borderlands where the frontier ethos – with its manifest destiny ideology about a chosen race, a virgin land, divine providence, and democracy – prevented Protestantism from developing and maintaining helpful and empowering relationships with the Tejano‐Mexican community it encountered.Less
The westward movement of people connected to the nineteenth‐century expansionism of the developing U.S. helped promote the growth and expansion of many of the mainline Protestant denominations that traveled to the southwest borderlands of this country. Following the expanding western frontier, the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) entered what is today the state of Texas and came face to face with the Tejanos. Bringing Protestantism as a new element in the southwest borderlands of Texas, the Disciples of Christ also carried with them the Euro‐American ideologies and self‐definitions that would function at two levels. First, these would shape their relationship as English‐speaking Protestants with the Spanish‐speaking Roman Catholic Tejanos, and secondly, an ethos was created that would influence the Disciples’ ministry to the Mexican population. This shaping and influence were notable in the often racist and paternalistic missionary ideology of the Disciples throughout the late nineteenth century, into the twentieth century, and even to the present day. This is one slice of the religious history of the nineteenth‐century borderlands where the frontier ethos – with its manifest destiny ideology about a chosen race, a virgin land, divine providence, and democracy – prevented Protestantism from developing and maintaining helpful and empowering relationships with the Tejano‐Mexican community it encountered.
Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
When asked what is best or worst about Scotland, one minority places more emphasis on racism, the other on freedom, the friendliness of majority Scots, and the relatively low numbers of ethnic ...
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When asked what is best or worst about Scotland, one minority places more emphasis on racism, the other on freedom, the friendliness of majority Scots, and the relatively low numbers of ethnic minorities. English immigrants complain the most about Scottish bigotry and racism; ethnic Pakistanis strongly praise freedom and friendliness; and ethnic Pakistanis feel alienated by high concentrations of minorities.Less
When asked what is best or worst about Scotland, one minority places more emphasis on racism, the other on freedom, the friendliness of majority Scots, and the relatively low numbers of ethnic minorities. English immigrants complain the most about Scottish bigotry and racism; ethnic Pakistanis strongly praise freedom and friendliness; and ethnic Pakistanis feel alienated by high concentrations of minorities.
Stephen R. Haynes
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142792
- eISBN:
- 9780199834280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142799.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
The book's conclusion suggests that those who study the relationship of religion and racism must avoid the dual pitfalls of assuming that religious belief is irrelevant for comprehending contemporary ...
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The book's conclusion suggests that those who study the relationship of religion and racism must avoid the dual pitfalls of assuming that religious belief is irrelevant for comprehending contemporary social problems or assuming that religious traditions are intrinsically exclusivist.Less
The book's conclusion suggests that those who study the relationship of religion and racism must avoid the dual pitfalls of assuming that religious belief is irrelevant for comprehending contemporary social problems or assuming that religious traditions are intrinsically exclusivist.
Henry B. Wonham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195161946
- eISBN:
- 9780199788101
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161946.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
This book asks why so many of the writers who aligned themselves with the social and aesthetic aims of American literary realism apparently violated their most basic principles in relying on stock ...
