Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first part of the conclusion summarizes the findings from the historical cases. These fall into four categories. The first is where a strong world society constituency is able to influence the ...
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The first part of the conclusion summarizes the findings from the historical cases. These fall into four categories. The first is where a strong world society constituency is able to influence the policy of a leading state, or group of leading states, as in the case of the slave trade or social justice in 1919. In the second case, the same holds true, but it is actually the leading states that proactively encourage world society action, as with human rights at San Francisco. In the third case, as at The Hague, there was no specific state ‘norm entrepreneur’. Fourthly, there is the negative case where the state sponsor was not strong enough to have the norm accepted, as with Japan and racial equality in 1919. Theoretically, the argument points to a degree of normative assimilation between international and world society, and a corresponding degree of social integration. The relationship is one of complementariness rather than displacement. This develops English School discussions of the topic. However, there is a warning that past coalitions between world society groups and leading states — that seem to have stimulated humanitarian norms — could in the future promote less attractive norms.Less
The first part of the conclusion summarizes the findings from the historical cases. These fall into four categories. The first is where a strong world society constituency is able to influence the policy of a leading state, or group of leading states, as in the case of the slave trade or social justice in 1919. In the second case, the same holds true, but it is actually the leading states that proactively encourage world society action, as with human rights at San Francisco. In the third case, as at The Hague, there was no specific state ‘norm entrepreneur’. Fourthly, there is the negative case where the state sponsor was not strong enough to have the norm accepted, as with Japan and racial equality in 1919. Theoretically, the argument points to a degree of normative assimilation between international and world society, and a corresponding degree of social integration. The relationship is one of complementariness rather than displacement. This develops English School discussions of the topic. However, there is a warning that past coalitions between world society groups and leading states — that seem to have stimulated humanitarian norms — could in the future promote less attractive norms.
Leah Wright Rigueur
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159010
- eISBN:
- 9781400852437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter talks about how Richard Nixon's classist appeals for minority enterprise mirrored a theme central to black Republican thought and action. As previously seen, African American party ...
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This chapter talks about how Richard Nixon's classist appeals for minority enterprise mirrored a theme central to black Republican thought and action. As previously seen, African American party members consistently proposed variations on a single core agenda, wedding liberal appeals for racial equality with a belief in traditional Republican principles. In particular, they had long called for the creation and implementation of a movement for economic civil rights, as an alternative means of reaching full equality. A June 1968 article in Time highlighted the prominent position of this centerpiece of black Republican thought, noting that all three Republican presidential primary candidates had incorporated the concept into their campaign rhetoric. The chapter shows how even as prominent white politicians echoed black Republicans' ideas, blacks themselves were divided about those same politicians.Less
This chapter talks about how Richard Nixon's classist appeals for minority enterprise mirrored a theme central to black Republican thought and action. As previously seen, African American party members consistently proposed variations on a single core agenda, wedding liberal appeals for racial equality with a belief in traditional Republican principles. In particular, they had long called for the creation and implementation of a movement for economic civil rights, as an alternative means of reaching full equality. A June 1968 article in Time highlighted the prominent position of this centerpiece of black Republican thought, noting that all three Republican presidential primary candidates had incorporated the concept into their campaign rhetoric. The chapter shows how even as prominent white politicians echoed black Republicans' ideas, blacks themselves were divided about those same politicians.
Jim Lovensheimer
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195377026
- eISBN:
- 9780199864560
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377026.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, Popular, History, American
After a preliminary discussion of race and World War II that draws from historian Micahel Bess’s work on the subject, this chapter demonstrates how Hammerstein repeatedly subdued South Pacific’s ...
