Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of ...
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In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.Less
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.
Michael O. Emerson and George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199742684
- eISBN:
- 9780199943388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742684.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Proposed solutions to racial alienation are not in short supply. This chapter considers existing solutions and proposes new ones, categorized by a criterion that helps us better understand the ...
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Proposed solutions to racial alienation are not in short supply. This chapter considers existing solutions and proposes new ones, categorized by a criterion that helps us better understand the similarities and differences of proposed remedies. It uses this criterion to situate the different solutions whether majority- or minority-group members are perceived as having the greater obligation for correcting racial alienation in the United States. It first discusses the organization of the general model by which previous proposed solutions to racial alienation are evaluated and explains the various solutions found within the model. The chapter only focuses on those solutions that are based on the obligations of racial minorities. It starts with colorblindness—that is, advocating seeing people as individuals (regardless of their race), rather than seeing racial groups, and assuming racial discrimination is, at best, a weak factor in limiting people's opportunities. An important subset of the colorblindness paradigm is an idea known as “no victimhood.” The chapter also considers Anglo-conformity and minority entrepreneurial values.Less
Proposed solutions to racial alienation are not in short supply. This chapter considers existing solutions and proposes new ones, categorized by a criterion that helps us better understand the similarities and differences of proposed remedies. It uses this criterion to situate the different solutions whether majority- or minority-group members are perceived as having the greater obligation for correcting racial alienation in the United States. It first discusses the organization of the general model by which previous proposed solutions to racial alienation are evaluated and explains the various solutions found within the model. The chapter only focuses on those solutions that are based on the obligations of racial minorities. It starts with colorblindness—that is, advocating seeing people as individuals (regardless of their race), rather than seeing racial groups, and assuming racial discrimination is, at best, a weak factor in limiting people's opportunities. An important subset of the colorblindness paradigm is an idea known as “no victimhood.” The chapter also considers Anglo-conformity and minority entrepreneurial values.
George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199735433
- eISBN:
- 9780199866267
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199735433.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the attitudes of minority students of color who attend Protestant campuses. A significant percentage of such students have racial attitudes like those of majority group ...
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This chapter explores the attitudes of minority students of color who attend Protestant campuses. A significant percentage of such students have racial attitudes like those of majority group students. However, minority students who have not adopted such attitudes struggle with the racial atmosphere on Protestant campuses. I term the first group “assimilated” and the second group “racialized” racial minorities. Both assimilated and racialized students of color lack faith in the general diversity programs but for different reasons. Assimilated students of color find such programs ineffective because they may offend majority group students; racialized students of color perceive the unwillingness of majority group students to acknowledge continuing racial problems as the reason such programs fail. Like majority group students, students of color are also more likely to perceive professors of color and diversity courses to be more helpful than general diversity programs; however; they did not tie this perception to personally liking a particular professor. Students of color also valued student-led multicultural organizations but only if they perceived these organizations as uniting, instead of dividing, students of different races.Less
This chapter explores the attitudes of minority students of color who attend Protestant campuses. A significant percentage of such students have racial attitudes like those of majority group students. However, minority students who have not adopted such attitudes struggle with the racial atmosphere on Protestant campuses. I term the first group “assimilated” and the second group “racialized” racial minorities. Both assimilated and racialized students of color lack faith in the general diversity programs but for different reasons. Assimilated students of color find such programs ineffective because they may offend majority group students; racialized students of color perceive the unwillingness of majority group students to acknowledge continuing racial problems as the reason such programs fail. Like majority group students, students of color are also more likely to perceive professors of color and diversity courses to be more helpful than general diversity programs; however; they did not tie this perception to personally liking a particular professor. Students of color also valued student-led multicultural organizations but only if they perceived these organizations as uniting, instead of dividing, students of different races.