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This book asks why so many of the writers who aligned themselves with the social and aesthetic aims of American literary realism apparently violated their most basic principles in relying on stock conventions of ethnic caricature in their treatment of immigrant and African American figures. As a self-described “tool of the democratic spirit”, designed to “prick the bubbles of abstract types” (William Dean Howells), literary realism would seem to have little in common with the aggressively dehumanizing comic imagery that began to proliferate in American magazines and newspapers after the Civil War. Indeed, Howells touted the democratic impulse of realist imagery, and Alain Locke hailed realism's potential to accomplish “the artistic emancipation of the Negro”. Yet in practice, Howells and his fellow realists regularly employed comic typification of ethnic subjects as a feature of their representational practice. Critics have generally dismissed such lapses in realist technique as vestiges of a genteel social consciousness that failed to keep pace with the movement's avowed democratic aspirations. Such explanations are useful to a point, but they overlook the fact that the age of realism in American art and letters was simultaneously the great age of ethnic caricature. This book argues that these two aesthetic programs, one committed to representation of the fully humanized individual, the other invested in broad ethnic abstractions, operate less as antithetical choices than as complementary impulses, both of which receive full play within the era's most demanding literary and graphic works.Less
This book asks why so many of the writers who aligned themselves with the social and aesthetic aims of American literary realism apparently violated their most basic principles in relying on stock conventions of ethnic caricature in their treatment of immigrant and African American figures. As a self-described “tool of the democratic spirit”, designed to “prick the bubbles of abstract types” (William Dean Howells), literary realism would seem to have little in common with the aggressively dehumanizing comic imagery that began to proliferate in American magazines and newspapers after the Civil War. Indeed, Howells touted the democratic impulse of realist imagery, and Alain Locke hailed realism's potential to accomplish “the artistic emancipation of the Negro”. Yet in practice, Howells and his fellow realists regularly employed comic typification of ethnic subjects as a feature of their representational practice. Critics have generally dismissed such lapses in realist technique as vestiges of a genteel social consciousness that failed to keep pace with the movement's avowed democratic aspirations. Such explanations are useful to a point, but they overlook the fact that the age of realism in American art and letters was simultaneously the great age of ethnic caricature. This book argues that these two aesthetic programs, one committed to representation of the fully humanized individual, the other invested in broad ethnic abstractions, operate less as antithetical choices than as complementary impulses, both of which receive full play within the era's most demanding literary and graphic works.
Sarah Florini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479892464
- eISBN:
- 9781479807185
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479892464.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that ...
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In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that simultaneously perpetuates and obscures racial inequality. Though the Ferguson protests made such Black digital networks more broadly visible, these networks did not coalesce in that moment. They were built over the course of years through much less spectacular, though no less important, everyday use, including mundane social exchanges, humor, and fandom. This book explores these everyday practices and their relationship to larger social issues through an in-depth analysis of a network of Black American digital media users and content creators. These digital networks are used not only to cope with and challenge day-to-day experiences of racism, but also as an incubator for the discourses that have since exploded onto the national stage. This book tells the story of an influential subsection of these Black digital networks, including many Black amateur podcasts, the independent media company This Week in Blackness (TWiB!), and the network of Twitter users that has come to be known as “Black Twitter.” Grounded in her active participation in this network and close ethnographic collaboration with TWiB!, Sarah Florini argues that the multimedia, transplatform nature of this network makes it a flexible resource that can then be deployed for a variety of purposes—culturally inflected fan practices, community building, cultural critique, and citizen journalism. Florini argues that these digital media practices are an extension of historic traditions of Black cultural production and resistance.Less
In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that simultaneously perpetuates and obscures racial inequality. Though the Ferguson protests made such Black digital networks more broadly visible, these networks did not coalesce in that moment. They were built over the course of years through much less spectacular, though no less important, everyday use, including mundane social exchanges, humor, and fandom. This book explores these everyday practices and their relationship to larger social issues through an in-depth analysis of a network of Black American digital media users and content creators. These digital networks are used not only to cope with and challenge day-to-day experiences of racism, but also as an incubator for the discourses that have since exploded onto the national stage. This book tells the story of an influential subsection of these Black digital networks, including many Black amateur podcasts, the independent media company This Week in Blackness (TWiB!), and the network of Twitter users that has come to be known as “Black Twitter.” Grounded in her active participation in this network and close ethnographic collaboration with TWiB!, Sarah Florini argues that the multimedia, transplatform nature of this network makes it a flexible resource that can then be deployed for a variety of purposes—culturally inflected fan practices, community building, cultural critique, and citizen journalism. Florini argues that these digital media practices are an extension of historic traditions of Black cultural production and resistance.
Sarah Azaransky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199744817
- eISBN:
- 9780199897308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744817.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith ...