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After a preliminary discussion of race and World War II that draws from historian Micahel Bess’s work on the subject, this chapter demonstrates how Hammerstein repeatedly subdued South Pacific’s criticism of prejudice throughout the creative process. Beginning with an examination of Nellie Forbush and what her background in 1930s prewar rural Arkansas would have been, the chapter moves on to reveal how Hammerstein retained her prejudice while making it increasingly less abrasive than it was in James A. Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific. Attention is then shifted to Joe Cable, whose grappling with prejudice provides the musical’s tragic subplot. Act 2, scene 4, the musical’s climactic scene, is analyzed in its many manifestations indicated by the numerous drafts and sketch studies for it found among Hammerstein’s papers. While some representations of race in the musical remain problematic—references to the Japanese enemy and the characterization of island women, for example—this chapter demonstrates Hammerstein’s ongoing commitment to racial equality and tolerance that anticipate the American civil rights movement.Less
After a preliminary discussion of race and World War II that draws from historian Micahel Bess’s work on the subject, this chapter demonstrates how Hammerstein repeatedly subdued South Pacific’s criticism of prejudice throughout the creative process. Beginning with an examination of Nellie Forbush and what her background in 1930s prewar rural Arkansas would have been, the chapter moves on to reveal how Hammerstein retained her prejudice while making it increasingly less abrasive than it was in James A. Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific. Attention is then shifted to Joe Cable, whose grappling with prejudice provides the musical’s tragic subplot. Act 2, scene 4, the musical’s climactic scene, is analyzed in its many manifestations indicated by the numerous drafts and sketch studies for it found among Hammerstein’s papers. While some representations of race in the musical remain problematic—references to the Japanese enemy and the characterization of island women, for example—this chapter demonstrates Hammerstein’s ongoing commitment to racial equality and tolerance that anticipate the American civil rights movement.
Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625871
- eISBN:
- 9780748671335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625871.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation ...
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This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation between Muslims and the wider British society and the British state has to be seen in terms of the developing agendas of racial equality and multiculturalism. A key indicator of racial discrimination and inequality has been numerical under-representation. It is shown that while Muslims raise distinctive concerns, the logic of their demands often mirrors those of other equality-seeking groups. The issue between ‘equalising upwards’ and ‘equalising downwards’ is about the legitimacy of religion as a public institutional presence. The emergence of Muslim political agency has thrown British multiculturalism into theoretical and practical disarray. The political integration or incorporation of Muslims has become the most important goal of egalitarian multiculturalism and is pivotal in shaping the security of many people across the globe.Less
This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation between Muslims and the wider British society and the British state has to be seen in terms of the developing agendas of racial equality and multiculturalism. A key indicator of racial discrimination and inequality has been numerical under-representation. It is shown that while Muslims raise distinctive concerns, the logic of their demands often mirrors those of other equality-seeking groups. The issue between ‘equalising upwards’ and ‘equalising downwards’ is about the legitimacy of religion as a public institutional presence. The emergence of Muslim political agency has thrown British multiculturalism into theoretical and practical disarray. The political integration or incorporation of Muslims has become the most important goal of egalitarian multiculturalism and is pivotal in shaping the security of many people across the globe.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first ...
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This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.Less
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.
Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142630
- eISBN:
- 9781400839766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142630.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter considers what makes racial equality in the American housing system such a divisive issue. Because housing choices profoundly affect people's personal lives and yet also have enormous ...
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This chapter considers what makes racial equality in the American housing system such a divisive issue. Because housing choices profoundly affect people's personal lives and yet also have enormous public consequences for the structure of the nation as a whole, there arose concerns to make sure that America's housing systems are not systems of racial inequality. But the fact that housing is so central to Americans' personal lives is also a major reason why they have long been more resistant to efforts to end de facto segregation in this area than in any other, except the related one of public schools. Here they remain profoundly divided even on the desirability of strong enforcement of anti-discrimination policies aimed at making residential racial integration not only an attractive ideal but an everyday reality.Less
This chapter considers what makes racial equality in the American housing system such a divisive issue. Because housing choices profoundly affect people's personal lives and yet also have enormous public consequences for the structure of the nation as a whole, there arose concerns to make sure that America's housing systems are not systems of racial inequality. But the fact that housing is so central to Americans' personal lives is also a major reason why they have long been more resistant to efforts to end de facto segregation in this area than in any other, except the related one of public schools. Here they remain profoundly divided even on the desirability of strong enforcement of anti-discrimination policies aimed at making residential racial integration not only an attractive ideal but an everyday reality.
Jonathan I. Israel
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199279227
- eISBN:
- 9780191700040
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279227.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas, European Modern History
The author presents the first major reassessment of the Western Enlightenment for a generation. Continuing the story he began in Radical Enlightenment, and now focusing his attention on the first ...
