Paul B. Clayton, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198143987
- eISBN:
- 9780191711497
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198143987.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
This chapter explores the early works of Theodoret. These include Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, Expositio Rectae Fidei, and Quaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos.
This chapter explores the early works of Theodoret. These include Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, Expositio Rectae Fidei, and Quaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos.
Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199230204
- eISBN:
- 9780191710681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230204.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
The chapter begins by explaining that two major Latin works, a set of Commentaries on all the Pauline epistles save Hebrews, and 127 Quaestiones on the Old and New Testaments are now known as the ...
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The chapter begins by explaining that two major Latin works, a set of Commentaries on all the Pauline epistles save Hebrews, and 127 Quaestiones on the Old and New Testaments are now known as the work of a single author, an anonymous author who has for over 300 years been referred to as Ambrosiaster. There have been several distinct stages in the emergence of Ambrosiaster. In the earliest phase of their circulation, portions of the Quaestiones and Commentaries were attributed by their readers to various different authors or they were said to be written anonymously. This confusion over the authorship of Ambrosiaster's works is further reflected in the manuscript tradition.Less
The chapter begins by explaining that two major Latin works, a set of Commentaries on all the Pauline epistles save Hebrews, and 127 Quaestiones on the Old and New Testaments are now known as the work of a single author, an anonymous author who has for over 300 years been referred to as Ambrosiaster. There have been several distinct stages in the emergence of Ambrosiaster. In the earliest phase of their circulation, portions of the Quaestiones and Commentaries were attributed by their readers to various different authors or they were said to be written anonymously. This confusion over the authorship of Ambrosiaster's works is further reflected in the manuscript tradition.
Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199230204
- eISBN:
- 9780191710681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230204.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
This chapter explores Ambrosiaster's position in and attitude towards the Roman church in the 370s and 380s. Some of the Quaestiones in particular contain clues that leads to the belief that they ...
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This chapter explores Ambrosiaster's position in and attitude towards the Roman church in the 370s and 380s. Some of the Quaestiones in particular contain clues that leads to the belief that they originated as sermons or lectures, and the possibility that Ambrosiaster wrote homiletic texts suggests he was, in fact, a cleric. The Quaestiones are given precedence in this analysis, because they are less uniform in nature than the Commentaries and contain more clues to the circumstances of their composition and delivery.Less
This chapter explores Ambrosiaster's position in and attitude towards the Roman church in the 370s and 380s. Some of the Quaestiones in particular contain clues that leads to the belief that they originated as sermons or lectures, and the possibility that Ambrosiaster wrote homiletic texts suggests he was, in fact, a cleric. The Quaestiones are given precedence in this analysis, because they are less uniform in nature than the Commentaries and contain more clues to the circumstances of their composition and delivery.
Christopher I. Beckwith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155319
- eISBN:
- 9781400845170
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155319.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, World Medieval History
This chapter examines the recursive argument method of medieval science. The distinctive argument method used in scientific literature from the High Middle Ages to the Enlightenment was the ...
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This chapter examines the recursive argument method of medieval science. The distinctive argument method used in scientific literature from the High Middle Ages to the Enlightenment was the “scientific method” until the scientific revolution. It is traditionally known in earlier scholarly literature as the “scholastic method” or quaestiones disputatae “disputed questions” method. Unfortunately, because of increasing scholarly confusion about the origins and meaning of the traditional term “scholastic method,” and even of the term quaestiones disputatae, it has been necessary to adopt a purely descriptive term, namely recursive argument method, also called recursive method or recursive argument. Many medieval scholars who wrote works using the recursive argument method also wrote treatises. The chapter compares the recursive argument with the treatise and dialogue argument structures and considers diffrent types of formal recursion.Less
This chapter examines the recursive argument method of medieval science. The distinctive argument method used in scientific literature from the High Middle Ages to the Enlightenment was the “scientific method” until the scientific revolution. It is traditionally known in earlier scholarly literature as the “scholastic method” or quaestiones disputatae “disputed questions” method. Unfortunately, because of increasing scholarly confusion about the origins and meaning of the traditional term “scholastic method,” and even of the term quaestiones disputatae, it has been necessary to adopt a purely descriptive term, namely recursive argument method, also called recursive method or recursive argument. Many medieval scholars who wrote works using the recursive argument method also wrote treatises. The chapter compares the recursive argument with the treatise and dialogue argument structures and considers diffrent types of formal recursion.
