John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the second broad solution to the legitimacy problems: sharing arguments through the media. It sets out the structural features of the news media and shows how they filter out ...
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This chapter discusses the second broad solution to the legitimacy problems: sharing arguments through the media. It sets out the structural features of the news media and shows how they filter out certain kinds of arguments and issues, using the example of a deliberative poll. It argues that successful argument sharing (or publicity) depends on the salience of the issue, but in such cases, small-scale deliberative processes can provide a useful focal point for coverage of all the arguments. ‘Manufacturing’ salience can lead to distortion of the issue and arguments.Less
This chapter discusses the second broad solution to the legitimacy problems: sharing arguments through the media. It sets out the structural features of the news media and shows how they filter out certain kinds of arguments and issues, using the example of a deliberative poll. It argues that successful argument sharing (or publicity) depends on the salience of the issue, but in such cases, small-scale deliberative processes can provide a useful focal point for coverage of all the arguments. ‘Manufacturing’ salience can lead to distortion of the issue and arguments.
John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem ...
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This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem definitions and agendas as a means of controlling debate, and the failure of micro-deliberative processes to handle such battles. It identifies the rhetorical devices used by deliberators to persuade their external audiences, and the impact these have on the rationality of the process. It argues that the more decisive a process is, the more it will attract publicity and the more inclusive it will be, but also the greater the incentives are to act strategically.Less
This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem definitions and agendas as a means of controlling debate, and the failure of micro-deliberative processes to handle such battles. It identifies the rhetorical devices used by deliberators to persuade their external audiences, and the impact these have on the rationality of the process. It argues that the more decisive a process is, the more it will attract publicity and the more inclusive it will be, but also the greater the incentives are to act strategically.
Charlotte Brunsdon
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159803
- eISBN:
- 9780191673702
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159803.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This title traces the history of the feminist engagement with soap opera, using a wide range of sources from programme publicity to interviews with key soap-opera scholars. The book reveals that ...
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This title traces the history of the feminist engagement with soap opera, using a wide range of sources from programme publicity to interviews with key soap-opera scholars. The book reveals that feminist scholarship on soap opera was a significant site in which the identity ‘feminist intellectual’ was produced in dialogue with her imagined other, the soap-opera-watching housewife. The book integrates personal autobiographical accounts within a broader history which traces both the move from ‘women's liberation’ to ‘feminism’, and the acceptance of soap opera as a serious object of study.Less
This title traces the history of the feminist engagement with soap opera, using a wide range of sources from programme publicity to interviews with key soap-opera scholars. The book reveals that feminist scholarship on soap opera was a significant site in which the identity ‘feminist intellectual’ was produced in dialogue with her imagined other, the soap-opera-watching housewife. The book integrates personal autobiographical accounts within a broader history which traces both the move from ‘women's liberation’ to ‘feminism’, and the acceptance of soap opera as a serious object of study.
Ross Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1974
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198245070
- eISBN:
- 9780191680830
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198245070.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
This chapter addresses the importance of space and time, of existence unperceived, of publicity and action, and of natural laws. These are examined in a single argument which extends from Chapter ...
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This chapter addresses the importance of space and time, of existence unperceived, of publicity and action, and of natural laws. These are examined in a single argument which extends from Chapter Three to Chapter Seven and in the course of which the essential features of any comprehensible world are either assumed or derived. In Chapter Two, before this argument begins, the book introduces and argues for the methods by which this general argument is developed. In Chapter One, the book attempts to show why it is important to consider the essential features of any comprehensible world. This chapter forms a prolegomenon to the inquiry. The argument in it is of a somewhat more impressionistic nature than the argument later in the inquiry; and so it is probably important to point out that the conclusions reached in the inquiry itself are practically independent of the argument of the first chapter. Those that are totally unconvinced by it may still be persuaded by the general argument which follows.Less
This chapter addresses the importance of space and time, of existence unperceived, of publicity and action, and of natural laws. These are examined in a single argument which extends from Chapter Three to Chapter Seven and in the course of which the essential features of any comprehensible world are either assumed or derived. In Chapter Two, before this argument begins, the book introduces and argues for the methods by which this general argument is developed. In Chapter One, the book attempts to show why it is important to consider the essential features of any comprehensible world. This chapter forms a prolegomenon to the inquiry. The argument in it is of a somewhat more impressionistic nature than the argument later in the inquiry; and so it is probably important to point out that the conclusions reached in the inquiry itself are practically independent of the argument of the first chapter. Those that are totally unconvinced by it may still be persuaded by the general argument which follows.
Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter argues that social justice requires that equality be publicly realized. Social justice is realized in social and political institutions that attempt to establish justice. It requires ...
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This chapter argues that social justice requires that equality be publicly realized. Social justice is realized in social and political institutions that attempt to establish justice. It requires that justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. In the case of justice as equality, it must not only be the case that people are treated as equals; they must be able to see that they are treated as equals. Hence, social justice requires what is called public equality. It is argued that public equality is grounded on the principle of equality defended in the last chapter and the circumstances of disagreement, diversity, fallibility, and cognitive bias that attend efforts to implement justice in any moderately complex society as well as the fundamental interests of persons in society. This grounds the idea of the egalitarian standpoint from which the justification of political institutions proceeds. That is the first stage of the argument for grounding of democracy on equality.Less
This chapter argues that social justice requires that equality be publicly realized. Social justice is realized in social and political institutions that attempt to establish justice. It requires that justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. In the case of justice as equality, it must not only be the case that people are treated as equals; they must be able to see that they are treated as equals. Hence, social justice requires what is called public equality. It is argued that public equality is grounded on the principle of equality defended in the last chapter and the circumstances of disagreement, diversity, fallibility, and cognitive bias that attend efforts to implement justice in any moderately complex society as well as the fundamental interests of persons in society. This grounds the idea of the egalitarian standpoint from which the justification of political institutions proceeds. That is the first stage of the argument for grounding of democracy on equality.
Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense ...
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This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.Less
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.
Mariel Grant
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204442
- eISBN:
- 9780191676284
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204442.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a study of government publicity activities in Britain between the wars. The book focuses on the development of a public relations bureaux and information services in Whitehall. It shows how ...
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This is a study of government publicity activities in Britain between the wars. The book focuses on the development of a public relations bureaux and information services in Whitehall. It shows how during the inter-war period publicity came to be regarded as a legitimate and necessary task of democratic government, and that although government departments pursued propaganda activities with different motives and divergent perspectives, they adopted a similar approach to both the tool and their audience. The book explores a variety of different issues and campaigns, including the Post Office's attempts to make the public ‘telephone conscious’, the Ministry of Health's sex education efforts, and the multi-departmental and protracted ‘Drink More Milk’ campaign. It shows how the experiences and developments of the 1920s and 1930s contributed to the decision in 1939 to establish the propaganda ministry, designed to manage wartime publicity and shape public opinion. The book offers insights into the nature of propaganda and its management, and contributes to our understanding of the changing role of the state in modern British society.Less
This is a study of government publicity activities in Britain between the wars. The book focuses on the development of a public relations bureaux and information services in Whitehall. It shows how during the inter-war period publicity came to be regarded as a legitimate and necessary task of democratic government, and that although government departments pursued propaganda activities with different motives and divergent perspectives, they adopted a similar approach to both the tool and their audience. The book explores a variety of different issues and campaigns, including the Post Office's attempts to make the public ‘telephone conscious’, the Ministry of Health's sex education efforts, and the multi-departmental and protracted ‘Drink More Milk’ campaign. It shows how the experiences and developments of the 1920s and 1930s contributed to the decision in 1939 to establish the propaganda ministry, designed to manage wartime publicity and shape public opinion. The book offers insights into the nature of propaganda and its management, and contributes to our understanding of the changing role of the state in modern British society.
Ian O'Flynn
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748621446
- eISBN:
- 9780748672004
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748621446.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In a world where the impact of internal conflicts is spreading ever wider, there is a real need to rethink how democratic ideals and institutions can best be implemented. This book responds to this ...
