Erik O. Eriksen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572519
- eISBN:
- 9780191722400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572519.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Democratization
The development of post‐national democracy in Europe depends not merely on rights but also on the emergence of an overarching communicative space that functions as a public sphere. But is this ...
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The development of post‐national democracy in Europe depends not merely on rights but also on the emergence of an overarching communicative space that functions as a public sphere. But is this possible when there is no collective identity? Although the EU is not a state, nor a nation, its development as a new kind of polity is closely connected to the formation of a common communicative space. Cooperation and problem‐solving create public spaces but have not produced a single, non‐exclusive, general European public sphere. Rather, we find a layered public sphere containing several transnational, segmented publics evolving around policy networks, as well as legally institutionalized discourses—strong publics, such as the EP, Comitology, the ECJ, and conventions. The lack of a truly European public sphere can be seen as the consequence of the democratic deficit, the deeper causes of which may result from a weak European civic solidarity.Less
The development of post‐national democracy in Europe depends not merely on rights but also on the emergence of an overarching communicative space that functions as a public sphere. But is this possible when there is no collective identity? Although the EU is not a state, nor a nation, its development as a new kind of polity is closely connected to the formation of a common communicative space. Cooperation and problem‐solving create public spaces but have not produced a single, non‐exclusive, general European public sphere. Rather, we find a layered public sphere containing several transnational, segmented publics evolving around policy networks, as well as legally institutionalized discourses—strong publics, such as the EP, Comitology, the ECJ, and conventions. The lack of a truly European public sphere can be seen as the consequence of the democratic deficit, the deeper causes of which may result from a weak European civic solidarity.
Donatella della Porta and Manuela Caiani
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199557783
- eISBN:
- 9780191721304
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199557783.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Are social movement organizations euro-skeptical, euro-pragmatic or euro-opportunist? Or do they accept the EU as a new level of governance to place pressure on? Do they provide a critical capital, ...
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Are social movement organizations euro-skeptical, euro-pragmatic or euro-opportunist? Or do they accept the EU as a new level of governance to place pressure on? Do they provide a critical capital, necessary for the political structuring of the EU, or do they disrupt the process of EU integration? These questions are addressed on the basis different sources and methods, with a comparison among different countries as well as an analysis of the historical evolution of the Europeanization of social movements in the last twenty years. The empirical basis includes surveys of activists at international protest events targeting the European Union (for a total of about 5,000 interviews); a discourse analysis of documents and transcripts of debates on European politics and policies conducted during the four European social forums hold between 2002 and 2006 and involving hundreds of social movement organizations and ten thousands of activists from all European countries; about 320 interviews with representatives of civil society organizations in six EU countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, and Italy); and one non-EU-member state (Switzerland), as well as at EU level; and a systematic claims analysis of the daily press in selected years between 1990 and 2003. The empirical research allows for the observation of different paths of Europeanizations by social movements and civil society organizations. Moreover, it confirms that issues related to the degree and forms of participation of social movement organizations in European politics (and their support toward Europe) emerge as particularly central in the process of creation, together with a European polity, of a democratic polis. Less
Are social movement organizations euro-skeptical, euro-pragmatic or euro-opportunist? Or do they accept the EU as a new level of governance to place pressure on? Do they provide a critical capital, necessary for the political structuring of the EU, or do they disrupt the process of EU integration? These questions are addressed on the basis different sources and methods, with a comparison among different countries as well as an analysis of the historical evolution of the Europeanization of social movements in the last twenty years. The empirical basis includes surveys of activists at international protest events targeting the European Union (for a total of about 5,000 interviews); a discourse analysis of documents and transcripts of debates on European politics and policies conducted during the four European social forums hold between 2002 and 2006 and involving hundreds of social movement organizations and ten thousands of activists from all European countries; about 320 interviews with representatives of civil society organizations in six EU countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, and Italy); and one non-EU-member state (Switzerland), as well as at EU level; and a systematic claims analysis of the daily press in selected years between 1990 and 2003. The empirical research allows for the observation of different paths of Europeanizations by social movements and civil society organizations. Moreover, it confirms that issues related to the degree and forms of participation of social movement organizations in European politics (and their support toward Europe) emerge as particularly central in the process of creation, together with a European polity, of a democratic polis.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297550
- eISBN:
- 9780191716751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297556.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Theories of civil society do not adequately distinguish the functions of private, civic, and political associations. A public sphere arising from free associational life both holds power accountable ...
