David B. Sicilia
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199251902
- eISBN:
- 9780191719059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251902.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter examines the experiences of three US industries — chemical manufacturing, tobacco, and nuclear power — that came under political, legal, and rhetorical attack following World War II, and ...
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This chapter examines the experiences of three US industries — chemical manufacturing, tobacco, and nuclear power — that came under political, legal, and rhetorical attack following World War II, and identifies cross-cutting patterns in the public and private interests who besieged the industries, and in how they responded. At varying times and with few notable exceptions, the conflicts progressed through five stages: industry success and optimism following the war; sustained challenges by social movements; increasing regulatory control by a ‘new social’ regulatory regime in the early 1970s; new, specialized accommodationist public relations strategies and tactics; and involvement in large-scale tort regulation. Unlike most studies of alleged and real corporate malfeasance, this chapter considers both corporate and anti-corporate interests and actions, and suggests a framework for understanding post-World-War-II political economy more broadly.Less
This chapter examines the experiences of three US industries — chemical manufacturing, tobacco, and nuclear power — that came under political, legal, and rhetorical attack following World War II, and identifies cross-cutting patterns in the public and private interests who besieged the industries, and in how they responded. At varying times and with few notable exceptions, the conflicts progressed through five stages: industry success and optimism following the war; sustained challenges by social movements; increasing regulatory control by a ‘new social’ regulatory regime in the early 1970s; new, specialized accommodationist public relations strategies and tactics; and involvement in large-scale tort regulation. Unlike most studies of alleged and real corporate malfeasance, this chapter considers both corporate and anti-corporate interests and actions, and suggests a framework for understanding post-World-War-II political economy more broadly.
John Hendry
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199268634
- eISBN:
- 9780191708381
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268634.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Strategy
This chapter charts the historical rise of the business corporation as an increasingly dominant social institution. Its main focus is on the growing power of business in the late 20th century, the ...
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This chapter charts the historical rise of the business corporation as an increasingly dominant social institution. Its main focus is on the growing power of business in the late 20th century, the roots of this power, and the ways in which it has been exercised.Less
This chapter charts the historical rise of the business corporation as an increasingly dominant social institution. Its main focus is on the growing power of business in the late 20th century, the roots of this power, and the ways in which it has been exercised.
Dawn R. Gilpin and Priscilla J. Murphy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195328721
- eISBN:
- 9780199869930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195328721.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Strategy
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the primary objective of the book, which is to address the question: to what extent can communicators actually perform their expected role ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the primary objective of the book, which is to address the question: to what extent can communicators actually perform their expected role to anticipate and head off crises or to guide their organizations through crises with the least possible damage to reputation? It argues that successful crisis management is not guaranteed by scientific planning and prescriptive decision making, but by the nature of the organization, the crisis, and the environment. The book's complexity-based approach to crisis management is then described.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the primary objective of the book, which is to address the question: to what extent can communicators actually perform their expected role to anticipate and head off crises or to guide their organizations through crises with the least possible damage to reputation? It argues that successful crisis management is not guaranteed by scientific planning and prescriptive decision making, but by the nature of the organization, the crisis, and the environment. The book's complexity-based approach to crisis management is then described.
Elvin T. Lim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195342642
- eISBN:
- 9780199851843
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential ...
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Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential utterances fallen from the rousing speeches of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and FDR to a series of robotic repetitions of talking points and 60-second soundbites, largely designed to obfuscate rather than illuminate? This book draws on interviews with more than 40 presidential speechwriters to investigate this relentless qualitative decline, over the course of 200 years, in our presidents' ability to communicate with the public. The book argues that the ever-increasing pressure for presidents to manage public opinion and perception has created a “pathology of vacuous rhetoric and imagery” where gesture and appearance matter more than accomplishment and fact. The book tracks the campaign to simplify presidential discourse through presidential and speechwriting decisions made from the Truman to the present administration, explaining how and why presidents have embraced anti-intellectualism and vague platitudes as a public relations strategy. The book sees this anti-intellectual stance as a deliberate choice rather than a reflection of presidents' intellectual limitations. Only the smart, it suggests, know how to dumb down. The result, it shows, is a dangerous debasement of our political discourse and a quality of rhetoric which has been described, charitably, as “a linguistic struggle” and, perhaps more accurately, as “dogs barking idiotically through endless nights.”Less
Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential utterances fallen from the rousing speeches of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and FDR to a series of robotic repetitions of talking points and 60-second soundbites, largely designed to obfuscate rather than illuminate? This book draws on interviews with more than 40 presidential speechwriters to investigate this relentless qualitative decline, over the course of 200 years, in our presidents' ability to communicate with the public. The book argues that the ever-increasing pressure for presidents to manage public opinion and perception has created a “pathology of vacuous rhetoric and imagery” where gesture and appearance matter more than accomplishment and fact. The book tracks the campaign to simplify presidential discourse through presidential and speechwriting decisions made from the Truman to the present administration, explaining how and why presidents have embraced anti-intellectualism and vague platitudes as a public relations strategy. The book sees this anti-intellectual stance as a deliberate choice rather than a reflection of presidents' intellectual limitations. Only the smart, it suggests, know how to dumb down. The result, it shows, is a dangerous debasement of our political discourse and a quality of rhetoric which has been described, charitably, as “a linguistic struggle” and, perhaps more accurately, as “dogs barking idiotically through endless nights.”