Paul J. du Plessis (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474408820
- eISBN:
- 9781474426763
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474408820.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
Why did Roman prosecutors typically accuse the defendant of multiple crimina, when in most standing criminal courts the punishment imposed on a guilty defendant was the same (typically “capital,” ...
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Why did Roman prosecutors typically accuse the defendant of multiple crimina, when in most standing criminal courts the punishment imposed on a guilty defendant was the same (typically “capital,” that is, a kind of exile), no matter how many charges were proven? The answer lies not in a failure to distinguish between legal charges leveled at the defendant and defamation of his character, but rather in a rhetorical strategy that made sense in light of what was legally necessary to obtain a conviction. The greater the number of charges, the more likely the jurors would be persuaded that the defendant had in some way violated the statute according to which the trial was being conducted. It is true that prosecutors typically argued that the defendant’s prior conduct made it plausible that he had committed the crimes with which he was charged, but in a way that, as much as possible, made his guilt on these particular charges seem likely, and defense patroni attempted to undermine the charges and the character defamation. This answer to the apparent contradiction between multiple charges and unitary punishment favors a moderate formalism over legal realism as the way to interpret Roman criminal trials.Less
Why did Roman prosecutors typically accuse the defendant of multiple crimina, when in most standing criminal courts the punishment imposed on a guilty defendant was the same (typically “capital,” that is, a kind of exile), no matter how many charges were proven? The answer lies not in a failure to distinguish between legal charges leveled at the defendant and defamation of his character, but rather in a rhetorical strategy that made sense in light of what was legally necessary to obtain a conviction. The greater the number of charges, the more likely the jurors would be persuaded that the defendant had in some way violated the statute according to which the trial was being conducted. It is true that prosecutors typically argued that the defendant’s prior conduct made it plausible that he had committed the crimes with which he was charged, but in a way that, as much as possible, made his guilt on these particular charges seem likely, and defense patroni attempted to undermine the charges and the character defamation. This answer to the apparent contradiction between multiple charges and unitary punishment favors a moderate formalism over legal realism as the way to interpret Roman criminal trials.
Helen Kraus
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600786
- eISBN:
- 9780191731563
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600786.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies, Church History
Known as vir trilinguis (trilingual Hebrew, Greek and Latin), Jerome is the first sole translator in this study. A convert to Christianity, much of Jerome's early adulthood seems overshadowed by a ...
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Known as vir trilinguis (trilingual Hebrew, Greek and Latin), Jerome is the first sole translator in this study. A convert to Christianity, much of Jerome's early adulthood seems overshadowed by a libido not conquered by the solitary desert life. Seeking diversion, Jerome, already a skilled Greek linguist, began to learn Hebrew. Later, in Rome, under the auspices of Pope Damasus, he translated the Hebrew Bible into Latin. While in Rome, Jerome also became spiritual guide to a community of celibate women, with whom he eventually settled near Jerusalem. Origen's hexaplar edition is frequently cited by Jerome in the latter's Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim. Jerome's first woman is named virago and he is the first translator to distinguish between ‘woman’ (mulier) and ‘wife’ (uxor). His renderings are largely according to the Hebraica veritas but, interestingly, Jerome seems to offer no comment on gender issues where they occur in the text.Less
Known as vir trilinguis (trilingual Hebrew, Greek and Latin), Jerome is the first sole translator in this study. A convert to Christianity, much of Jerome's early adulthood seems overshadowed by a libido not conquered by the solitary desert life. Seeking diversion, Jerome, already a skilled Greek linguist, began to learn Hebrew. Later, in Rome, under the auspices of Pope Damasus, he translated the Hebrew Bible into Latin. While in Rome, Jerome also became spiritual guide to a community of celibate women, with whom he eventually settled near Jerusalem. Origen's hexaplar edition is frequently cited by Jerome in the latter's Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim. Jerome's first woman is named virago and he is the first translator to distinguish between ‘woman’ (mulier) and ‘wife’ (uxor). His renderings are largely according to the Hebraica veritas but, interestingly, Jerome seems to offer no comment on gender issues where they occur in the text.