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Theories of civil society do not adequately distinguish the functions of private, civic, and political associations. A public sphere arising from free associational life both holds power accountable and produces new ideas. Democratic processes that aim to promote justice, however, also require strong state regulatory institutions.Less
Theories of civil society do not adequately distinguish the functions of private, civic, and political associations. A public sphere arising from free associational life both holds power accountable and produces new ideas. Democratic processes that aim to promote justice, however, also require strong state regulatory institutions.
Marc Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan ...
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Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.Less
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Social movements contribute to democracy and democratization. This chapter broadens the focus to democracy within society as a whole, civil society, and the public sphere as well as the state, and ...
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Social movements contribute to democracy and democratization. This chapter broadens the focus to democracy within society as a whole, civil society, and the public sphere as well as the state, and the contributions that movements can make to it. The counterintuitive conclusions are that inclusive states can actually be bad for democracy in the society as a whole (even if they look positive when it comes to democracy within the state), while passive exclusion in states such as Germany can promote democracy. States with a prescriptive orientation to civil society, be it on behalf of inclusion or exclusion, stifle movement diversity.Less
Social movements contribute to democracy and democratization. This chapter broadens the focus to democracy within society as a whole, civil society, and the public sphere as well as the state, and the contributions that movements can make to it. The counterintuitive conclusions are that inclusive states can actually be bad for democracy in the society as a whole (even if they look positive when it comes to democracy within the state), while passive exclusion in states such as Germany can promote democracy. States with a prescriptive orientation to civil society, be it on behalf of inclusion or exclusion, stifle movement diversity.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 2 presents the official republican view of secularism as a theory of neutrality and equal concern. Citizens are treated fairly if they live under a religiously neutral (neither religious nor ...
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Chapter 2 presents the official republican view of secularism as a theory of neutrality and equal concern. Citizens are treated fairly if they live under a religiously neutral (neither religious nor anti-religious) public sphere. Laïcité contains both an institutional doctrine of separation, which outlines what separation means for governmental institutions, and a doctrine of conscience, which prescribes norms of conduct both for religious organizations and for individual citizens. The Chapter shows that laïcité offers a distinctively republican interpretation of the requirements of liberal neutrality. State schools are seen to be part of the public sphere and pupils, as potential citizens, are required to exercise restraint in the expression of their religious beliefs. Thus Muslims are requested to respect the principle of neutrality of the public space by privatising matters relating to their faith and identity, and respecting the principle of formal equality and non-interference of the state in religious matters.Less
Chapter 2 presents the official republican view of secularism as a theory of neutrality and equal concern. Citizens are treated fairly if they live under a religiously neutral (neither religious nor anti-religious) public sphere. Laïcité contains both an institutional doctrine of separation, which outlines what separation means for governmental institutions, and a doctrine of conscience, which prescribes norms of conduct both for religious organizations and for individual citizens. The Chapter shows that laïcité offers a distinctively republican interpretation of the requirements of liberal neutrality. State schools are seen to be part of the public sphere and pupils, as potential citizens, are required to exercise restraint in the expression of their religious beliefs. Thus Muslims are requested to respect the principle of neutrality of the public space by privatising matters relating to their faith and identity, and respecting the principle of formal equality and non-interference of the state in religious matters.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 3 presents two versions of the critique of the secular argument for the ban on hijab in schools. The first challenges the official republican interpretation of laïcité as a doctrine of ...
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Chapter 3 presents two versions of the critique of the secular argument for the ban on hijab in schools. The first challenges the official republican interpretation of laïcité as a doctrine of conscience: it endorses the broad aims of laïcité but argues that they are compatible with the wearing of religious signs by pupils. The second is sceptical of laïcité as a separation doctrine. It notes that, in practice, the French public sphere falls short of the secular ideal of separation. From this fact of non-neutrality of the public sphere, it deduces a norm of even-handed recognition of all religious groups—including Muslims—by the state. Tolerant republicans—or laïcité ouverte advocates—seek to extend historically granted privileges to more recently established minorities, in the name of fairness.Less
Chapter 3 presents two versions of the critique of the secular argument for the ban on hijab in schools. The first challenges the official republican interpretation of laïcité as a doctrine of conscience: it endorses the broad aims of laïcité but argues that they are compatible with the wearing of religious signs by pupils. The second is sceptical of laïcité as a separation doctrine. It notes that, in practice, the French public sphere falls short of the secular ideal of separation. From this fact of non-neutrality of the public sphere, it deduces a norm of even-handed recognition of all religious groups—including Muslims—by the state. Tolerant republicans—or laïcité ouverte advocates—seek to extend historically granted privileges to more recently established minorities, in the name of fairness.
