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Proposed solutions to racial alienation are not in short supply. This chapter considers existing solutions and proposes new ones, categorized by a criterion that helps us better understand the similarities and differences of proposed remedies. It uses this criterion to situate the different solutions whether majority- or minority-group members are perceived as having the greater obligation for correcting racial alienation in the United States. It first discusses the organization of the general model by which previous proposed solutions to racial alienation are evaluated and explains the various solutions found within the model. The chapter only focuses on those solutions that are based on the obligations of racial minorities. It starts with colorblindness—that is, advocating seeing people as individuals (regardless of their race), rather than seeing racial groups, and assuming racial discrimination is, at best, a weak factor in limiting people's opportunities. An important subset of the colorblindness paradigm is an idea known as “no victimhood.” The chapter also considers Anglo-conformity and minority entrepreneurial values.

This chapter explores the attitudes of minority students of color who attend Protestant campuses. A significant percentage of such students have racial attitudes like those of majority group students. However, minority students who have not adopted such attitudes struggle with the racial atmosphere on Protestant campuses. I term the first group “assimilated” and the second group “racialized” racial minorities. Both assimilated and racialized students of color lack faith in the general diversity programs but for different reasons. Assimilated students of color find such programs ineffective because they may offend majority group students; racialized students of color perceive the unwillingness of majority group students to acknowledge continuing racial problems as the reason such programs fail. Like majority group students, students of color are also more likely to perceive professors of color and diversity courses to be more helpful than general diversity programs; however; they did not tie this perception to personally liking a particular professor. Students of color also valued student-led multicultural organizations but only if they perceived these organizations as uniting, instead of dividing, students of different races.

This chapter explores one important controversy bedeviling nonproportional, territorial-districting systems such as those that exist in the United States: the problem of racial minority vote dilution. Vote dilution is indeed a serious political injustice, and consideration conception demonstrates why. In some circumstances, districting schemes diluting minority votes reflect and promote broader deliberative neglect of certain minority groups-that is, they reflect and promote failures of consideration. Recognizing these injustices does not commit one to supporting the proportional representation of groups in the legislature. The discussions of proportional representation and vote dilution together reveal that the fair representation of groups requires a variety of forms of consideration, and that there are few institutional means that will universally guarantee those forms of consideration in all political societies. These analyses also explain what is objectionable about partisan gerrymandering—that is, efforts to draw districts to favor a particular political party. Such efforts deny various forms of consideration to supporters of other parties.

Even as Edendale Communists elaborated and deepened their own sense of community and their own distinct politicized identity, they also become increasingly concerned with the identities of others. In particular, the white Angelenos were eventually paying attention to racial identities and the treatment of racial minorities in the city. Across the 1930s and 1940s, the white Communists and Edendale leftists became focused on addressing racial discrimination and injustice. In fact, for many Edendale leftists, what drew them to the Party and its associate organizations was the priority over racial issues. Beyond cultivating a community, culture, and identity of their own, they also examined identities broadly as a matter of political practice and principle. This chapter discusses the Communist and related organizations’ effort to bring forth the issue of racial discrimination. It discusses the emergence of racial issues during and after World War II. During this period, racial concerns became central for many Angelenos, particularly the whites. The conflicts over race during the war and postwar years injected a vital conceptual framework into the evolving thinking about the political meaning of individual essence: the broad notion of oppressed social minorities with valid political claims. As the essence was being politicized, the racial battles of the 1940s promoted a clear and powerful model of oppression-driven group-based political power. This model formed the base for the quest for essence in an explicitly political framework of group action. The awakening of the Angelenos to racial identities and racial discrimination transformed the understandings of the city and how other minority groups came to see themselves.