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In a world where the impact of internal conflicts is spreading ever wider, there is a real need to rethink how democratic ideals and institutions can best be implemented. This book responds to this challenge by showing that deliberative democracy has crucial, but largely untapped, normative implications for societies deeply divided along ethnic lines. Its central claim is that deliberative norms and procedures can enable the citizens of such societies to build and sustain a stronger sense of common national identity. More specifically, the book argues that the deliberative requirements of reciprocity and publicity can enable citizens and representatives to strike an appropriate balance between the need to recognise competing ethnic identities and the need to develop a common civic identity centred on the institutions of the state. Although the book is primarily normative, it supports its claims with a broad range of empirical examples, drawn from cases such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lebanon, Macedonia, Northern Ireland and South Africa. The book also considers the normative implications of deliberative democracy for questions of institutional design. It argues that power-sharing institutions should be conceived in a way that allows citizens as much freedom as possible to shape their own relation to the polity. Crucially, this freedom can enable them to reconstruct their relationship to each other and to the state in ways that ultimately strengthen and sustain the transition from ethnic conflict to democracy.Less
In a world where the impact of internal conflicts is spreading ever wider, there is a real need to rethink how democratic ideals and institutions can best be implemented. This book responds to this challenge by showing that deliberative democracy has crucial, but largely untapped, normative implications for societies deeply divided along ethnic lines. Its central claim is that deliberative norms and procedures can enable the citizens of such societies to build and sustain a stronger sense of common national identity. More specifically, the book argues that the deliberative requirements of reciprocity and publicity can enable citizens and representatives to strike an appropriate balance between the need to recognise competing ethnic identities and the need to develop a common civic identity centred on the institutions of the state. Although the book is primarily normative, it supports its claims with a broad range of empirical examples, drawn from cases such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lebanon, Macedonia, Northern Ireland and South Africa. The book also considers the normative implications of deliberative democracy for questions of institutional design. It argues that power-sharing institutions should be conceived in a way that allows citizens as much freedom as possible to shape their own relation to the polity. Crucially, this freedom can enable them to reconstruct their relationship to each other and to the state in ways that ultimately strengthen and sustain the transition from ethnic conflict to democracy.
Michael Suk-Young Chwe
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158280
- eISBN:
- 9781400846436
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158280.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter begins by describing two competing kinds of explanations to the one offered in the preceding chapter. The first is the way in which rituals are thought to influence behavior through ...
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This chapter begins by describing two competing kinds of explanations to the one offered in the preceding chapter. The first is the way in which rituals are thought to influence behavior through direct psychological stimulation. The second is based on how being physically together in a group of people affects individual emotions. It addresses the question of whether common knowledge is an impossible ideal. It then discusses how publicity—or more precisely, common knowledge generation—and content are never really separable, in contrast to the book's argument that both must be considered in understanding cultural practices such as rituals. The chapter goes on to explain how historical precedent can generate common knowledge and generating community through common knowledge.Less
This chapter begins by describing two competing kinds of explanations to the one offered in the preceding chapter. The first is the way in which rituals are thought to influence behavior through direct psychological stimulation. The second is based on how being physically together in a group of people affects individual emotions. It addresses the question of whether common knowledge is an impossible ideal. It then discusses how publicity—or more precisely, common knowledge generation—and content are never really separable, in contrast to the book's argument that both must be considered in understanding cultural practices such as rituals. The chapter goes on to explain how historical precedent can generate common knowledge and generating community through common knowledge.
R. Allen Lott
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195148831
- eISBN:
- 9780199869695
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195148831.003.0002
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
America's first encounter with a bona fide piano virtuoso was provided by the colorful Austrian pianist Leopold de Meyer (1816-83), who had just achieved fame in Paris and other western European ...