Klaus Eder and Hans‐Jörg Trenz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252268
- eISBN:
- 9780191601040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252262.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Chapter 6 sets out to explain the dynamics of multi-level governance as regards the evolution of forms of public communication and the making of a European public sphere. The central theoretical ...
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Chapter 6 sets out to explain the dynamics of multi-level governance as regards the evolution of forms of public communication and the making of a European public sphere. The central theoretical concern is discussed with empirical reference to core areas of governance in the fields of justice and home affairs. So far, research has mainly taken an intergovernmentalist perspective, which fails to explain the institutional dynamics of intensifying cooperation in these fields which is slowly integrating the ‘European security community’ into an encom-passing ‘area of justice, freedom and rights’. The intergovernmentalist account neglects two significant factors: first, that governments act within an expanding transnational field made up of norms, discourses and institutions that increasingly constrain their action. Second, competitive actors within the field are more and more linked to public monitoring of their activities. Consequently, the transnational field is transformed into a public space attended by different audiences with shifting attention and expectations. The term ‘transnational resonance structures’ is introduced to account for the integration and legitimation of forms of ‘loose coupling’ between international, European and domestic politics as the organizing principle of governance in Europe.Less
Chapter 6 sets out to explain the dynamics of multi-level governance as regards the evolution of forms of public communication and the making of a European public sphere. The central theoretical concern is discussed with empirical reference to core areas of governance in the fields of justice and home affairs. So far, research has mainly taken an intergovernmentalist perspective, which fails to explain the institutional dynamics of intensifying cooperation in these fields which is slowly integrating the ‘European security community’ into an encom-passing ‘area of justice, freedom and rights’. The intergovernmentalist account neglects two significant factors: first, that governments act within an expanding transnational field made up of norms, discourses and institutions that increasingly constrain their action. Second, competitive actors within the field are more and more linked to public monitoring of their activities. Consequently, the transnational field is transformed into a public space attended by different audiences with shifting attention and expectations. The term ‘transnational resonance structures’ is introduced to account for the integration and legitimation of forms of ‘loose coupling’ between international, European and domestic politics as the organizing principle of governance in Europe.
Erik O. Eriksen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572519
- eISBN:
- 9780191722400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572519.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Democratization
The widening and deepening of the European Union have brought to the fore the question of democracy at the European level. The system of domination already in place at the European level requires and ...
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The widening and deepening of the European Union have brought to the fore the question of democracy at the European level. The system of domination already in place at the European level requires and aspires to direct legitimation—from the citizens themselves and not merely indirectly, from the member nation-states. Such can only be achieved by making the EU into a democratic polity. But can democracy be disassociated from its putative nation-state foundation? This book develops a revised concept of democratic legitimacy based on discourse theory. It is argued that post-national democracy requires a constitution but not necessarily a state. The Union amounts to less than a state but more than an international organization and a system of transnational governance. In the political theory of the multi-level constellation that makes up the EU, it is conceived of as a regional subset of an emerging cosmopolitan order. The EU is a state-less government. As it is not premised on group identity, it is able to accommodate a high measure of variance with regard to territory and function. The book analyses the reforms undertaken to bring the EU ‘closer to the citizens’. It documents elements of democratization and the reduction of arbitrary power. However, democracy requires that the citizens can approve or reject the laws they are subjected to. Since the institutional and civic conditions under which a public justification process would be deemed legitimate are not in place, European post-national democracy remains an unaccomplished mission.Less
The widening and deepening of the European Union have brought to the fore the question of democracy at the European level. The system of domination already in place at the European level requires and aspires to direct legitimation—from the citizens themselves and not merely indirectly, from the member nation-states. Such can only be achieved by making the EU into a democratic polity. But can democracy be disassociated from its putative nation-state foundation? This book develops a revised concept of democratic legitimacy based on discourse theory. It is argued that post-national democracy requires a constitution but not necessarily a state. The Union amounts to less than a state but more than an international organization and a system of transnational governance. In the political theory of the multi-level constellation that makes up the EU, it is conceived of as a regional subset of an emerging cosmopolitan order. The EU is a state-less government. As it is not premised on group identity, it is able to accommodate a high measure of variance with regard to territory and function. The book analyses the reforms undertaken to bring the EU ‘closer to the citizens’. It documents elements of democratization and the reduction of arbitrary power. However, democracy requires that the citizens can approve or reject the laws they are subjected to. Since the institutional and civic conditions under which a public justification process would be deemed legitimate are not in place, European post-national democracy remains an unaccomplished mission.