Jorge Delva, Paula Allen-Meares, and Sandra L. Momper
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195382501
- eISBN:
- 9780199777419
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382501.001.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Research and Evaluation
The purpose of the book is to provide researchers with a framework to conduct research in a culturally sensitive manner with individuals, families, and communities in diverse cultural settings in the ...
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The purpose of the book is to provide researchers with a framework to conduct research in a culturally sensitive manner with individuals, families, and communities in diverse cultural settings in the United States, as well as in a global context within the context of three aims: (1) To understand and describe the nature and extent to which a particular problem occurs; (2) To understand the etiology or potential factors associated with the occurrence of a particular problem; (3) To evaluate programs or interventions designed to ameliorate or eliminate a problem. For each of these three aims, applications of different research methods with various population groups are discussed with considerable detail. The work presented falls into different sides of the emic–etic continuum, with some studies taking a more emic perspective (i.e., Chapter 2, a mixed methods study with American Indian populations), others presenting more of an etic approach (i.e., Chapter 3, a multicountry study of drug use in Central America), and yet others presenting an emic–etic distinction that is less salient (i.e., Chapters 4–6, a longitudinal studies of ecological factors and drug use in Santiago, Chile; a longitudinal study of ecological factors and PTSD in the City of Detroit; and a randomized clinical trial and community-based participatory research project both also conducted in Detroit). Two central themes that guided this work are that culture is not static, rather it is fluid and changing, and that cross-cultural researchers should avoid making sweeping generalizations that risk taking on essentialist characteristics. The book concludes with a call for anyone conducting cross-cultural research to include an intersectionality lens, one that encompasses a broader range of multiple identities, into their work.Less
The purpose of the book is to provide researchers with a framework to conduct research in a culturally sensitive manner with individuals, families, and communities in diverse cultural settings in the United States, as well as in a global context within the context of three aims: (1) To understand and describe the nature and extent to which a particular problem occurs; (2) To understand the etiology or potential factors associated with the occurrence of a particular problem; (3) To evaluate programs or interventions designed to ameliorate or eliminate a problem. For each of these three aims, applications of different research methods with various population groups are discussed with considerable detail. The work presented falls into different sides of the emic–etic continuum, with some studies taking a more emic perspective (i.e., Chapter 2, a mixed methods study with American Indian populations), others presenting more of an etic approach (i.e., Chapter 3, a multicountry study of drug use in Central America), and yet others presenting an emic–etic distinction that is less salient (i.e., Chapters 4–6, a longitudinal studies of ecological factors and drug use in Santiago, Chile; a longitudinal study of ecological factors and PTSD in the City of Detroit; and a randomized clinical trial and community-based participatory research project both also conducted in Detroit). Two central themes that guided this work are that culture is not static, rather it is fluid and changing, and that cross-cultural researchers should avoid making sweeping generalizations that risk taking on essentialist characteristics. The book concludes with a call for anyone conducting cross-cultural research to include an intersectionality lens, one that encompasses a broader range of multiple identities, into their work.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter explores one important controversy bedeviling nonproportional, territorial-districting systems such as those that exist in the United States: the problem of racial minority vote ...
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This chapter explores one important controversy bedeviling nonproportional, territorial-districting systems such as those that exist in the United States: the problem of racial minority vote dilution. Vote dilution is indeed a serious political injustice, and consideration conception demonstrates why. In some circumstances, districting schemes diluting minority votes reflect and promote broader deliberative neglect of certain minority groups-that is, they reflect and promote failures of consideration. Recognizing these injustices does not commit one to supporting the proportional representation of groups in the legislature. The discussions of proportional representation and vote dilution together reveal that the fair representation of groups requires a variety of forms of consideration, and that there are few institutional means that will universally guarantee those forms of consideration in all political societies. These analyses also explain what is objectionable about partisan gerrymandering—that is, efforts to draw districts to favor a particular political party. Such efforts deny various forms of consideration to supporters of other parties.Less
This chapter explores one important controversy bedeviling nonproportional, territorial-districting systems such as those that exist in the United States: the problem of racial minority vote dilution. Vote dilution is indeed a serious political injustice, and consideration conception demonstrates why. In some circumstances, districting schemes diluting minority votes reflect and promote broader deliberative neglect of certain minority groups-that is, they reflect and promote failures of consideration. Recognizing these injustices does not commit one to supporting the proportional representation of groups in the legislature. The discussions of proportional representation and vote dilution together reveal that the fair representation of groups requires a variety of forms of consideration, and that there are few institutional means that will universally guarantee those forms of consideration in all political societies. These analyses also explain what is objectionable about partisan gerrymandering—that is, efforts to draw districts to favor a particular political party. Such efforts deny various forms of consideration to supporters of other parties.