Elaine Fantham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199263158
- eISBN:
- 9780191718892
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199263158.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter begins with a discussion of how the civil law is introduced into the dialogue. It outlines the civil procedures available in the time of Cicero's dialogue —procedures which had not ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of how the civil law is introduced into the dialogue. It outlines the civil procedures available in the time of Cicero's dialogue —procedures which had not changed significantly in Cicero's own day. It also presents a discussion of the legal experts (iuris periti) and the state of legal literature prior to Cicero's day, and then examines his presentation of actual cases.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of how the civil law is introduced into the dialogue. It outlines the civil procedures available in the time of Cicero's dialogue —procedures which had not changed significantly in Cicero's own day. It also presents a discussion of the legal experts (iuris periti) and the state of legal literature prior to Cicero's day, and then examines his presentation of actual cases.
Lawrence Dewan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227969
- eISBN:
- 9780823237210
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823227969.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
In seeking the first cause of moral evil, St. Thomas Aquinas was not content to speak only of the deficiency in the will's choice, nor again to speak only of the freedom of ...
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In seeking the first cause of moral evil, St. Thomas Aquinas was not content to speak only of the deficiency in the will's choice, nor again to speak only of the freedom of the will itself, taken as a good thing created by God. Rather, between these two, namely, the privative deficiency and the good nature, he insisted on the necessity to posit in the free operation of the will a pure negation, a non-considering of the rule, that is in no way culpable, nor indeed in any sense an evil, but that is absolutely indispensable for an adequate conception of the first cause of moral evil. This chapter investigates the first cause of moral evil as presented in the Summa contra gentiles (SCG) 3.10 that we find the requirement for the first time and Quaestiones disputatae de malo 1.3.Less
In seeking the first cause of moral evil, St. Thomas Aquinas was not content to speak only of the deficiency in the will's choice, nor again to speak only of the freedom of the will itself, taken as a good thing created by God. Rather, between these two, namely, the privative deficiency and the good nature, he insisted on the necessity to posit in the free operation of the will a pure negation, a non-considering of the rule, that is in no way culpable, nor indeed in any sense an evil, but that is absolutely indispensable for an adequate conception of the first cause of moral evil. This chapter investigates the first cause of moral evil as presented in the Summa contra gentiles (SCG) 3.10 that we find the requirement for the first time and Quaestiones disputatae de malo 1.3.
Peter Distelzweig
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199987313
- eISBN:
- 9780199346240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199987313.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Philosophy of Science
Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente [Girolamo Fabrici, c. 1533–1619] was a long-time professor of anatomy at Padua and a participant in and contributor to the renaissance of anatomical studies in ...
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Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente [Girolamo Fabrici, c. 1533–1619] was a long-time professor of anatomy at Padua and a participant in and contributor to the renaissance of anatomical studies in the 16th century. While still deeply influenced by the Galenic medical tradition, Fabricius’ approach to anatomy was especially Aristotelian and natural philosophical. The goal of Fabricius anatomy was scientia of the part of animals articulated using Galenic concepts of action and use. Interestingly, in his works on muscles and joints Fabricius also employs mathematical mechanics. Here I argue that Fabricius aims to integrate mathematical mechanics into his characteristic Galeno-Aristotelian teleological explanations of muscle and bone anatomy. I argue further that Fabricius’ use of mechanics is Aristotelian in two senses: (1) the (pseudo-)Aristotelian Quaestiones Mechanicae serve as his primary reference point; and (2) he thinks of mechanics as an Aristotelian subordinate science. His is an Aristotelian, teleological, and non-reductive use of mechanics.Less
Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente [Girolamo Fabrici, c. 1533–1619] was a long-time professor of anatomy at Padua and a participant in and contributor to the renaissance of anatomical studies in the 16th century. While still deeply influenced by the Galenic medical tradition, Fabricius’ approach to anatomy was especially Aristotelian and natural philosophical. The goal of Fabricius anatomy was scientia of the part of animals articulated using Galenic concepts of action and use. Interestingly, in his works on muscles and joints Fabricius also employs mathematical mechanics. Here I argue that Fabricius aims to integrate mathematical mechanics into his characteristic Galeno-Aristotelian teleological explanations of muscle and bone anatomy. I argue further that Fabricius’ use of mechanics is Aristotelian in two senses: (1) the (pseudo-)Aristotelian Quaestiones Mechanicae serve as his primary reference point; and (2) he thinks of mechanics as an Aristotelian subordinate science. His is an Aristotelian, teleological, and non-reductive use of mechanics.