N. Ann Davis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195325195
- eISBN:
- 9780199776412
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325195.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, General
In Humanity, Jonathan Glover argues that success in resisting the resurgence of tyranny and crippling ideological conflict in the twenty‐first century turns on our acquiring a better understanding of ...
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In Humanity, Jonathan Glover argues that success in resisting the resurgence of tyranny and crippling ideological conflict in the twenty‐first century turns on our acquiring a better understanding of human psychology, and of the ways in which people allow themselves to be silenced and distracted. This chapter underscores Glover's commitment to expanding the scope of moral philosophy to take better account of history and psychology, and argues that we need also to take more robust measures to counterbalance some of the more damaging consequences of the embrace of neoliberal ideology, notably the corporatization of scientific research, and the privatization fervor that allowed for the consolidation of the media. Both, in turn, have fostered the ‘pernicious politicization’ of science, which is a species of what Glover sees as one of the principal intellectual and moral failings of Stalinist Russia and Nazi Germany: allowing ideological Belief to dictate Truth, and thus to undermine truth‐directed science. The chapter explains how neoliberal ideology has played a fulcral role both in politicizing science and in eroding the ethos of the media, and thus compromised efforts to produce an educated citizenry and sustain a viable democracy.Less
In Humanity, Jonathan Glover argues that success in resisting the resurgence of tyranny and crippling ideological conflict in the twenty‐first century turns on our acquiring a better understanding of human psychology, and of the ways in which people allow themselves to be silenced and distracted. This chapter underscores Glover's commitment to expanding the scope of moral philosophy to take better account of history and psychology, and argues that we need also to take more robust measures to counterbalance some of the more damaging consequences of the embrace of neoliberal ideology, notably the corporatization of scientific research, and the privatization fervor that allowed for the consolidation of the media. Both, in turn, have fostered the ‘pernicious politicization’ of science, which is a species of what Glover sees as one of the principal intellectual and moral failings of Stalinist Russia and Nazi Germany: allowing ideological Belief to dictate Truth, and thus to undermine truth‐directed science. The chapter explains how neoliberal ideology has played a fulcral role both in politicizing science and in eroding the ethos of the media, and thus compromised efforts to produce an educated citizenry and sustain a viable democracy.
Kristin Shrader‐Frechette
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195325461
- eISBN:
- 9780199869275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325461.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter discusses some of the unethical strategies polluters use to mislead citizens about pollution risks. It identifies at least ten special-interest or government behaviors — from advertising ...
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This chapter discusses some of the unethical strategies polluters use to mislead citizens about pollution risks. It identifies at least ten special-interest or government behaviors — from advertising and lobbying to white-collar crime and information-suppression — that enable private-interest polluters to subvert the public interest. These strategies allow polluters to “corner the market” in public-health information, fail to disclose risks to citizens, and threaten their health. When relevant risks are not disclosed, citizens are unable to fulfill their rights to know, to give or withhold consent to the risks, and to receive equal protection. To protect their rights, citizens are urged to use the tools of deliberative democracy to educate themselves and others, to help prevent conflicts of interest, and to ensure that government regulators and oversight agencies behave as they should.Less
This chapter discusses some of the unethical strategies polluters use to mislead citizens about pollution risks. It identifies at least ten special-interest or government behaviors — from advertising and lobbying to white-collar crime and information-suppression — that enable private-interest polluters to subvert the public interest. These strategies allow polluters to “corner the market” in public-health information, fail to disclose risks to citizens, and threaten their health. When relevant risks are not disclosed, citizens are unable to fulfill their rights to know, to give or withhold consent to the risks, and to receive equal protection. To protect their rights, citizens are urged to use the tools of deliberative democracy to educate themselves and others, to help prevent conflicts of interest, and to ensure that government regulators and oversight agencies behave as they should.