Daniel Hurewitz
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520249257
- eISBN:
- 9780520941694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520249257.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Even as Edendale Communists elaborated and deepened their own sense of community and their own distinct politicized identity, they also become increasingly concerned with the identities of others. In ...
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Even as Edendale Communists elaborated and deepened their own sense of community and their own distinct politicized identity, they also become increasingly concerned with the identities of others. In particular, the white Angelenos were eventually paying attention to racial identities and the treatment of racial minorities in the city. Across the 1930s and 1940s, the white Communists and Edendale leftists became focused on addressing racial discrimination and injustice. In fact, for many Edendale leftists, what drew them to the Party and its associate organizations was the priority over racial issues. Beyond cultivating a community, culture, and identity of their own, they also examined identities broadly as a matter of political practice and principle. This chapter discusses the Communist and related organizations’ effort to bring forth the issue of racial discrimination. It discusses the emergence of racial issues during and after World War II. During this period, racial concerns became central for many Angelenos, particularly the whites. The conflicts over race during the war and postwar years injected a vital conceptual framework into the evolving thinking about the political meaning of individual essence: the broad notion of oppressed social minorities with valid political claims. As the essence was being politicized, the racial battles of the 1940s promoted a clear and powerful model of oppression-driven group-based political power. This model formed the base for the quest for essence in an explicitly political framework of group action. The awakening of the Angelenos to racial identities and racial discrimination transformed the understandings of the city and how other minority groups came to see themselves.Less
Even as Edendale Communists elaborated and deepened their own sense of community and their own distinct politicized identity, they also become increasingly concerned with the identities of others. In particular, the white Angelenos were eventually paying attention to racial identities and the treatment of racial minorities in the city. Across the 1930s and 1940s, the white Communists and Edendale leftists became focused on addressing racial discrimination and injustice. In fact, for many Edendale leftists, what drew them to the Party and its associate organizations was the priority over racial issues. Beyond cultivating a community, culture, and identity of their own, they also examined identities broadly as a matter of political practice and principle. This chapter discusses the Communist and related organizations’ effort to bring forth the issue of racial discrimination. It discusses the emergence of racial issues during and after World War II. During this period, racial concerns became central for many Angelenos, particularly the whites. The conflicts over race during the war and postwar years injected a vital conceptual framework into the evolving thinking about the political meaning of individual essence: the broad notion of oppressed social minorities with valid political claims. As the essence was being politicized, the racial battles of the 1940s promoted a clear and powerful model of oppression-driven group-based political power. This model formed the base for the quest for essence in an explicitly political framework of group action. The awakening of the Angelenos to racial identities and racial discrimination transformed the understandings of the city and how other minority groups came to see themselves.
Kenneth Prewitt
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157030
- eISBN:
- 9781400846795
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157030.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that the center of gravity is shifting because of an intricate interplay between America's color line and its nativity line. It uses the color line concept to ask whether America ...