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Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith in an American democracy that is partially present and yet to come. In the 1940s Murray was in the vanguard of black activists to use nonviolent direct action. A decade before the Montgomery bus boycott, Murray organized sit-ins of segregated restaurants in Washington D.C. and was arrested for sitting in the front section of a bus in Virginia. Murray pioneered the category Jane Crow to describe discrimination she experienced as a result of racism and sexism. She used Jane Crow in the 1960s to expand equal protection provisions for African American women. A co-founder of the National Organization of Women, Murray insisted on the interrelation of all human rights. Her professional and personal relationships included major figures in the ongoing struggle for civil rights for all Americans, including Thurgood Marshall and Eleanor Roosevelt. In seminary in the 1970s, Murray developed a black feminist critique of emerging black male and white feminist theologies. After becoming the first African American woman Episcopal priest in 1977, Murray emphasized the particularity of African American women's experiences, while proclaiming a universal message of salvation. This book examines Murray's substantial body of published writings as well personal letters, journals, and unpublished manuscripts. The book traces the development of Murray's thought over fifty years, ranging from her theologically rich democratic criticism of the 1930s to her democratically inflected sermons of the 1980s.Less
Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith in an American democracy that is partially present and yet to come. In the 1940s Murray was in the vanguard of black activists to use nonviolent direct action. A decade before the Montgomery bus boycott, Murray organized sit-ins of segregated restaurants in Washington D.C. and was arrested for sitting in the front section of a bus in Virginia. Murray pioneered the category Jane Crow to describe discrimination she experienced as a result of racism and sexism. She used Jane Crow in the 1960s to expand equal protection provisions for African American women. A co-founder of the National Organization of Women, Murray insisted on the interrelation of all human rights. Her professional and personal relationships included major figures in the ongoing struggle for civil rights for all Americans, including Thurgood Marshall and Eleanor Roosevelt. In seminary in the 1970s, Murray developed a black feminist critique of emerging black male and white feminist theologies. After becoming the first African American woman Episcopal priest in 1977, Murray emphasized the particularity of African American women's experiences, while proclaiming a universal message of salvation. This book examines Murray's substantial body of published writings as well personal letters, journals, and unpublished manuscripts. The book traces the development of Murray's thought over fifty years, ranging from her theologically rich democratic criticism of the 1930s to her democratically inflected sermons of the 1980s.
Peter R. Gathje
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195167979
- eISBN:
- 9780199784981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019516797X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This chapter discusses two strategies that have proven to be helpful in building trust and creating a transformative understanding of African American religions in relation to resistance to racism. ...
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This chapter discusses two strategies that have proven to be helpful in building trust and creating a transformative understanding of African American religions in relation to resistance to racism. The first strategy helps students to see diversity within African American religion (and thus also the African American experience) by providing methods for analysing arguments, persons, and events from the history of African American religions. The second strategy helps students see how their own experiences and perspectives on racism are related to racism in the United States. Used together, these strategies can empower students in their analysis of racism and the variety of ways African American religions have resisted racism. This, in turn, may help students to consider their own relationship to racism and their resistance to it.Less
This chapter discusses two strategies that have proven to be helpful in building trust and creating a transformative understanding of African American religions in relation to resistance to racism. The first strategy helps students to see diversity within African American religion (and thus also the African American experience) by providing methods for analysing arguments, persons, and events from the history of African American religions. The second strategy helps students see how their own experiences and perspectives on racism are related to racism in the United States. Used together, these strategies can empower students in their analysis of racism and the variety of ways African American religions have resisted racism. This, in turn, may help students to consider their own relationship to racism and their resistance to it.
Donald W. Shriver
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather ...
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The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.Less
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.
Margaret D. Kamitsuka
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195311624
- eISBN:
- 9780199785643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195311624.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Feminist theology, with relatively new institutional standing within the field of Christian theology, has become divided and enriched (from it's white feminist author's perspective) by difference — ...
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Feminist theology, with relatively new institutional standing within the field of Christian theology, has become divided and enriched (from it's white feminist author's perspective) by difference — especially in light of womanist, mujerista, lesbian, two-thirds-world, and other self-named women's theologies. This chapter introduces the challenge of difference by examining one of the most historically central yet hotly contested feminist methodological themes today — the appeal to women's experience. This is followed by a discussion of two markers of difference (and sites of privilege) that will be an ongoing focus: race and sexuality. Illustrations are given of how white racial privilege and heterosexist privilege can manifest even in contexts of collegial feminist theological dialogue.Less
Feminist theology, with relatively new institutional standing within the field of Christian theology, has become divided and enriched (from it's white feminist author's perspective) by difference — especially in light of womanist, mujerista, lesbian, two-thirds-world, and other self-named women's theologies. This chapter introduces the challenge of difference by examining one of the most historically central yet hotly contested feminist methodological themes today — the appeal to women's experience. This is followed by a discussion of two markers of difference (and sites of privilege) that will be an ongoing focus: race and sexuality. Illustrations are given of how white racial privilege and heterosexist privilege can manifest even in contexts of collegial feminist theological dialogue.