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The author presents the first major reassessment of the Western Enlightenment for a generation. Continuing the story he began in Radical Enlightenment, and now focusing his attention on the first half of the 18th century, he returns to the original sources to offer a new perspective on the nature and development of the most important currents in modern thought. The author traces many of the core principles of Western modernity to their roots in the social, political, and philosophical ferment of this period: the primacy of reason, democracy, racial equality, feminism, religious toleration, sexual emancipation, and freedom of expression. He emphasizes the dual character of the Enlightenment and the bitter struggle between, on the one hand, a generally dominant, anti-democratic mainstream, supporting the monarchy, aristocracy, and ecclesiastical authority, and on the other a largely repressed democratic, republican, and ‘materialist’ radical fringe. He also contends that the supposedly separate French, British, German, Dutch, and Italian enlightenments interacted to such a degree that their study in isolation gives a hopelessly distorted picture.Less
The author presents the first major reassessment of the Western Enlightenment for a generation. Continuing the story he began in Radical Enlightenment, and now focusing his attention on the first half of the 18th century, he returns to the original sources to offer a new perspective on the nature and development of the most important currents in modern thought. The author traces many of the core principles of Western modernity to their roots in the social, political, and philosophical ferment of this period: the primacy of reason, democracy, racial equality, feminism, religious toleration, sexual emancipation, and freedom of expression. He emphasizes the dual character of the Enlightenment and the bitter struggle between, on the one hand, a generally dominant, anti-democratic mainstream, supporting the monarchy, aristocracy, and ecclesiastical authority, and on the other a largely repressed democratic, republican, and ‘materialist’ radical fringe. He also contends that the supposedly separate French, British, German, Dutch, and Italian enlightenments interacted to such a degree that their study in isolation gives a hopelessly distorted picture.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, ...
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This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, anti-caste liberals claimed that the Reconstruction amendments had placed the principle of racial equality at the pinnacle of the American constitutional order, charging the federal government with the responsibility to take action against the continued maintenance of racial caste. This position was quite radical for its time, as it insisted on the political imperative of a strong standard against racial discrimination. Although only briefly upheld as the law of the land, anti-caste constitutionalism continued to find expression in legal arguments, books, speeches, and political meetings well into the 1880s. On the other hand, anti-caste liberalism represented an essentially conservative position on economic issues. Particularly given the growing economic divisions and class antagonisms of the time, this combination of economic conservatism and racial, political, and legal radicalism illustrates the tremendous disjuncture that existed between the struggle against racial discrimination and the battle for economic justice in late 19th-century America.Less
This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, anti-caste liberals claimed that the Reconstruction amendments had placed the principle of racial equality at the pinnacle of the American constitutional order, charging the federal government with the responsibility to take action against the continued maintenance of racial caste. This position was quite radical for its time, as it insisted on the political imperative of a strong standard against racial discrimination. Although only briefly upheld as the law of the land, anti-caste constitutionalism continued to find expression in legal arguments, books, speeches, and political meetings well into the 1880s. On the other hand, anti-caste liberalism represented an essentially conservative position on economic issues. Particularly given the growing economic divisions and class antagonisms of the time, this combination of economic conservatism and racial, political, and legal radicalism illustrates the tremendous disjuncture that existed between the struggle against racial discrimination and the battle for economic justice in late 19th-century America.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter analyzes the new laws passed by Brazilian and Colombian states in the wake of the 2001 Third World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa. Unlike the cultural and territorial ...
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This chapter analyzes the new laws passed by Brazilian and Colombian states in the wake of the 2001 Third World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa. Unlike the cultural and territorial rights granted to subsets of the black populations in the 1990s, these new policies were broader and wrapped in the language of racial equality and inclusion. The categories of political contestation also seemed to change in this period from “black” to hyphenated national categories such as “Afro-Brazilian,” “Afro-Colombian,” and “Afro-Peruvian.” In this way, the new wave of reforms represented a considerable departure from the multicultural policies adopted throughout Latin America just a decade before.Less
This chapter analyzes the new laws passed by Brazilian and Colombian states in the wake of the 2001 Third World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa. Unlike the cultural and territorial rights granted to subsets of the black populations in the 1990s, these new policies were broader and wrapped in the language of racial equality and inclusion. The categories of political contestation also seemed to change in this period from “black” to hyphenated national categories such as “Afro-Brazilian,” “Afro-Colombian,” and “Afro-Peruvian.” In this way, the new wave of reforms represented a considerable departure from the multicultural policies adopted throughout Latin America just a decade before.