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This chapter argues that the center of gravity is shifting because of an intricate interplay between America's color line and its nativity line. It uses the color line concept to ask whether America has the right policy tools to fully erase the line that separated whites and racial minorities throughout America's history. If they merge—if immigrants are racialized—the future sadly repeats America's past. If, instead, America's population becomes so diverse and multiracial that the color line disappears, an altogether different future is in store, perhaps the promised postracial society. However, it is not certain whether this social process will strengthen or weaken a color line inherited from the eighteenth century, strengthened across the next century and a half, and then challenged but not fully erased by the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century.Less
This chapter argues that the center of gravity is shifting because of an intricate interplay between America's color line and its nativity line. It uses the color line concept to ask whether America has the right policy tools to fully erase the line that separated whites and racial minorities throughout America's history. If they merge—if immigrants are racialized—the future sadly repeats America's past. If, instead, America's population becomes so diverse and multiracial that the color line disappears, an altogether different future is in store, perhaps the promised postracial society. However, it is not certain whether this social process will strengthen or weaken a color line inherited from the eighteenth century, strengthened across the next century and a half, and then challenged but not fully erased by the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century.
Steven Brint
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182667
- eISBN:
- 9780691184890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182667.003.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Higher and Further Education
This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also ...
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This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also at their interstices, and the development of students' cognitive capacities and subject matter knowledge. The chapter shows that these objectives gave rise to two movements. One was the movement to use university research to advance economic development through the invention of new technologies with commercial potential. The other was to use colleges and universities as instruments of social inclusion, providing opportunities to members of previously marginalized groups, including women, racial—ethnic minorities, and members of the LGBTQ community. They were driven both by external parties and the great philanthropic foundations, and by campus constituencies who benefited from their advance.Less
This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also at their interstices, and the development of students' cognitive capacities and subject matter knowledge. The chapter shows that these objectives gave rise to two movements. One was the movement to use university research to advance economic development through the invention of new technologies with commercial potential. The other was to use colleges and universities as instruments of social inclusion, providing opportunities to members of previously marginalized groups, including women, racial—ethnic minorities, and members of the LGBTQ community. They were driven both by external parties and the great philanthropic foundations, and by campus constituencies who benefited from their advance.
Rafael M. Díaz, John L. Peterson, and Kyung-Hee Choi
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195301533
- eISBN:
- 9780199863815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195301533.003.0012
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter provides a thorough review of the evidence regarding disparities that differentially affect the health of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay, bisexual, and other ...
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This chapter provides a thorough review of the evidence regarding disparities that differentially affect the health of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men. These disparities are based in multiple forms of social discrimination including homophobia, racism, and gender nonconformity. Particular attention is given to the unique experiences of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay men that affect their mental health, substance use and abuse, and HIV risk. The chapter concludes by identifying gaps in prior research and suggesting future research and prevention efforts.Less
This chapter provides a thorough review of the evidence regarding disparities that differentially affect the health of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men. These disparities are based in multiple forms of social discrimination including homophobia, racism, and gender nonconformity. Particular attention is given to the unique experiences of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay men that affect their mental health, substance use and abuse, and HIV risk. The chapter concludes by identifying gaps in prior research and suggesting future research and prevention efforts.
Philip A. Kretsedemas
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479809769
- eISBN:
- 9781479893331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479809769.003.0012
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter uses audience studies and focus groups to examine viewers' ability and willingness to decode racial subtexts in Ugly Betty. The findings suggest that while audiences do react positively ...