Mariel Grant
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204442
- eISBN:
- 9780191676284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204442.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The adoption of a permanent publicity policy was definitely related to commercial considerations, but it was also the culmination of a long process, and reflected the department's commitment to its ...
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The adoption of a permanent publicity policy was definitely related to commercial considerations, but it was also the culmination of a long process, and reflected the department's commitment to its public service responsibilities. Here lay its great impact for, despite the distinctions drawn between the GPO and other departments, developments within the Post Office were instrumental in fostering the growth of public relations machinery throughout Whitehall. By this, the GPO showed publicity to be a necessary and legitimate adjunct to the work of every ministry of State in a democratic society. The importance of maintaining good public relations was recognized in the Post Office well before 1933. As noted earlier in this book, an annual report was introduced in 1854. The possibility and/or desirability of employing the exterior areas of post offices for advertising purposes had already been discussed at a meeting on telephone development on 17 April 1931. Prime Minister Clement Richard Attlee had voiced support for the idea, also suggesting that the commercial contract should be terminated in order to make more space available inside buildings. The affirmation of the idea that internal expertise was of at least equal importance to advertising experience in determining publicity policy exerted an enormous influence on the department's reaction to attempts made in 1938 to centralize all government publicity in the domestic sphere under the control of one organization. Interestingly enough, by 1938 even departments which lacked commercial motivations to develop publicity such as the Ministry of Health, had reached the same conclusions.Less
The adoption of a permanent publicity policy was definitely related to commercial considerations, but it was also the culmination of a long process, and reflected the department's commitment to its public service responsibilities. Here lay its great impact for, despite the distinctions drawn between the GPO and other departments, developments within the Post Office were instrumental in fostering the growth of public relations machinery throughout Whitehall. By this, the GPO showed publicity to be a necessary and legitimate adjunct to the work of every ministry of State in a democratic society. The importance of maintaining good public relations was recognized in the Post Office well before 1933. As noted earlier in this book, an annual report was introduced in 1854. The possibility and/or desirability of employing the exterior areas of post offices for advertising purposes had already been discussed at a meeting on telephone development on 17 April 1931. Prime Minister Clement Richard Attlee had voiced support for the idea, also suggesting that the commercial contract should be terminated in order to make more space available inside buildings. The affirmation of the idea that internal expertise was of at least equal importance to advertising experience in determining publicity policy exerted an enormous influence on the department's reaction to attempts made in 1938 to centralize all government publicity in the domestic sphere under the control of one organization. Interestingly enough, by 1938 even departments which lacked commercial motivations to develop publicity such as the Ministry of Health, had reached the same conclusions.
Lee A. Smithey
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395877
- eISBN:
- 9780199914470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395877.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter investigates incentives and pressures that encourage unionists and loyalists in the Orange Order and other community organizations to mitigate contentious cultural expressions, enhance ...
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This chapter investigates incentives and pressures that encourage unionists and loyalists in the Orange Order and other community organizations to mitigate contentious cultural expressions, enhance public relations, build political capital, and engage in public discourse. Accepting monetary support from state and philanthropic sources for projects such as the redesign of murals and downsizing bonfires represents a departure from traditional prohibitions among Protestants against accepting charity or engaging in social work. Community development and cultural traditions work, such as cultural tourism, often parallel one another, and while there is no consensus, many community workers believe organizing around cultural traditions work can build human and social capital that is often lacking in Protestant working-class areas.Less
This chapter investigates incentives and pressures that encourage unionists and loyalists in the Orange Order and other community organizations to mitigate contentious cultural expressions, enhance public relations, build political capital, and engage in public discourse. Accepting monetary support from state and philanthropic sources for projects such as the redesign of murals and downsizing bonfires represents a departure from traditional prohibitions among Protestants against accepting charity or engaging in social work. Community development and cultural traditions work, such as cultural tourism, often parallel one another, and while there is no consensus, many community workers believe organizing around cultural traditions work can build human and social capital that is often lacking in Protestant working-class areas.