Joanne Punzo Waghorne
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195156638
- eISBN:
- 9780199785292
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195156638.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
Encircled by ever-expanding suburbs of Chennai, many old village “seats” of feminine divine power (shakti pitha) are attracting ardent new middle-class devotees. Called Amman (mother) in Tamil, these ...
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Encircled by ever-expanding suburbs of Chennai, many old village “seats” of feminine divine power (shakti pitha) are attracting ardent new middle-class devotees. Called Amman (mother) in Tamil, these Goddesses (Mariyamman, Mundakakkanni Amman, Kolavizhi Amman) reign alone, usually without a male consort. Middle-class neighborhood groups, often led by women, are taming the powers of such “village” goddesses long associated with blood sacrifices and wild ecstasy by giving these Goddesses inviting faces and literally “domesticating” their sites into proper new temples. This process of gentrification or “bourgeoisification” of the Goddess reveals evolving middle-class religious sensibilities. Goddess temples become the sites for a new bourgeois public sphere (Habermas), where the middle classes enact and construct a common identity. This gentrification reaches out into the surrounding streets as well, where new groups lobby for public cleanliness. A sign on the wall of an old temple reads “Please help us keep the street clean”.Less
Encircled by ever-expanding suburbs of Chennai, many old village “seats” of feminine divine power (shakti pitha) are attracting ardent new middle-class devotees. Called Amman (mother) in Tamil, these Goddesses (Mariyamman, Mundakakkanni Amman, Kolavizhi Amman) reign alone, usually without a male consort. Middle-class neighborhood groups, often led by women, are taming the powers of such “village” goddesses long associated with blood sacrifices and wild ecstasy by giving these Goddesses inviting faces and literally “domesticating” their sites into proper new temples. This process of gentrification or “bourgeoisification” of the Goddess reveals evolving middle-class religious sensibilities. Goddess temples become the sites for a new bourgeois public sphere (Habermas), where the middle classes enact and construct a common identity. This gentrification reaches out into the surrounding streets as well, where new groups lobby for public cleanliness. A sign on the wall of an old temple reads “Please help us keep the street clean”.
Donatella della Porta and Manuela Caiani
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199557783
- eISBN:
- 9780191721304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199557783.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Chapter 2 addresses the path of domestication in Europeanization from below, as indicated by protest and organizations at the national level oriented to change decisions at the European level. It ...
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Chapter 2 addresses the path of domestication in Europeanization from below, as indicated by protest and organizations at the national level oriented to change decisions at the European level. It focuses on the degree and forms of Europeanization in social movement participation in the domestic public debates, addressing the extent to which collective actors operating within the (national) public spheres are carriers of Europeanization, either by organising at the European level, making demands on European institutions, or framing their demands within a European discourse. The (claim-making) analysis allows observing the evolution of various indicators of the participation of social movements and NGOs in the development of the public discourse on Europe. It confirms the low representation of these types of actors in an Europeanized public sphere, but also indicates some forms of Europeanization from below. It also discusses the specific visions of ‘what’ Europe is and should be about developed among civil society organizations. Social network analysis is used to investigate networks of alliance, disagreement and target among actors that mobilize on European issues (with special attention to the issue of European integration).Less
Chapter 2 addresses the path of domestication in Europeanization from below, as indicated by protest and organizations at the national level oriented to change decisions at the European level. It focuses on the degree and forms of Europeanization in social movement participation in the domestic public debates, addressing the extent to which collective actors operating within the (national) public spheres are carriers of Europeanization, either by organising at the European level, making demands on European institutions, or framing their demands within a European discourse. The (claim-making) analysis allows observing the evolution of various indicators of the participation of social movements and NGOs in the development of the public discourse on Europe. It confirms the low representation of these types of actors in an Europeanized public sphere, but also indicates some forms of Europeanization from below. It also discusses the specific visions of ‘what’ Europe is and should be about developed among civil society organizations. Social network analysis is used to investigate networks of alliance, disagreement and target among actors that mobilize on European issues (with special attention to the issue of European integration).