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This chapter uses audience studies and focus groups to examine viewers' ability and willingness to decode racial subtexts in Ugly Betty. The findings suggest that while audiences do react positively to the Latino/a main characters, they were unable or unwilling to recognize disparities between lighter- and darker-skinned Latina/o characters. It bears noting, however, that media constructions of white (or near-white) Latina/os sit alongside another history of media stereotypes that depict Latina/os as dangerous, hypersexualized, and buffoonish racial minorities. These stereotypes resonate with the Latino threat narrative that has been documented. The chapter's analysis uses the colorblind racial ideologies that have been documented by other race scholars as a starting point for conceptualizing the interpretations of the research participants. It looks at how a multiracial and multiethnic sample of television viewers talked about Latina/o culture and identity.Less
This chapter uses audience studies and focus groups to examine viewers' ability and willingness to decode racial subtexts in Ugly Betty. The findings suggest that while audiences do react positively to the Latino/a main characters, they were unable or unwilling to recognize disparities between lighter- and darker-skinned Latina/o characters. It bears noting, however, that media constructions of white (or near-white) Latina/os sit alongside another history of media stereotypes that depict Latina/os as dangerous, hypersexualized, and buffoonish racial minorities. These stereotypes resonate with the Latino threat narrative that has been documented. The chapter's analysis uses the colorblind racial ideologies that have been documented by other race scholars as a starting point for conceptualizing the interpretations of the research participants. It looks at how a multiracial and multiethnic sample of television viewers talked about Latina/o culture and identity.
Stephen Hong Sohn
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479800070
- eISBN:
- 9781479800551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479800070.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter analyzes the storytelling perspective of a Chicano viewpoint in Sesshu Foster's Atomik Aztex. The narrative models how a Chicano narrator comes to terms with a broadened class ...
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This chapter analyzes the storytelling perspective of a Chicano viewpoint in Sesshu Foster's Atomik Aztex. The narrative models how a Chicano narrator comes to terms with a broadened class consciousness, one that involves a multiracial union of his slaughterhouse-factory workers. Foster also employs a speculative alternate reality that becomes a useful analogy to convey the Chicano subject's fractured self, as a political organizer and social activist as well as a potential agent of destruction. Foster's decision to take on the voice of another racial minority undermines the assumption that only one racial or ethnic group can claim ownership over the representation of the minority experience.Less
This chapter analyzes the storytelling perspective of a Chicano viewpoint in Sesshu Foster's Atomik Aztex. The narrative models how a Chicano narrator comes to terms with a broadened class consciousness, one that involves a multiracial union of his slaughterhouse-factory workers. Foster also employs a speculative alternate reality that becomes a useful analogy to convey the Chicano subject's fractured self, as a political organizer and social activist as well as a potential agent of destruction. Foster's decision to take on the voice of another racial minority undermines the assumption that only one racial or ethnic group can claim ownership over the representation of the minority experience.
Martha Chamallas and Jennifer B. Wriggins
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814716762
- eISBN:
- 9780814790069
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814716762.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Comparative Law
This chapter examines the expressive and material importance of damages, with particular emphasis on how race and gender have affected the amount of damages awarded to plaintiffs in personal injury ...
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This chapter examines the expressive and material importance of damages, with particular emphasis on how race and gender have affected the amount of damages awarded to plaintiffs in personal injury cases. There are two categories of tort damages: compensatory damages and punitive damages. Compensatory damages are often awarded and are considered the “normal” remedy in tort cases. To accomplish the restorative function of tort law to the widest extent possible, compensatory damages are awarded to cover a wide variety of losses, including economic damages and noneconomic harms. This chapter comments on the use of race-based and gender-based tables and statistics to compute loss of future earning capacity, arguing that such estimations are neither accurate nor equitable. It explains how women and racial minorities have been affected by legislative caps on noneconomic damages for pain and suffering and other intangible losses. It contends that non-economic losses should be treated on a par with economic losses.Less
This chapter examines the expressive and material importance of damages, with particular emphasis on how race and gender have affected the amount of damages awarded to plaintiffs in personal injury cases. There are two categories of tort damages: compensatory damages and punitive damages. Compensatory damages are often awarded and are considered the “normal” remedy in tort cases. To accomplish the restorative function of tort law to the widest extent possible, compensatory damages are awarded to cover a wide variety of losses, including economic damages and noneconomic harms. This chapter comments on the use of race-based and gender-based tables and statistics to compute loss of future earning capacity, arguing that such estimations are neither accurate nor equitable. It explains how women and racial minorities have been affected by legislative caps on noneconomic damages for pain and suffering and other intangible losses. It contends that non-economic losses should be treated on a par with economic losses.