Clive Webb
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195177862
- eISBN:
- 9780199870189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195177862.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter begins by discussing what people think about the 1954 declaration stating that in public schools segregation was unconstitutional. It then talks about the effects of this declaration on ...
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This chapter begins by discussing what people think about the 1954 declaration stating that in public schools segregation was unconstitutional. It then talks about the effects of this declaration on the conflict happening between the white and black people. It mentions some of the most aggressive forms of defense that white southerners used. It notes that massive resistance, therefore, represented a potent challenge to the advancement of racial equality. It explains that the study of white segregationists is important not simply as a means to enhance understanding and appreciation of black civil rights activism, but should be of intrinsic interest to any serious student of the American South. It gives a brief discussion of all the topics discussed in this book.Less
This chapter begins by discussing what people think about the 1954 declaration stating that in public schools segregation was unconstitutional. It then talks about the effects of this declaration on the conflict happening between the white and black people. It mentions some of the most aggressive forms of defense that white southerners used. It notes that massive resistance, therefore, represented a potent challenge to the advancement of racial equality. It explains that the study of white segregationists is important not simply as a means to enhance understanding and appreciation of black civil rights activism, but should be of intrinsic interest to any serious student of the American South. It gives a brief discussion of all the topics discussed in this book.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian ...
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This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Less
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Mark Bell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199244508
- eISBN:
- 9780191697371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199244508.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, EU Law
This chapter traces the evolution of the European Union (EU) law and policy on racism with the objective of identifying the factors that led the Member States to extend the Union's role in this ...
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This chapter traces the evolution of the European Union (EU) law and policy on racism with the objective of identifying the factors that led the Member States to extend the Union's role in this field. It examines how anti-racism policy progressed given the market integration model of European social policy. It explores the influence of various political events in the development of anti-racism policy. These include the establishment of the European Economic Community in 1957, the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1991, and the issuance of the Racial Equality Directive.Less
This chapter traces the evolution of the European Union (EU) law and policy on racism with the objective of identifying the factors that led the Member States to extend the Union's role in this field. It examines how anti-racism policy progressed given the market integration model of European social policy. It explores the influence of various political events in the development of anti-racism policy. These include the establishment of the European Economic Community in 1957, the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1991, and the issuance of the Racial Equality Directive.
Derek Charles Catsam
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125114
- eISBN:
- 9780813135137
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125114.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In 1961, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and other civil rights groups began organizing the Freedom Rides. The Freedom Riders were volunteers of different backgrounds who travelled on buses ...
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In 1961, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and other civil rights groups began organizing the Freedom Rides. The Freedom Riders were volunteers of different backgrounds who travelled on buses throughout the American South to help enforce the Supreme Court ruling that had declared racial segregation on public transportation illegal. This book shows how the Freedom Rides were crucial in raising awareness among decision makers and in bringing the realities of racial segregation into American homes through national media coverage.Less
In 1961, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and other civil rights groups began organizing the Freedom Rides. The Freedom Riders were volunteers of different backgrounds who travelled on buses throughout the American South to help enforce the Supreme Court ruling that had declared racial segregation on public transportation illegal. This book shows how the Freedom Rides were crucial in raising awareness among decision makers and in bringing the realities of racial segregation into American homes through national media coverage.
Peter V. Marsden (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133317
- eISBN:
- 9781400845569
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133317.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a ...