Mariel Grant
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204442
- eISBN:
- 9780191676284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204442.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
During the inter-war years the subject of government publicity was given consideration in a wide variety of spheres, as the importance of information and public relations to the democratic process ...
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During the inter-war years the subject of government publicity was given consideration in a wide variety of spheres, as the importance of information and public relations to the democratic process was increasingly recognized. Official publications, ranging from George Newman's pronouncements on national health to the report of the 1928 Royal Commission on Museums and Galleries, focused on the State's responsibility to inform the public about available services and facilities. Although the government drew criticism for its seeming reluctance to undertake concerted and consistent publicity, it is apparent that by the 1930s many departments were active in this area. Changes in publicity expenditure are not as easily measured, because it was not until 1937–8 that a serious attempt was made to secure comprehensive figures. Moreover, in tabulating expenditure levels, departments used different criteria to define their publicity activities.Less
During the inter-war years the subject of government publicity was given consideration in a wide variety of spheres, as the importance of information and public relations to the democratic process was increasingly recognized. Official publications, ranging from George Newman's pronouncements on national health to the report of the 1928 Royal Commission on Museums and Galleries, focused on the State's responsibility to inform the public about available services and facilities. Although the government drew criticism for its seeming reluctance to undertake concerted and consistent publicity, it is apparent that by the 1930s many departments were active in this area. Changes in publicity expenditure are not as easily measured, because it was not until 1937–8 that a serious attempt was made to secure comprehensive figures. Moreover, in tabulating expenditure levels, departments used different criteria to define their publicity activities.
Susan K. Jacobson, Mallory D. McDuff, and Martha C. Monroe
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198567714
- eISBN:
- 9780191718311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198567714.001.0001
- Subject:
- Biology, Biodiversity / Conservation Biology
This book presents the theory and practice for creating effective education and outreach programs for conserving biodiversity, addressing a variety of environmental issues, and living sustainably. It ...
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This book presents the theory and practice for creating effective education and outreach programs for conserving biodiversity, addressing a variety of environmental issues, and living sustainably. It describes an exciting array of techniques for enhancing school resources, marketing environmental messages, using mass media, developing partnerships for conservation, and designing on-site programs for natural areas and community centers. Vivid case studies from around the world illustrate techniques and describe planning, implementation, and evaluation procedures, enabling readers to implement their own new ideas effectively.Less
This book presents the theory and practice for creating effective education and outreach programs for conserving biodiversity, addressing a variety of environmental issues, and living sustainably. It describes an exciting array of techniques for enhancing school resources, marketing environmental messages, using mass media, developing partnerships for conservation, and designing on-site programs for natural areas and community centers. Vivid case studies from around the world illustrate techniques and describe planning, implementation, and evaluation procedures, enabling readers to implement their own new ideas effectively.
Lyn Spillman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226769561
- eISBN:
- 9780226769554
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226769554.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter amplifies the findings about business associations' political orientations, strategies of action, and vocabularies of motive. It examines their publicly oriented languages and strategies ...
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This chapter amplifies the findings about business associations' political orientations, strategies of action, and vocabularies of motive. It examines their publicly oriented languages and strategies of action beyond conventional politics. First, it assesses scholarly assumptions about associations' interest in public opinion with evidence from the census, and explores strategies of action and discourse about public relations in the focal sample. Then it points out that although scholars interested in nonprofit voluntary groups and civil society have ignored business associations, these groups should also be considered in debates about the strength of civil society. The chapter assesses evidence of orientations to civic goals in the business association population and explores qualitative evidence of associations' strategies of action and vocabularies of motive that challenges the distinction between economy and civil society. Attempts to influence public opinion and to participate in civil society are usually understood in languages of public good, especially stewardship of the public good through technical expertise. An extended case study, of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, demonstrates these claims.Less
This chapter amplifies the findings about business associations' political orientations, strategies of action, and vocabularies of motive. It examines their publicly oriented languages and strategies of action beyond conventional politics. First, it assesses scholarly assumptions about associations' interest in public opinion with evidence from the census, and explores strategies of action and discourse about public relations in the focal sample. Then it points out that although scholars interested in nonprofit voluntary groups and civil society have ignored business associations, these groups should also be considered in debates about the strength of civil society. The chapter assesses evidence of orientations to civic goals in the business association population and explores qualitative evidence of associations' strategies of action and vocabularies of motive that challenges the distinction between economy and civil society. Attempts to influence public opinion and to participate in civil society are usually understood in languages of public good, especially stewardship of the public good through technical expertise. An extended case study, of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, demonstrates these claims.