Greg Carter
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814772492
- eISBN:
- 9780814790489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814772492.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter discusses assimilation literatures that uphold interethnic marriage rates as the prime measure of incorporation into the mainstream. In particular, Edward Reuter's The Mulatto in the ...
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This chapter discusses assimilation literatures that uphold interethnic marriage rates as the prime measure of incorporation into the mainstream. In particular, Edward Reuter's The Mulatto in the United States (1918), Everett Stonequist's “The Problem of the Marginal Man” (1935), and Joel Williamson's New People (1980) describe racially mixed people as superior to their minority racial group yet intermediary in social status and prone to confusion. These twentieth-century scholars also promoted the idea that mixed people were inseparable from their minority parent groups, in order to address racial inequality. The remainder of the chapter integrates the centrality of racial mixture during these decades into the master narrative of civil rights.Less
This chapter discusses assimilation literatures that uphold interethnic marriage rates as the prime measure of incorporation into the mainstream. In particular, Edward Reuter's The Mulatto in the United States (1918), Everett Stonequist's “The Problem of the Marginal Man” (1935), and Joel Williamson's New People (1980) describe racially mixed people as superior to their minority racial group yet intermediary in social status and prone to confusion. These twentieth-century scholars also promoted the idea that mixed people were inseparable from their minority parent groups, in order to address racial inequality. The remainder of the chapter integrates the centrality of racial mixture during these decades into the master narrative of civil rights.
Maryann Erigha
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479886647
- eISBN:
- 9781479816644
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479886647.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter outlines paths for improving cinema to be more racially inclusive. Remaking cinema can involve reforming Hollywood to be more inclusive to racial minorities in positions of influence, ...
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This chapter outlines paths for improving cinema to be more racially inclusive. Remaking cinema can involve reforming Hollywood to be more inclusive to racial minorities in positions of influence, for example as directors of tent pole movies and as studio heads. Remaking cinema can also involve changing the way racial minorities make movies. This chapter puts forth the notion of a Black cinema collective, which involves an organized system of film production. A Black cinema collective means developing youth cultures around filmmaking, as well as having institutions to decide a slate of films to be released each year, to finance movies, and to create pathways for distribution. In addition, digital media talents can help put pressure on Hollywood to support movies and directors from racial minority backgrounds or else face mounting competition.Less
This chapter outlines paths for improving cinema to be more racially inclusive. Remaking cinema can involve reforming Hollywood to be more inclusive to racial minorities in positions of influence, for example as directors of tent pole movies and as studio heads. Remaking cinema can also involve changing the way racial minorities make movies. This chapter puts forth the notion of a Black cinema collective, which involves an organized system of film production. A Black cinema collective means developing youth cultures around filmmaking, as well as having institutions to decide a slate of films to be released each year, to finance movies, and to create pathways for distribution. In addition, digital media talents can help put pressure on Hollywood to support movies and directors from racial minority backgrounds or else face mounting competition.
Ruth Colker
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814708101
- eISBN:
- 9780814708002
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814708101.003.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Early Childhood and Elementary Education
This book presents a critical analysis of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), originally enacted in 1975 as the Education for All Handicapped Children Act to improve educational ...