Donald W. Shriver, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Foreigners still wonder if Germans can really be trusted to remember the evils of Nazism. This chapter documents the array of public measures which the country has taken in the past 60 years to ...
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Foreigners still wonder if Germans can really be trusted to remember the evils of Nazism. This chapter documents the array of public measures which the country has taken in the past 60 years to educate its upcoming generations of citizens about those evils, with the hope, “Never again”. Documented here are the Holocaust memorials, anniversaries, museums, and school texts that have qualified Germany now as having established a “culture of memory” with few equals elsewhere in the world.Less
Foreigners still wonder if Germans can really be trusted to remember the evils of Nazism. This chapter documents the array of public measures which the country has taken in the past 60 years to educate its upcoming generations of citizens about those evils, with the hope, “Never again”. Documented here are the Holocaust memorials, anniversaries, museums, and school texts that have qualified Germany now as having established a “culture of memory” with few equals elsewhere in the world.
Donald W. Shriver, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
South Africa is credited with having achieved one of the great historical non-violent transitions from oppression to democracy. In the 10 years after 1994, its citizens and government have enacted ...
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South Africa is credited with having achieved one of the great historical non-violent transitions from oppression to democracy. In the 10 years after 1994, its citizens and government have enacted several measures for ensuring that future generations will neither forget the apartheid past nor ever repeat it: new laws, a new constitution, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, museums, liberation anniversaries, and public memorials to human suffering in the past. This chapter pays special attention to the TRC of 1995-98 and lessons to be learned from its work by other countries.Less
South Africa is credited with having achieved one of the great historical non-violent transitions from oppression to democracy. In the 10 years after 1994, its citizens and government have enacted several measures for ensuring that future generations will neither forget the apartheid past nor ever repeat it: new laws, a new constitution, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, museums, liberation anniversaries, and public memorials to human suffering in the past. This chapter pays special attention to the TRC of 1995-98 and lessons to be learned from its work by other countries.
Donald W. Shriver, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Americans live in a culture resistant to much talk about the evils in their past; they prefer to think about the future. But like the descendants of victims of evil in Germany and South Africa, some ...
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Americans live in a culture resistant to much talk about the evils in their past; they prefer to think about the future. But like the descendants of victims of evil in Germany and South Africa, some living Americans are not about to forget the evil past. Prominent among them are African Americans. This chapter explores the stubborn persistence of racism in America, the work of a growing number of citizens to remember the pains of racism past and present, and to express that memory in public ways. Local illustrations of public repentance include Richmond, Virginia; Rosewood, Florida; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Salem, Oregon; and Selma, Alabama. After a “tour” of high school history books of 1960-2000, the chapter ends with some summary answers to the question, “Can the past be repaired?” as well as arguments for and against reparations for slavery.Less
Americans live in a culture resistant to much talk about the evils in their past; they prefer to think about the future. But like the descendants of victims of evil in Germany and South Africa, some living Americans are not about to forget the evil past. Prominent among them are African Americans. This chapter explores the stubborn persistence of racism in America, the work of a growing number of citizens to remember the pains of racism past and present, and to express that memory in public ways. Local illustrations of public repentance include Richmond, Virginia; Rosewood, Florida; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Salem, Oregon; and Selma, Alabama. After a “tour” of high school history books of 1960-2000, the chapter ends with some summary answers to the question, “Can the past be repaired?” as well as arguments for and against reparations for slavery.
Donald W. Shriver, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
So many “Indians” died in the onslaughts of European colonization, so many were diverted to reservations, and so little attention is paid Indian history in public schools that Americans generally are ...