RICHARD W. PAINTER
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195378719
- eISBN:
- 9780199869619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378719.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on lobbying in Washington. Topics discussed include the two sources of lobbyists' influence: personal connections with people in government and campaign contributions; power of ...
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This chapter focuses on lobbying in Washington. Topics discussed include the two sources of lobbyists' influence: personal connections with people in government and campaign contributions; power of lobbyists in Washington society, regulation of lobbyists, professional conduct rules for lobbyists, and separating lobbyists from political money.Less
This chapter focuses on lobbying in Washington. Topics discussed include the two sources of lobbyists' influence: personal connections with people in government and campaign contributions; power of lobbyists in Washington society, regulation of lobbyists, professional conduct rules for lobbyists, and separating lobbyists from political money.
Burnis R. Morris
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496814074
- eISBN:
- 9781496814111
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496814074.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The practice of modern public relations during the early 20th century is reviewed alongside Woodson’s publicity activities. Details of Woodson’s public-education program and PR style are revealed ...
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The practice of modern public relations during the early 20th century is reviewed alongside Woodson’s publicity activities. Details of Woodson’s public-education program and PR style are revealed through his correspondence with Luther P. Jackson, a Virginia State College history professor, collaborator, and fundraiser for Woodson’s cause. Woodson’s last known letter was mailed to Jackson and dated two days before he died in Washington. Woodson’s command of public relations methods also is demonstrated through examination of two of his most acclaimed legacies—The Journal of Negro History and Negro History Week—in public-relations contexts that sought and won press support.Less
The practice of modern public relations during the early 20th century is reviewed alongside Woodson’s publicity activities. Details of Woodson’s public-education program and PR style are revealed through his correspondence with Luther P. Jackson, a Virginia State College history professor, collaborator, and fundraiser for Woodson’s cause. Woodson’s last known letter was mailed to Jackson and dated two days before he died in Washington. Woodson’s command of public relations methods also is demonstrated through examination of two of his most acclaimed legacies—The Journal of Negro History and Negro History Week—in public-relations contexts that sought and won press support.
PHILIP MURPHY
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205050
- eISBN:
- 9780191676475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205050.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter considers the ways in which the Conservative Party organization attempted to influence reactions to government policy in colonial Africa, and in a more peripheral way, how it helped to ...
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This chapter considers the ways in which the Conservative Party organization attempted to influence reactions to government policy in colonial Africa, and in a more peripheral way, how it helped to shape and to implement that policy. It discusses party discipline and management of information, central office and public relations.Less
This chapter considers the ways in which the Conservative Party organization attempted to influence reactions to government policy in colonial Africa, and in a more peripheral way, how it helped to shape and to implement that policy. It discusses party discipline and management of information, central office and public relations.
Reid L. Neilson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195384031
- eISBN:
- 9780199918324
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195384031.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The successes, as well as the failures, at Chicago helped LDS leaders realize the importance of exhibiting their ecclesiastical institution as a culturally advanced society thereafter. Striving for ...
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The successes, as well as the failures, at Chicago helped LDS leaders realize the importance of exhibiting their ecclesiastical institution as a culturally advanced society thereafter. Striving for Utah statehood as well as religious legitimacy, LDS leaders who ventured to the White City in 1893 became convinced of the image-shaping utility of such gatherings. While in Chicago, Mormons sensed the importance, from a public relations perspective, of deemphasizing polarizing spiritual beliefs and practices and instead highlighting their religion's cultural contributions. Rather than stressing the despised LDS theology and reviled cosmology, church members showcased their territory's natural resources, the progressive contributions of their women and young ladies, and the musical prowess of the Tabernacle Choir. From henceforth, Mormons sought to exhibit themselves, rather than be exhibited by others.Less
The successes, as well as the failures, at Chicago helped LDS leaders realize the importance of exhibiting their ecclesiastical institution as a culturally advanced society thereafter. Striving for Utah statehood as well as religious legitimacy, LDS leaders who ventured to the White City in 1893 became convinced of the image-shaping utility of such gatherings. While in Chicago, Mormons sensed the importance, from a public relations perspective, of deemphasizing polarizing spiritual beliefs and practices and instead highlighting their religion's cultural contributions. Rather than stressing the despised LDS theology and reviled cosmology, church members showcased their territory's natural resources, the progressive contributions of their women and young ladies, and the musical prowess of the Tabernacle Choir. From henceforth, Mormons sought to exhibit themselves, rather than be exhibited by others.
