Jason Oliver Chang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040863
- eISBN:
- 9780252099359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter introduces the subject of the Chinese presence in Mexico through their distorted representation in a state museum. The history of Chinese Mexicans provides new ways to analyze the ...
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This chapter introduces the subject of the Chinese presence in Mexico through their distorted representation in a state museum. The history of Chinese Mexicans provides new ways to analyze the formation of mestizo national identity in Revolutionary Mexico. This chapter introduces the significance of the 1917 constitution by linking its legal definition of the government’s obligation to protect the population with the historical development of racial domination. The methodological approach of an Asian Americanist critique is explored to show why attention to the discursive and ideological construction of racialized Asian difference is important to conceptions of the Mexican national state. In showing the centrality of race in the Mexican governance, the chapter lays out a comparative racial formation approach that examines the role of anti-Chinese politics in the reformulation of citizenship, state power, and national identity after the 1910 revolution.Less
This chapter introduces the subject of the Chinese presence in Mexico through their distorted representation in a state museum. The history of Chinese Mexicans provides new ways to analyze the formation of mestizo national identity in Revolutionary Mexico. This chapter introduces the significance of the 1917 constitution by linking its legal definition of the government’s obligation to protect the population with the historical development of racial domination. The methodological approach of an Asian Americanist critique is explored to show why attention to the discursive and ideological construction of racialized Asian difference is important to conceptions of the Mexican national state. In showing the centrality of race in the Mexican governance, the chapter lays out a comparative racial formation approach that examines the role of anti-Chinese politics in the reformulation of citizenship, state power, and national identity after the 1910 revolution.
Jason Oliver Chang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040863
- eISBN:
- 9780252099359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter tells the history of Mexican colonization policy through the nineteenth century to provide a detailed context to understand the integration of Chinese immigration. Attention to national ...
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This chapter tells the history of Mexican colonization policy through the nineteenth century to provide a detailed context to understand the integration of Chinese immigration. Attention to national colonization reforms shows how racial ideology governed the relationship between land, indigenous people, and the state. With a large population and rich resources government officials blamed the lack of economic success on the racial inferiority of the majority indigenous population. When the political elites of Porfirio Diaz’s regime turned to Chinese immigration to address what they perceived as the republic’s racial deficiency they initiated a political drama that would shape the coming revolution in 1910 and deeply influence the reconstruction of the Mexican racial state. Because recruited Chinese labor was designed to alter the relationship between territory, Indians, and the government, racialized discourse about the Chinese reached right into the heart of Mexican politics.Less
This chapter tells the history of Mexican colonization policy through the nineteenth century to provide a detailed context to understand the integration of Chinese immigration. Attention to national colonization reforms shows how racial ideology governed the relationship between land, indigenous people, and the state. With a large population and rich resources government officials blamed the lack of economic success on the racial inferiority of the majority indigenous population. When the political elites of Porfirio Diaz’s regime turned to Chinese immigration to address what they perceived as the republic’s racial deficiency they initiated a political drama that would shape the coming revolution in 1910 and deeply influence the reconstruction of the Mexican racial state. Because recruited Chinese labor was designed to alter the relationship between territory, Indians, and the government, racialized discourse about the Chinese reached right into the heart of Mexican politics.
Jason Oliver Chang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040863
- eISBN:
- 9780252099359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter concludes the book by first reflecting on the legacy of antichinismo in Mexican culture by reflecting on the 1970s exhumation and relocation of hundreds of Chinese peoples’ graves in ...