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So many “Indians” died in the onslaughts of European colonization, so many were diverted to reservations, and so little attention is paid Indian history in public schools that Americans generally are profoundly ignorant of who Indians were and are. This chapter documents some hopeful changes in this public cultural ignorance during the past thirty years: museums, films, history writing, high school history teaching, apologies, reparations, and memorials that promise some increase in public acknowledgment of the Indian claim, “We were here, and we still are here”. The author describes his own pilgrimage of learning about the original Powhatan nation of his native Virginia and the Mohicans of New York. The chapter ends with a survey of legal changes that have accorded new political power to members of the 550 surviving Indian nations, along with continuing legal and ethical tensions in the relation of two million Indians to the rest of the country.Less
So many “Indians” died in the onslaughts of European colonization, so many were diverted to reservations, and so little attention is paid Indian history in public schools that Americans generally are profoundly ignorant of who Indians were and are. This chapter documents some hopeful changes in this public cultural ignorance during the past thirty years: museums, films, history writing, high school history teaching, apologies, reparations, and memorials that promise some increase in public acknowledgment of the Indian claim, “We were here, and we still are here”. The author describes his own pilgrimage of learning about the original Powhatan nation of his native Virginia and the Mohicans of New York. The chapter ends with a survey of legal changes that have accorded new political power to members of the 550 surviving Indian nations, along with continuing legal and ethical tensions in the relation of two million Indians to the rest of the country.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 9 challenges the official republican account of civic solidarity. It first suggests that the demands of cultural integration are too burdensome on immigrants who already suffer from ...
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Chapter 9 challenges the official republican account of civic solidarity. It first suggests that the demands of cultural integration are too burdensome on immigrants who already suffer from socio-economic exclusion. It then denounces the invisible yet ubiquitous ethnicisation of social relations that is both tolerated and generated by the apparently ‘ethnic-blind’ discourse of integration. Finally, it shows that the assertion of Muslim identities in the public sphere is symptomatic either of defiant disaffiliation from the republic, or of a claim of ‘integration without assimilation’. The appropriate response in both cases is not the re-assertion of an archaic and ethnocentric model of national integration but, rather, the implementation of tougher anti-discrimination policies and the positive recognition of ethno-cultural differences in the public sphere.Less
Chapter 9 challenges the official republican account of civic solidarity. It first suggests that the demands of cultural integration are too burdensome on immigrants who already suffer from socio-economic exclusion. It then denounces the invisible yet ubiquitous ethnicisation of social relations that is both tolerated and generated by the apparently ‘ethnic-blind’ discourse of integration. Finally, it shows that the assertion of Muslim identities in the public sphere is symptomatic either of defiant disaffiliation from the republic, or of a claim of ‘integration without assimilation’. The appropriate response in both cases is not the re-assertion of an archaic and ethnocentric model of national integration but, rather, the implementation of tougher anti-discrimination policies and the positive recognition of ethno-cultural differences in the public sphere.
Aldo Panfichi
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Explores the emergence and success of President Alberto Fujimori as the dominant political figure in Peru during the first half of the 1990s. It is particularly concerned with explaining the support ...
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Explores the emergence and success of President Alberto Fujimori as the dominant political figure in Peru during the first half of the 1990s. It is particularly concerned with explaining the support of a broad sector of the urban population of Lima for an authoritarian, personalistic leader. It attributes Fujimori's rise and success to the conjunction of three factors in a specific historical moment: (1) the dramatic worsening of a long‐term economic crisis and consequent generalized sense of insecurity and despair; (2) the discrediting of democratic institutions and the whole range of established political parties across the ideological spectrum combined with the indiscriminate violence of guerilla insurgents; and (3) the emergence of personalistic and authoritarian leaders from social sectors marginal to the political system who offer hope for a better future. Fujimori's background as an unknown Peruvian of Japanese descent and his ability to use his ‘outsider’ status to articulate a symbolic connection with the Peruvian popular classes and a critique of the political establishment were crucial to his political and electoral success.Less
Explores the emergence and success of President Alberto Fujimori as the dominant political figure in Peru during the first half of the 1990s. It is particularly concerned with explaining the support of a broad sector of the urban population of Lima for an authoritarian, personalistic leader. It attributes Fujimori's rise and success to the conjunction of three factors in a specific historical moment: (1) the dramatic worsening of a long‐term economic crisis and consequent generalized sense of insecurity and despair; (2) the discrediting of democratic institutions and the whole range of established political parties across the ideological spectrum combined with the indiscriminate violence of guerilla insurgents; and (3) the emergence of personalistic and authoritarian leaders from social sectors marginal to the political system who offer hope for a better future. Fujimori's background as an unknown Peruvian of Japanese descent and his ability to use his ‘outsider’ status to articulate a symbolic connection with the Peruvian popular classes and a critique of the political establishment were crucial to his political and electoral success.