Sarah Stockwell
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208488
- eISBN:
- 9780191678035
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208488.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the post-war era, British mining companies, like firms in other sectors, introduced policies to take account of political change in the Gold Coast. They began a process of Africanization, and ...
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In the post-war era, British mining companies, like firms in other sectors, introduced policies to take account of political change in the Gold Coast. They began a process of Africanization, and embarked upon other initiatives designed to protect their concession agreements, to strengthen their local representation, to bolster their community standing, and to improve their welfare provision for labour. The Accra riots, however, do not seem to have played as significant a part as they did in the case of the trading companies in prompting the industry to introduce these policies. Indeed, management at some companies had begun considering their political exposure even before the developments of 1947–1948, alarmed by the high incidence of post-war labour unrest. This chapter focuses on investment, concessions, and long-term trends in the mining industry in the Gold Coast; Africanization and localization by the mining companies; and their public relations, propaganda, labour relations, and intelligence. It considers the experience of the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation.Less
In the post-war era, British mining companies, like firms in other sectors, introduced policies to take account of political change in the Gold Coast. They began a process of Africanization, and embarked upon other initiatives designed to protect their concession agreements, to strengthen their local representation, to bolster their community standing, and to improve their welfare provision for labour. The Accra riots, however, do not seem to have played as significant a part as they did in the case of the trading companies in prompting the industry to introduce these policies. Indeed, management at some companies had begun considering their political exposure even before the developments of 1947–1948, alarmed by the high incidence of post-war labour unrest. This chapter focuses on investment, concessions, and long-term trends in the mining industry in the Gold Coast; Africanization and localization by the mining companies; and their public relations, propaganda, labour relations, and intelligence. It considers the experience of the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation.
Burnis R. Morris
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496814074
- eISBN:
- 9781496814111
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496814074.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Historian Carter G. Woodson’s employment of the black press and modern public-relations techniques to preserve and popularize black history during the first half of the 20th century is rediscovered ...
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Historian Carter G. Woodson’s employment of the black press and modern public-relations techniques to preserve and popularize black history during the first half of the 20th century is rediscovered and examined in this study. This rarely explored side of Woodson, often called “The Father of Black History,” resurrects the lost image of a leading cultural icon who used his celebrity in multiple roles as an opinion journalist, newsmaker, and CEO/publicist of black history to bring veneration to a subject whose past was clouded by misinformation and contempt. During his era, 1915-1950, Woodson cultivated and won crucial press support for his Black History Movement, while merging his interests and the interests of the black newspapers. His cause became their cause.Less
Historian Carter G. Woodson’s employment of the black press and modern public-relations techniques to preserve and popularize black history during the first half of the 20th century is rediscovered and examined in this study. This rarely explored side of Woodson, often called “The Father of Black History,” resurrects the lost image of a leading cultural icon who used his celebrity in multiple roles as an opinion journalist, newsmaker, and CEO/publicist of black history to bring veneration to a subject whose past was clouded by misinformation and contempt. During his era, 1915-1950, Woodson cultivated and won crucial press support for his Black History Movement, while merging his interests and the interests of the black newspapers. His cause became their cause.
Felice Davidson Perlmutter
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195110159
- eISBN:
- 9780199865635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195110159.003.0006
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations, Social Policy
This chapter describes what happened to the trainees who completed the program and program outcomes in terms of costs and savings. Pennsylvania Blue Shield's data showed a dramatic return on ...