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This chapter concludes the book by first reflecting on the legacy of antichinismo in Mexican culture by reflecting on the 1970s exhumation and relocation of hundreds of Chinese peoples’ graves in Mexicali, Baja California. The pervasive character of antichinismo in Mexican culture in the 1930s is traced through the substitute presidency of Ábelardo Rodríguez. Rodriguez gained national notoriety as a leading antichinista in his role as governor of Baja California. His presidency represents the ascendancy of antichinismo to an ideology of the mestizo racial state. This ideology is traced through the legal discourse and juridical formulations in Rodríguez’s policy platform. Antichinismo became a popular way to expand state power by appealing to the 1917 constitution’s social-rights mandate to protect the Mexican people. From bureaucratic reforms to a whole slate of policy areas including health, land, sex education, and nationality, antichinismo helped people define the public good. A lynching of three Chinese men in Villa Aldama is examined as an example of the racial violence inspired by state led Mexicanization. Antichinismo was strongest not when it expelled Chinese people from Mexican territory, but when it built consent for incorporation into the revolutionary government’s regimentation of economic, social, and sexual life. Antichinistas at various levels of government made mestizo nationalism a popular identity of state incorporation, one that traded social rights and state dependency for indigeneity and sovereignty. The chapter concludes by examining this process of race and state formation in Baja California during a period of agrarian unrest known as El Asalto a las Tierras in 1937 in which hundreds of Mexican people evicted thousands of Chinese farmers from lands in the Colorado River basin.Less
This chapter concludes the book by first reflecting on the legacy of antichinismo in Mexican culture by reflecting on the 1970s exhumation and relocation of hundreds of Chinese peoples’ graves in Mexicali, Baja California. The pervasive character of antichinismo in Mexican culture in the 1930s is traced through the substitute presidency of Ábelardo Rodríguez. Rodriguez gained national notoriety as a leading antichinista in his role as governor of Baja California. His presidency represents the ascendancy of antichinismo to an ideology of the mestizo racial state. This ideology is traced through the legal discourse and juridical formulations in Rodríguez’s policy platform. Antichinismo became a popular way to expand state power by appealing to the 1917 constitution’s social-rights mandate to protect the Mexican people. From bureaucratic reforms to a whole slate of policy areas including health, land, sex education, and nationality, antichinismo helped people define the public good. A lynching of three Chinese men in Villa Aldama is examined as an example of the racial violence inspired by state led Mexicanization. Antichinismo was strongest not when it expelled Chinese people from Mexican territory, but when it built consent for incorporation into the revolutionary government’s regimentation of economic, social, and sexual life. Antichinistas at various levels of government made mestizo nationalism a popular identity of state incorporation, one that traded social rights and state dependency for indigeneity and sovereignty. The chapter concludes by examining this process of race and state formation in Baja California during a period of agrarian unrest known as El Asalto a las Tierras in 1937 in which hundreds of Mexican people evicted thousands of Chinese farmers from lands in the Colorado River basin.
Ivan Evans
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079047
- eISBN:
- 9781781702208
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079047.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the ...
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This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the era of violence, but contrasts the lynch culture of the American South to the bureaucratic culture of violence in South Africa. By contrasting mobs of rope-wielding white Southerners to the gun-toting policemen and administrators who formally defended white supremacy in South Africa, the book employs racial killing as an optic for examining the distinctive logic of the racial state in the two contexts. Combining the historian's eye for detail with the sociologist's search for overarching claims, it explores the systemic connections amongst three substantive areas to explain why contrasting traditions of racial violence took such firm root in the American South and South Africa.Less
This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the era of violence, but contrasts the lynch culture of the American South to the bureaucratic culture of violence in South Africa. By contrasting mobs of rope-wielding white Southerners to the gun-toting policemen and administrators who formally defended white supremacy in South Africa, the book employs racial killing as an optic for examining the distinctive logic of the racial state in the two contexts. Combining the historian's eye for detail with the sociologist's search for overarching claims, it explores the systemic connections amongst three substantive areas to explain why contrasting traditions of racial violence took such firm root in the American South and South Africa.
Johann Chapoutot
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520275720
- eISBN:
- 9780520966154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520275720.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the reading of Plato offered by Nazism and consequently by a large part of the German academy in the 1930s and 1940s, which understood Plato as the philosopher of dictatorship ...