Robert E. Goodin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199547944
- eISBN:
- 9780191720116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547944.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
In any large and complex community, deliberation cannot realistically take place in the agora (or its electronic equivalent), with everyone potentially affected by the decision taking an active part ...
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In any large and complex community, deliberation cannot realistically take place in the agora (or its electronic equivalent), with everyone potentially affected by the decision taking an active part in all the deliberations. Deliberative democracy, in such a world, simply has to work on and through our inherited institutions of representative democracy. Revisioning those institutions through a deliberative lens, we can think of them as constituting a ‘deliberative system’, with different parts of the deliberative task being allocated to each. Political parties play a key (but non-exclusive role) in all that. The public sphere can best be connected to that process through networked accountability mechanisms.Less
In any large and complex community, deliberation cannot realistically take place in the agora (or its electronic equivalent), with everyone potentially affected by the decision taking an active part in all the deliberations. Deliberative democracy, in such a world, simply has to work on and through our inherited institutions of representative democracy. Revisioning those institutions through a deliberative lens, we can think of them as constituting a ‘deliberative system’, with different parts of the deliberative task being allocated to each. Political parties play a key (but non-exclusive role) in all that. The public sphere can best be connected to that process through networked accountability mechanisms.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How is it possible for individuals to exercise any control over a political order, i.e. supranational and multilayered? This is the key question in reconciling cosmopolitan justice with democracy. ...
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How is it possible for individuals to exercise any control over a political order, i.e. supranational and multilayered? This is the key question in reconciling cosmopolitan justice with democracy. The most popular answer is that of Jurgen Habermas and other deliberative democrats. This chapter argues that deliberative democracy fails to take seriously both the problems and opportunities of large-scale societies, and so cannot provide adequate foundations for a deepening democracy. The participation requirements of Habermas’s normative theory can be met only by making assumptions about human cognitive capacities and institutional capabilities that are not remotely plausible in any large-scale society–faced with limitations of numbers, time, information, and understanding. Deliberative theorists turn to five conceptions of representation that are supposed to ‘mirror’ deliberation and thereby rescue the theory; but all of them fail. A stronger theory of representation is needed.Less
How is it possible for individuals to exercise any control over a political order, i.e. supranational and multilayered? This is the key question in reconciling cosmopolitan justice with democracy. The most popular answer is that of Jurgen Habermas and other deliberative democrats. This chapter argues that deliberative democracy fails to take seriously both the problems and opportunities of large-scale societies, and so cannot provide adequate foundations for a deepening democracy. The participation requirements of Habermas’s normative theory can be met only by making assumptions about human cognitive capacities and institutional capabilities that are not remotely plausible in any large-scale society–faced with limitations of numbers, time, information, and understanding. Deliberative theorists turn to five conceptions of representation that are supposed to ‘mirror’ deliberation and thereby rescue the theory; but all of them fail. A stronger theory of representation is needed.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy ...
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Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy will be exacerbated by unconstrained deliberation. The response shows that there are mechanisms endogenous to deliberation that can respond to the social choice theory critique, emphasizing the construction of public opinion through the contestation of discourses in the public sphere and its transmission to the state by communicative means, including rhetoric.Less
Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy will be exacerbated by unconstrained deliberation. The response shows that there are mechanisms endogenous to deliberation that can respond to the social choice theory critique, emphasizing the construction of public opinion through the contestation of discourses in the public sphere and its transmission to the state by communicative means, including rhetoric.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Comparative historical analysis of democratization is deployed to show that sometimes it makes sense to highlight the state as the best home for deliberative democracy, sometimes civil society, and ...
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Comparative historical analysis of democratization is deployed to show that sometimes it makes sense to highlight the state as the best home for deliberative democracy, sometimes civil society, and sometimes both. Everything depends on the particular configuration of state imperatives and social movement interests, as well as the kind of inclusion that the state can offer to groups. Exclusive states sometimes prove surprisingly positive when it comes to the democratic vitality of the public sphere. Guidelines are developed for the strategic choices facing social movements.Less
Comparative historical analysis of democratization is deployed to show that sometimes it makes sense to highlight the state as the best home for deliberative democracy, sometimes civil society, and sometimes both. Everything depends on the particular configuration of state imperatives and social movement interests, as well as the kind of inclusion that the state can offer to groups. Exclusive states sometimes prove surprisingly positive when it comes to the democratic vitality of the public sphere. Guidelines are developed for the strategic choices facing social movements.