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This chapter describes what happened to the trainees who completed the program and program outcomes in terms of costs and savings. Pennsylvania Blue Shield's data showed a dramatic return on investment in training. For an investment in the program of $655,266, more than $2.4 million was saved in welfare support payments between 1989 and 1992, during which the training was conducted and the graduates were employed. Tax credits to which Blue Shield was entitled totalled $430,492. The program gave Blue Shield an avenue to express its civic-mindedness and social responsibility; it also benefited in terms of public relations.Less
This chapter describes what happened to the trainees who completed the program and program outcomes in terms of costs and savings. Pennsylvania Blue Shield's data showed a dramatic return on investment in training. For an investment in the program of $655,266, more than $2.4 million was saved in welfare support payments between 1989 and 1992, during which the training was conducted and the graduates were employed. Tax credits to which Blue Shield was entitled totalled $430,492. The program gave Blue Shield an avenue to express its civic-mindedness and social responsibility; it also benefited in terms of public relations.
Mariel Grant
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204442
- eISBN:
- 9780191676284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204442.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
By the outset of the Second World War, virtually every department in Whitehall had accepted publicity and/or public relations as a legitimate part of its functions, employing staff specifically ...
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By the outset of the Second World War, virtually every department in Whitehall had accepted publicity and/or public relations as a legitimate part of its functions, employing staff specifically engaged on this work, and addressing the mass audience through the press and direct campaigns. The government was far from assuming total responsibility for the dissemination of public information. It relied on voluntary organizations and local government in the sphere of health publicity and distanced itself from direct involvement in commodity advertising in the national interest. Indeed, the only department as of yet pursuing an active publicity policy was the Post Office. Government departments came to pursue advertising and public relations from different motives and with divergent perspectives. The entire issue of the future of the information services resurfaced when the new Labour government took office in 1945. After high-level consultations Prime Minister Attlee concluded that it would not be politically expedient to reverse the decision of the coalition government to dissolve the ministry. The manner in which domestic publicity arrangements developed in Britain in the first half of the 20th century owed more to the influence and attitude of the Treasury and of officials within Whitehall active in addressing the issue than of any particular party in power.Less
By the outset of the Second World War, virtually every department in Whitehall had accepted publicity and/or public relations as a legitimate part of its functions, employing staff specifically engaged on this work, and addressing the mass audience through the press and direct campaigns. The government was far from assuming total responsibility for the dissemination of public information. It relied on voluntary organizations and local government in the sphere of health publicity and distanced itself from direct involvement in commodity advertising in the national interest. Indeed, the only department as of yet pursuing an active publicity policy was the Post Office. Government departments came to pursue advertising and public relations from different motives and with divergent perspectives. The entire issue of the future of the information services resurfaced when the new Labour government took office in 1945. After high-level consultations Prime Minister Attlee concluded that it would not be politically expedient to reverse the decision of the coalition government to dissolve the ministry. The manner in which domestic publicity arrangements developed in Britain in the first half of the 20th century owed more to the influence and attitude of the Treasury and of officials within Whitehall active in addressing the issue than of any particular party in power.
Sabine Frühstück
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520247949
- eISBN:
- 9780520939646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520247949.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter examines the strategies that the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) employ in crafting their internal and public stature. It begins with an analysis of recruitment posters as manifestations of ...
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This chapter examines the strategies that the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) employ in crafting their internal and public stature. It begins with an analysis of recruitment posters as manifestations of the self-presentation of the SDF that is directed at a large, anonymous public, which, holding a variety of views of the military, either seeks them out or ignores them. It then considers material that is specifically produced for children and young adults to convince them of not only the necessity but also the “likability” and “coolness” of the SDF. It examines military events organized by the SDF to publicly celebrate themselves, such as anniversary festivities, open house days, parades, and live firing demonstrations—events that appeal to an overwhelmingly male segment of the population already sympathetic to the military. Collectively, these techniques of persuasion familiarize well-defined segments of the Japanese population with the SDF and, at the same time, assure service members of their professionalism.Less
This chapter examines the strategies that the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) employ in crafting their internal and public stature. It begins with an analysis of recruitment posters as manifestations of the self-presentation of the SDF that is directed at a large, anonymous public, which, holding a variety of views of the military, either seeks them out or ignores them. It then considers material that is specifically produced for children and young adults to convince them of not only the necessity but also the “likability” and “coolness” of the SDF. It examines military events organized by the SDF to publicly celebrate themselves, such as anniversary festivities, open house days, parades, and live firing demonstrations—events that appeal to an overwhelmingly male segment of the population already sympathetic to the military. Collectively, these techniques of persuasion familiarize well-defined segments of the Japanese population with the SDF and, at the same time, assure service members of their professionalism.