This chapter argues that the center of gravity is shifting because of an intricate interplay between America's color line and its nativity line. It uses the color line concept to ask whether America has the right policy tools to fully erase the line that separated whites and racial minorities throughout America's history. If they merge—if immigrants are racialized—the future sadly repeats America's past. If, instead, America's population becomes so diverse and multiracial that the color line disappears, an altogether different future is in store, perhaps the promised postracial society. However, it is not certain whether this social process will strengthen or weaken a color line inherited from the eighteenth century, strengthened across the next century and a half, and then challenged but not fully erased by the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century.

This chapter provides a thorough review of the evidence regarding disparities that differentially affect the health of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men. These disparities are based in multiple forms of social discrimination including homophobia, racism, and gender nonconformity. Particular attention is given to the unique experiences of African American, Latino, and Asian/Pacific Islander gay men that affect their mental health, substance use and abuse, and HIV risk. The chapter concludes by identifying gaps in prior research and suggesting future research and prevention efforts.

This chapter argues that the traditional structures and purposes of colleges and universities are intended to produce two outcomes: the expansion of knowledge, principally in the disciplines but also at their interstices, and the development of students' cognitive capacities and subject matter knowledge. The chapter shows that these objectives gave rise to two movements. One was the movement to use university research to advance economic development through the invention of new technologies with commercial potential. The other was to use colleges and universities as instruments of social inclusion, providing opportunities to members of previously marginalized groups, including women, racial—ethnic minorities, and members of the LGBTQ community. They were driven both by external parties and the great philanthropic foundations, and by campus constituencies who benefited from their advance.

This chapter, which focuses mainly on the United States, describes and provides many examples of how discrimination against members of racial and ethnic minority groups adversely affects their health. The chapter focuses on African Americans and non-American blacks in the United States, Latinos, Native Hawaiians and other Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans and Alaska Natives. The chapter discusses the roots and underlying issues of social injustice experienced by racial and ethnic minorities, including racial discrimination, poverty, social exclusion, geographical location and residence patterns, employment status and occupational health issues, and health literacy. The chapter also discusses what needs to be done. Three text boxes address racial/ethnic definitions in the U.S. Census, the high maternal mortality ratio among African American women, and cultural competence/transcultural nursing.

This chapter uses audience studies and focus groups to examine viewers' ability and willingness to decode racial subtexts in Ugly Betty. The findings suggest that while audiences do react positively to the Latino/a main characters, they were unable or unwilling to recognize disparities between lighter- and darker-skinned Latina/o characters. It bears noting, however, that media constructions of white (or near-white) Latina/os sit alongside another history of media stereotypes that depict Latina/os as dangerous, hypersexualized, and buffoonish racial minorities. These stereotypes resonate with the Latino threat narrative that has been documented. The chapter's analysis uses the colorblind racial ideologies that have been documented by other race scholars as a starting point for conceptualizing the interpretations of the research participants. It looks at how a multiracial and multiethnic sample of television viewers talked about Latina/o culture and identity.

This chapter analyzes the storytelling perspective of a Chicano viewpoint in Sesshu Foster's Atomik Aztex. The narrative models how a Chicano narrator comes to terms with a broadened class consciousness, one that involves a multiracial union of his slaughterhouse-factory workers. Foster also employs a speculative alternate reality that becomes a useful analogy to convey the Chicano subject's fractured self, as a political organizer and social activist as well as a potential agent of destruction. Foster's decision to take on the voice of another racial minority undermines the assumption that only one racial or ethnic group can claim ownership over the representation of the minority experience.

This chapter examines the expressive and material importance of damages, with particular emphasis on how race and gender have affected the amount of damages awarded to plaintiffs in personal injury cases. There are two categories of tort damages: compensatory damages and punitive damages. Compensatory damages are often awarded and are considered the “normal” remedy in tort cases. To accomplish the restorative function of tort law to the widest extent possible, compensatory damages are awarded to cover a wide variety of losses, including economic damages and noneconomic harms. This chapter comments on the use of race-based and gender-based tables and statistics to compute loss of future earning capacity, arguing that such estimations are neither accurate nor equitable. It explains how women and racial minorities have been affected by legislative caps on noneconomic damages for pain and suffering and other intangible losses. It contends that non-economic losses should be treated on a par with economic losses.