Yoon Sun Lee
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195162356
- eISBN:
- 9780199787852
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
In the late 18th and 19th centuries, non-English conservatives such as Burke, Scott, and Carlyle, among others, influentially shaped Britain's political attitudes and literary genres because they ...
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In the late 18th and 19th centuries, non-English conservatives such as Burke, Scott, and Carlyle, among others, influentially shaped Britain's political attitudes and literary genres because they stressed the conventional, theatrical, and even fetishistic character of civic emotions such as patriotism — and they illuminated the crucial role that irony could play in the construction of nationalism. They represent a public sphere shaped less by natural sentiment or rationality than by equivocal, even ironic deference and a highly conventional suspension of disbelief in the face of political fictions. Burke's counter-revolutionary works present British politics as a theater in which sublime ideas and abstractions are not always convincingly personified. Scott's activities as historical novelist and as antiquarian only thinly reconcile the disparities between the realities of British commercial empire and the sentimental, archaicizing self-image of a nation at war. Carlyle expands the insights of Romantic irony through the trope and eventual doctrine of fetishism: labor that forgets the role it has played in creating the forces that appear to command it.Less
In the late 18th and 19th centuries, non-English conservatives such as Burke, Scott, and Carlyle, among others, influentially shaped Britain's political attitudes and literary genres because they stressed the conventional, theatrical, and even fetishistic character of civic emotions such as patriotism — and they illuminated the crucial role that irony could play in the construction of nationalism. They represent a public sphere shaped less by natural sentiment or rationality than by equivocal, even ironic deference and a highly conventional suspension of disbelief in the face of political fictions. Burke's counter-revolutionary works present British politics as a theater in which sublime ideas and abstractions are not always convincingly personified. Scott's activities as historical novelist and as antiquarian only thinly reconcile the disparities between the realities of British commercial empire and the sentimental, archaicizing self-image of a nation at war. Carlyle expands the insights of Romantic irony through the trope and eventual doctrine of fetishism: labor that forgets the role it has played in creating the forces that appear to command it.
John H. Evans
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199860852
- eISBN:
- 9780199932474
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199860852.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, General
Seemingly every day society faces a new ethical challenge raised by a scientific innovation. Human genetic engineering, stem cell research, face transplantation, synthetic biology – all were science ...
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Seemingly every day society faces a new ethical challenge raised by a scientific innovation. Human genetic engineering, stem cell research, face transplantation, synthetic biology – all were science fiction only a few decades ago, but are now all are reality. How do we as a society decide whether these technologies are ethical? For decades professional bioethicists have served as a mediator between a busy public and decision-makers, helping people understand their own ethical concerns, framing arguments, discrediting illogical claims and lifting up promising ones. These bioethicists operate in multiple venues such as hospital decision-making, institutions that conduct research on humans, and recommending ethical policy to the government. While functioning quite well for many years, the bioethics profession is in crisis. Policy-makers are less inclined to take the advice of bioethics professionals, with many observers saying that bioethics debates have simply become partisan politics with dueling democratic and republican bioethicists. While this crisis is contained to the task of recommending ethical policy to the government, there is risk that it will spread to the other tasks conducted by bioethicists. To understand how this situation came into being, and the solution to this problem, this book closely examines the history of the bioethics profession. Bioethics debates were originally dominated by theologians, but came to be dominated by the emerging profession of bioethics due to the subtle and slow involvement of the government as the primary consumer of bioethical arguments. However, after the 1980s the views of the government changed, making bioethical arguments not quite so legitimate. With this knowledge of the sociological processes that lead to this evolution, the book proposes a radical solution to the crisis, which is for the bioethics profession to give up on some of the work that it currently does so that it can focus upon its strengths, and change the way the profession makes ethical arguments.Less
Seemingly every day society faces a new ethical challenge raised by a scientific innovation. Human genetic engineering, stem cell research, face transplantation, synthetic biology – all were science fiction only a few decades ago, but are now all are reality. How do we as a society decide whether these technologies are ethical? For decades professional bioethicists have served as a mediator between a busy public and decision-makers, helping people understand their own ethical concerns, framing arguments, discrediting illogical claims and lifting up promising ones. These bioethicists operate in multiple venues such as hospital decision-making, institutions that conduct research on humans, and recommending ethical policy to the government. While functioning quite well for many years, the bioethics profession is in crisis. Policy-makers are less inclined to take the advice of bioethics professionals, with many observers saying that bioethics debates have simply become partisan politics with dueling democratic and republican bioethicists. While this crisis is contained to the task of recommending ethical policy to the government, there is risk that it will spread to the other tasks conducted by bioethicists. To understand how this situation came into being, and the solution to this problem, this book closely examines the history of the bioethics profession. Bioethics debates were originally dominated by theologians, but came to be dominated by the emerging profession of bioethics due to the subtle and slow involvement of the government as the primary consumer of bioethical arguments. However, after the 1980s the views of the government changed, making bioethical arguments not quite so legitimate. With this knowledge of the sociological processes that lead to this evolution, the book proposes a radical solution to the crisis, which is for the bioethics profession to give up on some of the work that it currently does so that it can focus upon its strengths, and change the way the profession makes ethical arguments.