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America's first encounter with a bona fide piano virtuoso was provided by the colorful Austrian pianist Leopold de Meyer (1816-83), who had just achieved fame in Paris and other western European capitals. Unknown in America, De Meyer resorted to outlandish publicity to gain attention, a technique rampant at the time and frequently denounced as humbug. De Meyer made his American debut at New York's Park Theatre on 20 October 1845, and appeared there for two weeks on theatrical bills before giving his own grand concerts in New York's Tabernacle and later in Boston. De Meyer performed his own music, including opera fantasias typical of the time as well as pieces inspired by his exotic travels: the Marche marocaine, which emphasized a dense chordal texture and bravura passages, became his signature work.Less
America's first encounter with a bona fide piano virtuoso was provided by the colorful Austrian pianist Leopold de Meyer (1816-83), who had just achieved fame in Paris and other western European capitals. Unknown in America, De Meyer resorted to outlandish publicity to gain attention, a technique rampant at the time and frequently denounced as humbug. De Meyer made his American debut at New York's Park Theatre on 20 October 1845, and appeared there for two weeks on theatrical bills before giving his own grand concerts in New York's Tabernacle and later in Boston. De Meyer performed his own music, including opera fantasias typical of the time as well as pieces inspired by his exotic travels: the Marche marocaine, which emphasized a dense chordal texture and bravura passages, became his signature work.
Eviatar Zerubavel
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195187175
- eISBN:
- 9780199943371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195187175.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter emphasizes the collaborative nature of conspiracies of silence, illustrating how each conspirator's actions are symbiotically complemented by the others'. Breaking a conspiracy of ...
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This chapter emphasizes the collaborative nature of conspiracies of silence, illustrating how each conspirator's actions are symbiotically complemented by the others'. Breaking a conspiracy of silence involves acknowledging the presence of the elephant in the room, by making the elephant's presence part of the public discourse. Publicity critically acts in preventing and counteracting denial. Like silence itself, breaking it is a collaborative endeavor that involves an entire social system. For a conspiracy of silence to actually end, there ultimately need to be no more conspirators left to keep it alive. The situation of being in a minority and facing the majority's pressure to maintain a conspiracy of silence becomes more pronounced as the number of conspirators increases. Conspirators of silence may try to actively divert attention away from silence breakers or ask everybody around to “move on” and not “dwell on” the elephants they exposed.Less
This chapter emphasizes the collaborative nature of conspiracies of silence, illustrating how each conspirator's actions are symbiotically complemented by the others'. Breaking a conspiracy of silence involves acknowledging the presence of the elephant in the room, by making the elephant's presence part of the public discourse. Publicity critically acts in preventing and counteracting denial. Like silence itself, breaking it is a collaborative endeavor that involves an entire social system. For a conspiracy of silence to actually end, there ultimately need to be no more conspirators left to keep it alive. The situation of being in a minority and facing the majority's pressure to maintain a conspiracy of silence becomes more pronounced as the number of conspirators increases. Conspirators of silence may try to actively divert attention away from silence breakers or ask everybody around to “move on” and not “dwell on” the elephants they exposed.
Susan K. Jacobson, Mallory D. McDuff, and Martha C. Monroe
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198567714
- eISBN:
- 9780191718311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198567714.003.0010
- Subject:
- Biology, Biodiversity / Conservation Biology
This chapter reviews a number of marketing techniques that can help increase conservation-related behavior. Modeling, commitment, incentives, and feedback can be designed into a program to make a new ...
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This chapter reviews a number of marketing techniques that can help increase conservation-related behavior. Modeling, commitment, incentives, and feedback can be designed into a program to make a new behavior attractive, to build a social norm to favor the new behavior, and to generate a feeling of success. Signs, billboards, advertisements, press releases, and other techniques provide information and memory prompts for a target audience. Campaigns can include persuasive elements and strategies to build public support for change. Working with local leaders to identify behaviors and consider the incentives and motives that support or deter each behavior helps educators choose the most strategic behavior initially, and then design an effective combination of techniques. This chapter provides many examples of how a variety of techniques have been used and evaluated to achieve behavior change.Less
This chapter reviews a number of marketing techniques that can help increase conservation-related behavior. Modeling, commitment, incentives, and feedback can be designed into a program to make a new behavior attractive, to build a social norm to favor the new behavior, and to generate a feeling of success. Signs, billboards, advertisements, press releases, and other techniques provide information and memory prompts for a target audience. Campaigns can include persuasive elements and strategies to build public support for change. Working with local leaders to identify behaviors and consider the incentives and motives that support or deter each behavior helps educators choose the most strategic behavior initially, and then design an effective combination of techniques. This chapter provides many examples of how a variety of techniques have been used and evaluated to achieve behavior change.