Philip A. Stadter
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198718338
- eISBN:
- 9780191787638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198718338.003.0007
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
Plutarch’s reported after-dinner conversations in Table Talk suggest an ideal world of social intercourse among friends both Greek and Roman. He insists that the purpose of a symposium or drinking ...
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Plutarch’s reported after-dinner conversations in Table Talk suggest an ideal world of social intercourse among friends both Greek and Roman. He insists that the purpose of a symposium or drinking party is to make friends and reinforce prior friendships through a shared experience of wine and intelligent conversation. The Muses, represented especially by such conversation, must join Dionysus, for without them communal drinking can rapidly descend into quarrels, ill-will, and even violence. It is the duty of the symposiarchos or leader of the drinking to moderate the party through understanding of each individual, if possible, and introducing appropriate subjects. Both the proems of the individual books and many conversations treat the proper topics for discussion, such as some problem of popular philosophy or literature, or the experiences of participants. Random chit-chat or mockery should be avoided. Plutarch thus implicitly corrects the less cultivated behaviour often to be found in his contemporary society, working through implication rather than reproof.Less
Plutarch’s reported after-dinner conversations in Table Talk suggest an ideal world of social intercourse among friends both Greek and Roman. He insists that the purpose of a symposium or drinking party is to make friends and reinforce prior friendships through a shared experience of wine and intelligent conversation. The Muses, represented especially by such conversation, must join Dionysus, for without them communal drinking can rapidly descend into quarrels, ill-will, and even violence. It is the duty of the symposiarchos or leader of the drinking to moderate the party through understanding of each individual, if possible, and introducing appropriate subjects. Both the proems of the individual books and many conversations treat the proper topics for discussion, such as some problem of popular philosophy or literature, or the experiences of participants. Random chit-chat or mockery should be avoided. Plutarch thus implicitly corrects the less cultivated behaviour often to be found in his contemporary society, working through implication rather than reproof.
Philip A. Stadter
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198718338
- eISBN:
- 9780191787638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198718338.003.0008
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
Plutarch’s description in Table Talk of a symposiarchos or leader of a dinner party (Quaestiones Conviviales 1.4, 620A–622B) offers many similarities to the political leader described in Praecepts ...
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Plutarch’s description in Table Talk of a symposiarchos or leader of a dinner party (Quaestiones Conviviales 1.4, 620A–622B) offers many similarities to the political leader described in Praecepts for Politicians. Both aim at reducing division and rivalry and encouraging concord. It is desirable that the guests know each other and the host: problems may arise when one guest invites another unknown to the host, or especially when a prominent person, such as a Roman official, arrives with a whole retinue. In these cases the risk of offence or ill-temper is greater. The symposiarch himself should be sympotkotatos, devoted to the symposium and the friendship and concord of its participants. Politics is to be avoided as a subject, as all mockery and insult. In the ninth book, Plutarch’s teacher Ammonius is an admirable leader, carefully regulating the party with conversation and music. Plutarch stresses that neither a city nor a party is ever in a stable state: the leader must always exercise constant care.Less
Plutarch’s description in Table Talk of a symposiarchos or leader of a dinner party (Quaestiones Conviviales 1.4, 620A–622B) offers many similarities to the political leader described in Praecepts for Politicians. Both aim at reducing division and rivalry and encouraging concord. It is desirable that the guests know each other and the host: problems may arise when one guest invites another unknown to the host, or especially when a prominent person, such as a Roman official, arrives with a whole retinue. In these cases the risk of offence or ill-temper is greater. The symposiarch himself should be sympotkotatos, devoted to the symposium and the friendship and concord of its participants. Politics is to be avoided as a subject, as all mockery and insult. In the ninth book, Plutarch’s teacher Ammonius is an admirable leader, carefully regulating the party with conversation and music. Plutarch stresses that neither a city nor a party is ever in a stable state: the leader must always exercise constant care.