Paul Betts
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199208845
- eISBN:
- 9780191594755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208845.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
The Introduction locates the argument within the wider secondary source literature, and reconsiders East German social politics and everyday life through an examination of East German norms and ...
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The Introduction locates the argument within the wider secondary source literature, and reconsiders East German social politics and everyday life through an examination of East German norms and experiences of private life. It focuses on the very interplay of private and public in East Germany, charting the ways in which the domestic sphere in particular emerged as a unique site for the expression of personal liberty and alternative non-communist identities. In so doing it shows how the changing understanding of the private sphere serves as an illuminating case study for reinterpreting East German state and society more generally.Less
The Introduction locates the argument within the wider secondary source literature, and reconsiders East German social politics and everyday life through an examination of East German norms and experiences of private life. It focuses on the very interplay of private and public in East Germany, charting the ways in which the domestic sphere in particular emerged as a unique site for the expression of personal liberty and alternative non-communist identities. In so doing it shows how the changing understanding of the private sphere serves as an illuminating case study for reinterpreting East German state and society more generally.
Kathryn Gleadle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264492
- eISBN:
- 9780191734274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264492.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Despite his acknowledgement of women's contribution to constituency and electoral politics, James Vernon has suggested that by the 1830s women were marginalized from the public sphere and ...
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Despite his acknowledgement of women's contribution to constituency and electoral politics, James Vernon has suggested that by the 1830s women were marginalized from the public sphere and participated as observers rather than as agents in their own right. This chapter examines features of female citizenship through a different lens by focusing on their experience of the public sphere. It considers the public sphere of pressure-group campaigns, parliamentary elections, constituency celebrations, and royal visits. It argues that the gendered patterns of public conduct which typified gatherings of this nature had a significant impact upon women's experiences of politics and their own attitudes towards female citizenship. It also discusses ultra-Protestantism and two contrasting case studies, both drawn from the networks of liberal nonconformity: Lydia Becker and Priscilla McLaren.Less
Despite his acknowledgement of women's contribution to constituency and electoral politics, James Vernon has suggested that by the 1830s women were marginalized from the public sphere and participated as observers rather than as agents in their own right. This chapter examines features of female citizenship through a different lens by focusing on their experience of the public sphere. It considers the public sphere of pressure-group campaigns, parliamentary elections, constituency celebrations, and royal visits. It argues that the gendered patterns of public conduct which typified gatherings of this nature had a significant impact upon women's experiences of politics and their own attitudes towards female citizenship. It also discusses ultra-Protestantism and two contrasting case studies, both drawn from the networks of liberal nonconformity: Lydia Becker and Priscilla McLaren.
Barry Stephenson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732753
- eISBN:
- 9780199777310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732753.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Religion and Society
Wittenberg’s Luther festivals are important tools in dealing with economic, social, and cultural problems in the era of a reunified Germany. This chapter examines the civic dimensions of Luther ...
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Wittenberg’s Luther festivals are important tools in dealing with economic, social, and cultural problems in the era of a reunified Germany. This chapter examines the civic dimensions of Luther festivity, arguing that the festivals have played a role in revitalizing the public sphere in Wittenberg.Less
Wittenberg’s Luther festivals are important tools in dealing with economic, social, and cultural problems in the era of a reunified Germany. This chapter examines the civic dimensions of Luther festivity, arguing that the festivals have played a role in revitalizing the public sphere in Wittenberg.