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This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a social science project that has tracked demographic and attitudinal trends in the United States since 1972—it offers a window into diverse facets of American life, from intergroup relations to political views and orientations, social affiliations, and perceived well-being. Among the book's many important findings are the greater willingness of ordinary Americans to accord rights of free expression to unpopular groups, to endorse formal racial equality, and to accept nontraditional roles for women in the workplace, politics, and the family. Some, but not all, signs indicate that political conservatism has grown, while a few suggest that Republicans and Democrats are more polarized. Some forms of social connectedness such as neighboring have declined, as has confidence in government, while participation in organized religion has softened. Despite rising standards of living, American happiness levels have changed little, though financial and employment insecurity has risen over three decades. This book provides an invaluable perspective on how Americans view their lives and their society, and on how these views have changed over the last two generations.Less
This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a social science project that has tracked demographic and attitudinal trends in the United States since 1972—it offers a window into diverse facets of American life, from intergroup relations to political views and orientations, social affiliations, and perceived well-being. Among the book's many important findings are the greater willingness of ordinary Americans to accord rights of free expression to unpopular groups, to endorse formal racial equality, and to accept nontraditional roles for women in the workplace, politics, and the family. Some, but not all, signs indicate that political conservatism has grown, while a few suggest that Republicans and Democrats are more polarized. Some forms of social connectedness such as neighboring have declined, as has confidence in government, while participation in organized religion has softened. Despite rising standards of living, American happiness levels have changed little, though financial and employment insecurity has risen over three decades. This book provides an invaluable perspective on how Americans view their lives and their society, and on how these views have changed over the last two generations.
Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150550
- eISBN:
- 9781400839759
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150550.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled ...
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This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled to Lawrence. Two days earlier, Kennedy had declared his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. Kennedy's visit punctuated a restructuring of Kansas religion and politics. The quiet conservatism of the 1950s gave way to activism borne of concerns about the escalating war in Vietnam and the struggle for racial equality. The chapter first considers the impact of the Vietnam War on Kansas politics before discussing issues of school desegregation and black power in the state, along with Richard Nixon's law and order speech at Kansas State University in September 1970. It also explores the internal conflict in the local churches.Less
This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled to Lawrence. Two days earlier, Kennedy had declared his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. Kennedy's visit punctuated a restructuring of Kansas religion and politics. The quiet conservatism of the 1950s gave way to activism borne of concerns about the escalating war in Vietnam and the struggle for racial equality. The chapter first considers the impact of the Vietnam War on Kansas politics before discussing issues of school desegregation and black power in the state, along with Richard Nixon's law and order speech at Kansas State University in September 1970. It also explores the internal conflict in the local churches.
Kia Lilly Caldwell
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252040986
- eISBN:
- 9780252099533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040986.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines the development of health policies for the black population in Brazil from 1988, a year that marked the 100th anniversary of Brazilian abolition and the promulgation of a new ...
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This chapter examines the development of health policies for the black population in Brazil from 1988, a year that marked the 100th anniversary of Brazilian abolition and the promulgation of a new democratic Constitution, to the early 2010s. The analysis places the development of health policies for the black population within a larger context of race-conscious policy development, particularly in relation to the Statute of Racial Equality and affirmative action policies for higher education. As this chapter argues, political openings were created during the mid-1990s and early 2000s that facilitated the development of health policies for the black population. However, such policies were often highly contested and their full implementation was often undermined.Less
This chapter examines the development of health policies for the black population in Brazil from 1988, a year that marked the 100th anniversary of Brazilian abolition and the promulgation of a new democratic Constitution, to the early 2010s. The analysis places the development of health policies for the black population within a larger context of race-conscious policy development, particularly in relation to the Statute of Racial Equality and affirmative action policies for higher education. As this chapter argues, political openings were created during the mid-1990s and early 2000s that facilitated the development of health policies for the black population. However, such policies were often highly contested and their full implementation was often undermined.
Xu Guoqi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199658190
- eISBN:
- 9780191830860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658190.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
This chapter follows the handling of Japan’s racial equality provision as it unfolded at the Paris Peace Conference. It argues that the Japanese greeted their victories in Paris with mixed feelings. ...