Corey Ross
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199278213
- eISBN:
- 9780191707933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278213.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the relationship between the expansion of modern media and the changing nature of popular politics. Even before the First World War, the gradual emergence of new patterns of ...
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This chapter focuses on the relationship between the expansion of modern media and the changing nature of popular politics. Even before the First World War, the gradual emergence of new patterns of perception and expectation promoted by the media had profound implications for processes of popular political mobilization. How political elites sought to adapt to these developments, and how their efforts were related to evolving currents within the realm of commercial advertising, is the central subject. The chapter surveys the wide-ranging German discourse on public opinion, propaganda and the nature of political leadership during and after the First World War, which strongly influenced conceptions of political mobilization.Less
This chapter focuses on the relationship between the expansion of modern media and the changing nature of popular politics. Even before the First World War, the gradual emergence of new patterns of perception and expectation promoted by the media had profound implications for processes of popular political mobilization. How political elites sought to adapt to these developments, and how their efforts were related to evolving currents within the realm of commercial advertising, is the central subject. The chapter surveys the wide-ranging German discourse on public opinion, propaganda and the nature of political leadership during and after the First World War, which strongly influenced conceptions of political mobilization.
Corey Ross
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199278213
- eISBN:
- 9780191707933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278213.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter investigates how republican political elites participated in the discourse discussed in Chapter 7, and how they attempted to devise a more democratic form of public relations distinct ...
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This chapter investigates how republican political elites participated in the discourse discussed in Chapter 7, and how they attempted to devise a more democratic form of public relations distinct from the negative connotations of ‘propaganda’ reverberating after the excesses of the war. The attempt to devise a rational form of democratic ‘instruction’ is discussed. The chapter then analyses the challenge posed by the aggressive and in many ways cutting-edge image campaigns of the radical anti-republican movements, especially the National Socialists, and how both the deepening crisis of the early 1930s and the ‘lessons’ of the wider discourse on propaganda eventually led to a hesitant yet fateful process of re-thinking on these issues within government and democratic circles.Less
This chapter investigates how republican political elites participated in the discourse discussed in Chapter 7, and how they attempted to devise a more democratic form of public relations distinct from the negative connotations of ‘propaganda’ reverberating after the excesses of the war. The attempt to devise a rational form of democratic ‘instruction’ is discussed. The chapter then analyses the challenge posed by the aggressive and in many ways cutting-edge image campaigns of the radical anti-republican movements, especially the National Socialists, and how both the deepening crisis of the early 1930s and the ‘lessons’ of the wider discourse on propaganda eventually led to a hesitant yet fateful process of re-thinking on these issues within government and democratic circles.
Corey Ross
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199278213
- eISBN:
- 9780191707933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278213.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter shows that the processes of political control and commercial concentration outlined in Chapter 9 dovetailed with Nazi efforts to satisfy audiences with popular, if somewhat ...
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This chapter shows that the processes of political control and commercial concentration outlined in Chapter 9 dovetailed with Nazi efforts to satisfy audiences with popular, if somewhat circumscribed, entertainment. It goes beyond existing interpretations of Nazi mass culture as a form of political propaganda to consider also the extent to which it matched audience expectations and helped transcend older audience segmentations. Overall, it argues that the reconfiguration of the media and popular entertainment in the Third Reich — though in many ways merely an acceleration of existing trends and at base more destructive than creative — contributed to the increasing convergence of the media and their audiences in the 1930s, and ultimately to a more common cultural frame of reference shared by wider range of social groups.Less
This chapter shows that the processes of political control and commercial concentration outlined in Chapter 9 dovetailed with Nazi efforts to satisfy audiences with popular, if somewhat circumscribed, entertainment. It goes beyond existing interpretations of Nazi mass culture as a form of political propaganda to consider also the extent to which it matched audience expectations and helped transcend older audience segmentations. Overall, it argues that the reconfiguration of the media and popular entertainment in the Third Reich — though in many ways merely an acceleration of existing trends and at base more destructive than creative — contributed to the increasing convergence of the media and their audiences in the 1930s, and ultimately to a more common cultural frame of reference shared by wider range of social groups.