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This chapter discusses the reading of Plato offered by Nazism and consequently by a large part of the German academy in the 1930s and 1940s, which understood Plato as the philosopher of dictatorship and the racial state. Here, Plato and his theory of the three races, the tripartite state of philosopher-kings, soldiers, and producers, had become the Helleno-Nordic precursor to National Socialist racism and its conception of society. Moreover, between 1933 and 1945, Plato remained strongly linked to Sparta. A racist, eugenicist, military state, Sparta received Hitler's seal of approval for its biological selectionism as the first truly racist and Nordic state, a legitimate precursor to the Third Reich.Less
This chapter discusses the reading of Plato offered by Nazism and consequently by a large part of the German academy in the 1930s and 1940s, which understood Plato as the philosopher of dictatorship and the racial state. Here, Plato and his theory of the three races, the tripartite state of philosopher-kings, soldiers, and producers, had become the Helleno-Nordic precursor to National Socialist racism and its conception of society. Moreover, between 1933 and 1945, Plato remained strongly linked to Sparta. A racist, eugenicist, military state, Sparta received Hitler's seal of approval for its biological selectionism as the first truly racist and Nordic state, a legitimate precursor to the Third Reich.
Marion A. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195130928
- eISBN:
- 9780199854486
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195130928.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The book recounts the lives of Jews in Nazi Germany and delves into their day-to-day lives within their homes, amongst their families, and within their communities. The author traces the beginnings ...
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The book recounts the lives of Jews in Nazi Germany and delves into their day-to-day lives within their homes, amongst their families, and within their communities. The author traces the beginnings of Nazi oppression and examines the reasons why the Jews reacted in the manner that they did. Throughout the book, anecdotes and accounts gleaned from survivors and their personal correspondences are presented and analyzed. Part of the account deals with the daily lives of Jewish women and their history in Germany. The insights gleaned from this study reveal part of the reason why the Jews were perceived to be ambivalent or slow in realizing the dangers of Nazi oppression. The book balances the discussion with the inclusion of the experiences and consciousness of average Germans in the same period. The section ends with an overview of the Jewish community before 1933 and after the establishment of a racial state.Less
The book recounts the lives of Jews in Nazi Germany and delves into their day-to-day lives within their homes, amongst their families, and within their communities. The author traces the beginnings of Nazi oppression and examines the reasons why the Jews reacted in the manner that they did. Throughout the book, anecdotes and accounts gleaned from survivors and their personal correspondences are presented and analyzed. Part of the account deals with the daily lives of Jewish women and their history in Germany. The insights gleaned from this study reveal part of the reason why the Jews were perceived to be ambivalent or slow in realizing the dangers of Nazi oppression. The book balances the discussion with the inclusion of the experiences and consciousness of average Germans in the same period. The section ends with an overview of the Jewish community before 1933 and after the establishment of a racial state.
Andrea Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520273436
- eISBN:
- 9780520953765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520273436.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines the interrelationships among indigeneity, settler colonialism, and white supremacy within the context of Michael Omi and Howard Winant's concept of the racial state. It argues ...
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This chapter examines the interrelationships among indigeneity, settler colonialism, and white supremacy within the context of Michael Omi and Howard Winant's concept of the racial state. It argues that insufficient exchange between ethnic studies and Native studies prevents us from imagining an alternative to the racial state, and especially the development of a decolonization framework. It explains how the lack of attention to settler colonialism hinders the analysis of race and white supremacy developed by scholars who focus on race and racial formation. It also challenges the manner in which ethnic studies has formulated the study of race relations and how people-of-color organizing within the United States has formulated models for racial solidarity. Finally, it considers emerging intellectual and political projects that point to new directions in addressing the intersecting logics of white supremacy and settler colonialism.Less
This chapter examines the interrelationships among indigeneity, settler colonialism, and white supremacy within the context of Michael Omi and Howard Winant's concept of the racial state. It argues that insufficient exchange between ethnic studies and Native studies prevents us from imagining an alternative to the racial state, and especially the development of a decolonization framework. It explains how the lack of attention to settler colonialism hinders the analysis of race and white supremacy developed by scholars who focus on race and racial formation. It also challenges the manner in which ethnic studies has formulated the study of race relations and how people-of-color organizing within the United States has formulated models for racial solidarity. Finally, it considers emerging intellectual and political projects that point to new directions in addressing the intersecting logics of white supremacy and settler colonialism.
Jason Oliver Chang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040863
- eISBN:
- 9780252099359
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary ...