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This chapter follows the handling of Japan’s racial equality provision as it unfolded at the Paris Peace Conference. It argues that the Japanese greeted their victories in Paris with mixed feelings. Despite being one of the top five Powers at the peace conference, Japan’s proposal for legal racial equality in the postwar world order was rejected. When the delegation returned home, crowds protested their failure. Still, the Japanese saw no contradiction in treating Koreans as inferior people both in Japan and in Korea. The race issue is a painful shared history among the Japanese and their fellow Asians; all of them faced discrimination during their time in Europe, never mind dealing with colonials at home. When Japan faced a choice between promoting international racial equality and making territorial gains, it went with the latter, since the former had proved difficult for Japanese elites to accept, much less achieve.Less
This chapter follows the handling of Japan’s racial equality provision as it unfolded at the Paris Peace Conference. It argues that the Japanese greeted their victories in Paris with mixed feelings. Despite being one of the top five Powers at the peace conference, Japan’s proposal for legal racial equality in the postwar world order was rejected. When the delegation returned home, crowds protested their failure. Still, the Japanese saw no contradiction in treating Koreans as inferior people both in Japan and in Korea. The race issue is a painful shared history among the Japanese and their fellow Asians; all of them faced discrimination during their time in Europe, never mind dealing with colonials at home. When Japan faced a choice between promoting international racial equality and making territorial gains, it went with the latter, since the former had proved difficult for Japanese elites to accept, much less achieve.
Martha H. Verbrugge
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195168792
- eISBN:
- 9780199949649
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195168792.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, American History: 19th Century
Chapter 7 (the counterpart to Chapter 1) examines the status of white and black female physical educators, coaches, and administrators in academic institutions as their profession matured and women’s ...
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Chapter 7 (the counterpart to Chapter 1) examines the status of white and black female physical educators, coaches, and administrators in academic institutions as their profession matured and women’s sports underwent a revolution (following the enactment of Title IX in 1972). Covering several generations of female teachers in grades K-12 through college-level, the chapter considers their backgrounds, training and credentials, and workplace challenges. Many instructors and coaches dealt with low status, multiple responsibilities, entrenched homophobia, and new administrative structures in athletics and physical education. The chapter asks why the field’s marginalization of “different” members persisted, even as gender and racial equality improved elsewhere in American society during the second half of the twentieth century.Less
Chapter 7 (the counterpart to Chapter 1) examines the status of white and black female physical educators, coaches, and administrators in academic institutions as their profession matured and women’s sports underwent a revolution (following the enactment of Title IX in 1972). Covering several generations of female teachers in grades K-12 through college-level, the chapter considers their backgrounds, training and credentials, and workplace challenges. Many instructors and coaches dealt with low status, multiple responsibilities, entrenched homophobia, and new administrative structures in athletics and physical education. The chapter asks why the field’s marginalization of “different” members persisted, even as gender and racial equality improved elsewhere in American society during the second half of the twentieth century.
Mary Farmer-Kaiser
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823232116
- eISBN:
- 9780823234943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823232116.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Operating at best with a belief that freedmen and women required “a guardian rather than a jailor or hangman”, Freedmen's Bureau officials worked not only to defend the rights ...
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Operating at best with a belief that freedmen and women required “a guardian rather than a jailor or hangman”, Freedmen's Bureau officials worked not only to defend the rights of African Americans against racial discriminations, but also to enforce the obligations of freedom as they mediated southern justice. To bureau men, dispensing justice meant in the end enforcing racial equality before the law and extending civil rights to African Americans rather than fighting gender discriminations. Thus as it mediated legal disputes involving freedpeople, the bureau again claimed the opportunity to impress upon former slaves the rights and obligations of free labor and contract as well as northern notions of household relations, an independent manhood, and a dependent womanhood. Freedwomen also used the bureau to intercede into their domestic relations when they became the target of abuse by husbands, filing complaints of domestic abuse including sexual violence.Less
Operating at best with a belief that freedmen and women required “a guardian rather than a jailor or hangman”, Freedmen's Bureau officials worked not only to defend the rights of African Americans against racial discriminations, but also to enforce the obligations of freedom as they mediated southern justice. To bureau men, dispensing justice meant in the end enforcing racial equality before the law and extending civil rights to African Americans rather than fighting gender discriminations. Thus as it mediated legal disputes involving freedpeople, the bureau again claimed the opportunity to impress upon former slaves the rights and obligations of free labor and contract as well as northern notions of household relations, an independent manhood, and a dependent womanhood. Freedwomen also used the bureau to intercede into their domestic relations when they became the target of abuse by husbands, filing complaints of domestic abuse including sexual violence.