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This book presents a critical analysis of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), originally enacted in 1975 as the Education for All Handicapped Children Act to improve educational equity by providing children with disabilities the right to a free and appropriate public education. Drawing on the author's personal experience in which she embarked on a legal battle to persuade her son's school to accommodate his hearing impairment, the book argues that the IDEA contains flaws that limit its effectiveness for poor and minority children. It examines the skewed special education classification system as well as a system of services that seem to serve African Americans and other racial minorities so poorly. It also discusses Congress's attempts to amend the IDEA over the years and looks at some of the leading Supreme Court cases involving children whose parents filed suits on their behalf after the statute was broadly amended.Less
This book presents a critical analysis of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), originally enacted in 1975 as the Education for All Handicapped Children Act to improve educational equity by providing children with disabilities the right to a free and appropriate public education. Drawing on the author's personal experience in which she embarked on a legal battle to persuade her son's school to accommodate his hearing impairment, the book argues that the IDEA contains flaws that limit its effectiveness for poor and minority children. It examines the skewed special education classification system as well as a system of services that seem to serve African Americans and other racial minorities so poorly. It also discusses Congress's attempts to amend the IDEA over the years and looks at some of the leading Supreme Court cases involving children whose parents filed suits on their behalf after the statute was broadly amended.
Abigail A. Sewell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199977260
- eISBN:
- 9780190255251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977260.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
SYSTEMS OF RACE, racism, and racial inequality are of consequence to the prevalence of health outcomes and to racial disparities in illness prevalence. Yet a historicized understanding of how ...
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SYSTEMS OF RACE, racism, and racial inequality are of consequence to the prevalence of health outcomes and to racial disparities in illness prevalence. Yet a historicized understanding of how racially segregated neighborhoods are created from these systems of racial oppression is absent in neighborhood effect studies documenting the harmful effects of living in racial ghettos. Drawing on insights from the neighborhood change, place stratification, and housing discrimination literature, this chapter illustrates the ways that structural manifestations of racial oppression are implicated in the illnesses experienced via the neighborhood arrangements that arise out of institutionalized racism. The chapter explicates how the unequal distribution of resources by the mortgage lending industry is implicated in the poor health outcomes of racial minorities, the deteriorated conditions of the environments in which racial minorities spend their lives, and the segregation of racially and economically marginalized people into socially, economically, and materially deprived communities.Less
SYSTEMS OF RACE, racism, and racial inequality are of consequence to the prevalence of health outcomes and to racial disparities in illness prevalence. Yet a historicized understanding of how racially segregated neighborhoods are created from these systems of racial oppression is absent in neighborhood effect studies documenting the harmful effects of living in racial ghettos. Drawing on insights from the neighborhood change, place stratification, and housing discrimination literature, this chapter illustrates the ways that structural manifestations of racial oppression are implicated in the illnesses experienced via the neighborhood arrangements that arise out of institutionalized racism. The chapter explicates how the unequal distribution of resources by the mortgage lending industry is implicated in the poor health outcomes of racial minorities, the deteriorated conditions of the environments in which racial minorities spend their lives, and the segregation of racially and economically marginalized people into socially, economically, and materially deprived communities.
Jeannine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814791448
- eISBN:
- 9780814760222
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814791448.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.
Jennifer Nugent Duffy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814785027
- eISBN:
- 9780814744130
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814785027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
After all the green beer has been poured and the ubiquitous shamrocks fade away, what does it mean to be Irish American besides St. Patrick’s Day? This book traces the evolution of “Irish” as a ...