This chapter discusses assimilation literatures that uphold interethnic marriage rates as the prime measure of incorporation into the mainstream. In particular, Edward Reuter's The Mulatto in the United States (1918), Everett Stonequist's “The Problem of the Marginal Man” (1935), and Joel Williamson's New People (1980) describe racially mixed people as superior to their minority racial group yet intermediary in social status and prone to confusion. These twentieth-century scholars also promoted the idea that mixed people were inseparable from their minority parent groups, in order to address racial inequality. The remainder of the chapter integrates the centrality of racial mixture during these decades into the master narrative of civil rights.

This chapter outlines paths for improving cinema to be more racially inclusive. Remaking cinema can involve reforming Hollywood to be more inclusive to racial minorities in positions of influence, for example as directors of tent pole movies and as studio heads. Remaking cinema can also involve changing the way racial minorities make movies. This chapter puts forth the notion of a Black cinema collective, which involves an organized system of film production. A Black cinema collective means developing youth cultures around filmmaking, as well as having institutions to decide a slate of films to be released each year, to finance movies, and to create pathways for distribution. In addition, digital media talents can help put pressure on Hollywood to support movies and directors from racial minority backgrounds or else face mounting competition.

SYSTEMS OF RACE, racism, and racial inequality are of consequence to the prevalence of health outcomes and to racial disparities in illness prevalence. Yet a historicized understanding of how racially segregated neighborhoods are created from these systems of racial oppression is absent in neighborhood effect studies documenting the harmful effects of living in racial ghettos. Drawing on insights from the neighborhood change, place stratification, and housing discrimination literature, this chapter illustrates the ways that structural manifestations of racial oppression are implicated in the illnesses experienced via the neighborhood arrangements that arise out of institutionalized racism. The chapter explicates how the unequal distribution of resources by the mortgage lending industry is implicated in the poor health outcomes of racial minorities, the deteriorated conditions of the environments in which racial minorities spend their lives, and the segregation of racially and economically marginalized people into socially, economically, and materially deprived communities.

This book presents a critical analysis of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), originally enacted in 1975 as the Education for All Handicapped Children Act to improve educational equity by providing children with disabilities the right to a free and appropriate public education. Drawing on the author's personal experience in which she embarked on a legal battle to persuade her son's school to accommodate his hearing impairment, the book argues that the IDEA contains flaws that limit its effectiveness for poor and minority children. It examines the skewed special education classification system as well as a system of services that seem to serve African Americans and other racial minorities so poorly. It also discusses Congress's attempts to amend the IDEA over the years and looks at some of the leading Supreme Court cases involving children whose parents filed suits on their behalf after the statute was broadly amended.

This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.

This introductory chapter discusses the overall level of racial segregation of housing in the United States. Data from the 2010 census indicate that the “average” whites live in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. On the other hand, the racial composition of the residential neighborhoods where African Americans live is very different. Despite tolerance scores indicating that African Americans prefer to live in racially integrated communities, typical African Americans live in a neighborhood that is only 35 percent white. This study indicates that there are still wide gaps in the housing experiences of African Americans and whites. In relation to this research, the book examines the integration into white neighborhoods of African Americans—the nation's most segregated racial minority group.

This chapter describes considerations for conducting community-based participatory research (CBPR) with members of racial and ethnic minority communities. It first discusses the origin of CBPR and why it is a relevant process for many of these groups. It then describes important issues related to culture and cultural humility of CBPR researchers working with racial and ethnic minority groups. As it is not possible to discuss all groups and highlight considerations for each, the chapter highlights examples of CBPR work with the primary racial/ethnic groups in the United States and provides examples of considerations based not only on race/ethnicity but also on other relevant factors. Finally, it highlights common themes and recommendations.