Michael Banton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280613
- eISBN:
- 9780191598760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280610.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In 1965, many governments associated racial discrimination with a particular phase of European thought, with the imperialism of European powers, and with practices in the USA. Yet the Convention ...
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In 1965, many governments associated racial discrimination with a particular phase of European thought, with the imperialism of European powers, and with practices in the USA. Yet the Convention represented it as a universal problem. From its first meeting in 1970, CERD, the body established to examine state reports, had to work out the implications for states in different regions of their acceptance of its obligations. The relations between relevant groups in Europe, Africa, America, and Asia at this time are described.Less
In 1965, many governments associated racial discrimination with a particular phase of European thought, with the imperialism of European powers, and with practices in the USA. Yet the Convention represented it as a universal problem. From its first meeting in 1970, CERD, the body established to examine state reports, had to work out the implications for states in different regions of their acceptance of its obligations. The relations between relevant groups in Europe, Africa, America, and Asia at this time are described.
Michael Banton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280613
- eISBN:
- 9780191598760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280610.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
With the election of new members in 1988 and with changes in external circumstances, CERD was able to take positive steps to improve its working methods and to agree that it would issue ‘concluding ...
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With the election of new members in 1988 and with changes in external circumstances, CERD was able to take positive steps to improve its working methods and to agree that it would issue ‘concluding observations’ expressing a collective view. It introduced procedures for reviewing the implementation of the Convention in states that had not submitted reports and for taking urgent action in emergencies. Its procedure for issuing opinions on communications (or petitions) from individuals came into effect. Figures are provided on the use of CERD's time.Less
With the election of new members in 1988 and with changes in external circumstances, CERD was able to take positive steps to improve its working methods and to agree that it would issue ‘concluding observations’ expressing a collective view. It introduced procedures for reviewing the implementation of the Convention in states that had not submitted reports and for taking urgent action in emergencies. Its procedure for issuing opinions on communications (or petitions) from individuals came into effect. Figures are provided on the use of CERD's time.
José Medina
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199929023
- eISBN:
- 9780199301522
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929023.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
This book explores the epistemic side of oppression, focusing on racial and sexual oppression and their interconnections. It elucidates how social insensitivities and imposed silences prevent members ...
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This book explores the epistemic side of oppression, focusing on racial and sexual oppression and their interconnections. It elucidates how social insensitivities and imposed silences prevent members of different groups from interacting epistemically in fruitful ways—from listening to each other, learning from each other, and mutually enriching each other’s perspectives. Medina’s epistemology of resistance offers a contextualist theory of our complicity with epistemic injustices and a social connection model of shared responsibility for improving epistemic conditions of participation in social practices. Through the articulation of a new interactionism and polyphonic contextualism, the book develops a sustained argument about the role of the imagination in mediating social perceptions and interactions. It concludes that only through the cultivation of practices of resistance can we develop a social imagination that can help us become sensitive to the suffering of excluded and stigmatized subjects. Drawing on Feminist Standpoint Theory and Critical Race Theory, this book makes contributions to social epistemology and to recent discussions of testimonial and hermeneutical injustice, epistemic responsibility, counter-performativity, and solidarity in the fight against racism and sexism.Less
This book explores the epistemic side of oppression, focusing on racial and sexual oppression and their interconnections. It elucidates how social insensitivities and imposed silences prevent members of different groups from interacting epistemically in fruitful ways—from listening to each other, learning from each other, and mutually enriching each other’s perspectives. Medina’s epistemology of resistance offers a contextualist theory of our complicity with epistemic injustices and a social connection model of shared responsibility for improving epistemic conditions of participation in social practices. Through the articulation of a new interactionism and polyphonic contextualism, the book develops a sustained argument about the role of the imagination in mediating social perceptions and interactions. It concludes that only through the cultivation of practices of resistance can we develop a social imagination that can help us become sensitive to the suffering of excluded and stigmatized subjects. Drawing on Feminist Standpoint Theory and Critical Race Theory, this book makes contributions to social epistemology and to recent discussions of testimonial and hermeneutical injustice, epistemic responsibility, counter-performativity, and solidarity in the fight against racism and sexism.