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After all the green beer has been poured and the ubiquitous shamrocks fade away, what does it mean to be Irish American besides St. Patrick’s Day? This book traces the evolution of “Irish” as a race-based identity in the U.S. from the nineteenth century to the present day. Exploring how the Irish have been and continue to be socialized around race, the book argues that Irish identity must be understood within the context of generational tensions between different waves of Irish immigrants as well as the Irish community’s interaction with other racial minorities. Using historic and ethnographic research, the book sifts through the many racial, class, and gendered dimensions of Irish-American identity by examining three distinct Irish cohorts in Greater New York: assimilated descendants of nineteenth-century immigrants; “white flighters” who immigrated to postwar America and fled places like the Bronx for white suburbs like Yonkers in the 1960s and 1970s; and the newer, largely undocumented migrants who began to arrive in the 1990s. What results is a portrait of Irishness as a dynamic, complex force in the history of American racial consciousness, pertinent not only to contemporary immigration debates but also to the larger questions of what it means to belong, what it means to be American.Less
After all the green beer has been poured and the ubiquitous shamrocks fade away, what does it mean to be Irish American besides St. Patrick’s Day? This book traces the evolution of “Irish” as a race-based identity in the U.S. from the nineteenth century to the present day. Exploring how the Irish have been and continue to be socialized around race, the book argues that Irish identity must be understood within the context of generational tensions between different waves of Irish immigrants as well as the Irish community’s interaction with other racial minorities. Using historic and ethnographic research, the book sifts through the many racial, class, and gendered dimensions of Irish-American identity by examining three distinct Irish cohorts in Greater New York: assimilated descendants of nineteenth-century immigrants; “white flighters” who immigrated to postwar America and fled places like the Bronx for white suburbs like Yonkers in the 1960s and 1970s; and the newer, largely undocumented migrants who began to arrive in the 1990s. What results is a portrait of Irishness as a dynamic, complex force in the history of American racial consciousness, pertinent not only to contemporary immigration debates but also to the larger questions of what it means to belong, what it means to be American.
Jeannine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814791448
- eISBN:
- 9780814760222
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814791448.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that ...
More
This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.
Less
This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.
Samuel Martínez
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520258211
- eISBN:
- 9780520942578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520258211.003.0005
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
This chapter emphasizes the contemporary immigration law which ignores a constitutional revolution that embraced the norm of nondiscrimination against racial minorities. Instead of expanding legal ...
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This chapter emphasizes the contemporary immigration law which ignores a constitutional revolution that embraced the norm of nondiscrimination against racial minorities. Instead of expanding legal protections for people vulnerable to abuses of official power, recent U.S. legislation on immigration narrowed the rights of out-of-status aliens and asylum seekers and sought to confine them within a parallel immigration judicial system, which does not publish its findings, permit extensive outside scrutiny, or allow for appeal to other courts of law. The attacks of 9/11 warranted a vigorous and searching investigation, followed by rapid but calculated steps to help secure the safety of U.S. residents. The nation saw a repetition of the tendency to scapegoat immigrants in the face of emergency. Just as the demonization of Eastern European immigrants as subversives and Japanese Americans as possible saboteurs were preceded by a general undercutting of those groups as welcome members of American society, so the abuses of noncitizens that took place after September 11 were made easier by the preceding years of attacks on immigrants that undercut their claims to be treated equally and fairly. A similar kind of racial labeling has gone on around Mexican immigration. If there has been one constant in both pre- and post-9/11 public discourse on national security it has been the alleged threat to the nation posed by Mexican immigration and the growing number of Americans of Mexican descent in the United States.Less
This chapter emphasizes the contemporary immigration law which ignores a constitutional revolution that embraced the norm of nondiscrimination against racial minorities. Instead of expanding legal protections for people vulnerable to abuses of official power, recent U.S. legislation on immigration narrowed the rights of out-of-status aliens and asylum seekers and sought to confine them within a parallel immigration judicial system, which does not publish its findings, permit extensive outside scrutiny, or allow for appeal to other courts of law. The attacks of 9/11 warranted a vigorous and searching investigation, followed by rapid but calculated steps to help secure the safety of U.S. residents. The nation saw a repetition of the tendency to scapegoat immigrants in the face of emergency. Just as the demonization of Eastern European immigrants as subversives and Japanese Americans as possible saboteurs were preceded by a general undercutting of those groups as welcome members of American society, so the abuses of noncitizens that took place after September 11 were made easier by the preceding years of attacks on immigrants that undercut their claims to be treated equally and fairly. A similar kind of racial labeling has gone on around Mexican immigration. If there has been one constant in both pre- and post-9/11 public discourse on national security it has been the alleged threat to the nation posed by Mexican immigration and the growing number of Americans of Mexican descent in the United States.