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This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary government and mestizo national identity. The imagined racial figure of Chinese men created a profound impact in Mexican society. The book employs an Asian Americanist critique to evaluate Mexico as a racial state to discuss the political function of antichinismo at various points of national crisis. After the revolution, the social rights mandate of the 1917 constitution created a new rationality for the legitimacy and authority of the national state – to care for the good of the indigenous population. This book shows how Mexican politics relied upon racism against Chinese people to create polemical notions of the public good that helped generate new relationships between the government and the governed. The book is divided chronologically to attend to three major phases of antichinismo: the disposable worker, the killable subject, and the pernicious defiler. Through discourses of Chinese racial difference, diverse Mexican actors created alternative visions of the nation and helped rework the relationships of rule and consent. A regional approach to telling this national story illustrates that people took up antichinismo for different reasons but coalesced through the state ideology of revolutionary government’s mestizo nationalism.Less
This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary government and mestizo national identity. The imagined racial figure of Chinese men created a profound impact in Mexican society. The book employs an Asian Americanist critique to evaluate Mexico as a racial state to discuss the political function of antichinismo at various points of national crisis. After the revolution, the social rights mandate of the 1917 constitution created a new rationality for the legitimacy and authority of the national state – to care for the good of the indigenous population. This book shows how Mexican politics relied upon racism against Chinese people to create polemical notions of the public good that helped generate new relationships between the government and the governed. The book is divided chronologically to attend to three major phases of antichinismo: the disposable worker, the killable subject, and the pernicious defiler. Through discourses of Chinese racial difference, diverse Mexican actors created alternative visions of the nation and helped rework the relationships of rule and consent. A regional approach to telling this national story illustrates that people took up antichinismo for different reasons but coalesced through the state ideology of revolutionary government’s mestizo nationalism.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226891767
- eISBN:
- 9780226891798
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226891798.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the political aspects of the participation of German geneticists in national and international conferences, explaining that Nazi officials provided these geneticists with the ...
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This chapter examines the political aspects of the participation of German geneticists in national and international conferences, explaining that Nazi officials provided these geneticists with the means to host and participate in conferences where they could publicly bestow their professional blessings on the “racial state.” It describes how prominent scientists such as Ernst Rüdin,, Eugen Fischer, and Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer bore the Nazi racial banner in these events and enhanced the prestige of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society for the Advancement of Science.Less
This chapter examines the political aspects of the participation of German geneticists in national and international conferences, explaining that Nazi officials provided these geneticists with the means to host and participate in conferences where they could publicly bestow their professional blessings on the “racial state.” It describes how prominent scientists such as Ernst Rüdin,, Eugen Fischer, and Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer bore the Nazi racial banner in these events and enhanced the prestige of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society for the Advancement of Science.
Susanne M. Klausen
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199844494
- eISBN:
- 9780190258122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199844494.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter explains that by the 1960s, Afrikaner nationalists were convinced white South Africa—supposedly a moral bastion on the so-called Dark Continent—was the target of a conspiracy. The enemy ...
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This chapter explains that by the 1960s, Afrikaner nationalists were convinced white South Africa—supposedly a moral bastion on the so-called Dark Continent—was the target of a conspiracy. The enemy was international communism that aimed to take over the country to secure its lucrative natural resources, a conviction that arose at a time when the cold war was raging and African anti-colonial movements across the continent were gaining ground. To Afrikaner nationalists, communists fomented immorality and “permissiveness” in order to weaken whites’ fortitude, paving the way for a communist takeover. Promiscuity, and abortion’s role in promoting it, was perceived as a serious threat to white survival because the traditional (patriarchal) family was a cornerstone of the racial state. During apartheid, the law dictated that sex could take place only between men and women of the same race, joined in marriage.Less
This chapter explains that by the 1960s, Afrikaner nationalists were convinced white South Africa—supposedly a moral bastion on the so-called Dark Continent—was the target of a conspiracy. The enemy was international communism that aimed to take over the country to secure its lucrative natural resources, a conviction that arose at a time when the cold war was raging and African anti-colonial movements across the continent were gaining ground. To Afrikaner nationalists, communists fomented immorality and “permissiveness” in order to weaken whites’ fortitude, paving the way for a communist takeover. Promiscuity, and abortion’s role in promoting it, was perceived as a serious threat to white survival because the traditional (patriarchal) family was a cornerstone of the racial state. During apartheid, the law dictated that sex could take place only between men and women of the same race, joined in marriage.