Philip Schofield
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198208563
- eISBN:
- 9780191716928
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208563.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
This book is the first comprehensive account of the political thought of Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), the philosopher and reformer, and draws on an extensive range of unpublished manuscripts and ...
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This book is the first comprehensive account of the political thought of Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), the philosopher and reformer, and draws on an extensive range of unpublished manuscripts and original printed texts, and on the new, authoritative edition of The Collected Works of Jeremy Bentham. A further distinctive feature lies in its thorough investigation of the intimate relationship between Bentham’s political thought on the one hand, and his legal and religious thought on the other. The book begins with a lucid account of Bentham’s theory of logic and language, which is shown to underpin his utilitarianism, and provide the rationale for his attack on the related doctrines of natural law and natural rights. It then investigates the factors which led Bentham to produce the first major utilitarian defence of democracy. In contrast to previous scholarship, which claims that Bentham’s ‘conversion’ or ‘transition’ to political radicalism took place either at the time of the French Revolution or subsequent to his meeting with James Mill in 1808 or 1809, this book argues that the process was longer and more complex, beginning around 1804 when the notion of sinister interest emerged in Bentham’s thought. Bentham came to appreciate that rulers, rather than being motivated by a desire to promote the greatest happiness of the community as a whole, wished to promote their own selfish or sinister interest. The solution lay in the establishment of representative democracy, where publicity could make the actions of officials transparent, and thus render rulers genuinely accountable to the people.Less
This book is the first comprehensive account of the political thought of Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), the philosopher and reformer, and draws on an extensive range of unpublished manuscripts and original printed texts, and on the new, authoritative edition of The Collected Works of Jeremy Bentham. A further distinctive feature lies in its thorough investigation of the intimate relationship between Bentham’s political thought on the one hand, and his legal and religious thought on the other. The book begins with a lucid account of Bentham’s theory of logic and language, which is shown to underpin his utilitarianism, and provide the rationale for his attack on the related doctrines of natural law and natural rights. It then investigates the factors which led Bentham to produce the first major utilitarian defence of democracy. In contrast to previous scholarship, which claims that Bentham’s ‘conversion’ or ‘transition’ to political radicalism took place either at the time of the French Revolution or subsequent to his meeting with James Mill in 1808 or 1809, this book argues that the process was longer and more complex, beginning around 1804 when the notion of sinister interest emerged in Bentham’s thought. Bentham came to appreciate that rulers, rather than being motivated by a desire to promote the greatest happiness of the community as a whole, wished to promote their own selfish or sinister interest. The solution lay in the establishment of representative democracy, where publicity could make the actions of officials transparent, and thus render rulers genuinely accountable to the people.
Philip Schofield
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198208563
- eISBN:
- 9780191716928
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208563.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
The key to good government was the securing of responsibility. Responsibility was secured by publicity. And publicity was itself dependent, to a significant degree, on architecture. Hence Bentham’s ...
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The key to good government was the securing of responsibility. Responsibility was secured by publicity. And publicity was itself dependent, to a significant degree, on architecture. Hence Bentham’s concern with the design of the physical spaces in which government operated, exemplified in the panopticon prison, the debating chamber for a representative assembly, the courtroom, and the minister’s audience chamber. The actions of officials had to be transparent if they were to be judged, and those judgements themselves had to have an impact on the political process. The key actors were newspaper editors, who reported the actions of government, and published commentary on them.Less
The key to good government was the securing of responsibility. Responsibility was secured by publicity. And publicity was itself dependent, to a significant degree, on architecture. Hence Bentham’s concern with the design of the physical spaces in which government operated, exemplified in the panopticon prison, the debating chamber for a representative assembly, the courtroom, and the minister’s audience chamber. The actions of officials had to be transparent if they were to be judged, and those judgements themselves had to have an impact on the political process. The key actors were newspaper editors, who reported the actions of government, and published commentary on them.
Filippo De Vivo
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199227068
- eISBN:
- 9780191711114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199227068.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This epilogue places the Venetian interdict in the larger context of Venice's history. It shows how the contrasting principles of secrecy and publicity continued to play a role in Venetian politics, ...
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This epilogue places the Venetian interdict in the larger context of Venice's history. It shows how the contrasting principles of secrecy and publicity continued to play a role in Venetian politics, even as the government returned to a policy of political censorship. This created problems in the historiography of the interdict itself, as official and popular memories increasingly parted their ways. The chapter also discusses some of the main texts in the anti-Venetian pamphleteering of the 1610s and 1620s, such as the Squitinio della libertà venetà (1612), one of the foundational texts in anti-myth of Venice.Less
This epilogue places the Venetian interdict in the larger context of Venice's history. It shows how the contrasting principles of secrecy and publicity continued to play a role in Venetian politics, even as the government returned to a policy of political censorship. This created problems in the historiography of the interdict itself, as official and popular memories increasingly parted their ways. The chapter also discusses some of the main texts in the anti-Venetian pamphleteering of the 1610s and 1620s, such as the Squitinio della libertà venetà (1612), one of the foundational texts in anti-myth of Venice.
Timothy Bowman and Mark Connelly
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199542789
- eISBN:
- 9780191741401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199542789.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines the public image of the army in the period 1902–14. It looks at the way the press interpreted the army's attempts to reform its training, weaponry, and doctrine, and the ...
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This chapter examines the public image of the army in the period 1902–14. It looks at the way the press interpreted the army's attempts to reform its training, weaponry, and doctrine, and the coverage given to the plans of the Secretaries of State for War. The chapter also looks at the way in which certain officers attempted to manipulate the press during the Curragh incident of 1914. It explores the press reaction to the scandals that hit the army during this period, and the way in which they were used as evidence of class bias. The chapter also includes an examination of the army's profile in the cinema, through parades and displays, literature, and children's toys.Less
This chapter examines the public image of the army in the period 1902–14. It looks at the way the press interpreted the army's attempts to reform its training, weaponry, and doctrine, and the coverage given to the plans of the Secretaries of State for War. The chapter also looks at the way in which certain officers attempted to manipulate the press during the Curragh incident of 1914. It explores the press reaction to the scandals that hit the army during this period, and the way in which they were used as evidence of class bias. The chapter also includes an examination of the army's profile in the cinema, through parades and displays, literature, and children's toys.
Anthony Simon Laden
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606191
- eISBN:
- 9780191741081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606191.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General, Metaphysics/Epistemology
According to the standard picture of reason, people are reasoning if they are invoking and exchanging reasons, so in order to determine if people are reasoning, we need to start with an account of ...
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According to the standard picture of reason, people are reasoning if they are invoking and exchanging reasons, so in order to determine if people are reasoning, we need to start with an account of the reasons they face. According to the social picture, people are reasoning if they are engaged in a particular norm-governed activity; and when they are reasoning, what they invite each other to accept are reasons. This chapter develops the norms of the activity of reasoning and uses them to contrast the two pictures. The norms fall into three categories: norms of intelligibility, reciprocity and good faith. They explain why reasons are, even on the social picture, objective and authoritative. One effect of adopting the social picture is that it provides a diagnosis of failures of reasoning that suggests that the response to failures of reasoning can be more reasoning.Less
According to the standard picture of reason, people are reasoning if they are invoking and exchanging reasons, so in order to determine if people are reasoning, we need to start with an account of the reasons they face. According to the social picture, people are reasoning if they are engaged in a particular norm-governed activity; and when they are reasoning, what they invite each other to accept are reasons. This chapter develops the norms of the activity of reasoning and uses them to contrast the two pictures. The norms fall into three categories: norms of intelligibility, reciprocity and good faith. They explain why reasons are, even on the social picture, objective and authoritative. One effect of adopting the social picture is that it provides a diagnosis of failures of reasoning that suggests that the response to failures of reasoning can be more reasoning.
