H. Tristram Engelhardt Jr.
David E. Guinn (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195178739
- eISBN:
- 9780199784943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195178734.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter explores the view that religious claims have no legitimate place in the public forum. This exploration involves a critical re-examination of the public versus private distinction that ...
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This chapter explores the view that religious claims have no legitimate place in the public forum. This exploration involves a critical re-examination of the public versus private distinction that would place religious commitments and grounds for action in a sphere isolated from that of public discourse and public choice. In the process, this chapter brings into question John Rawls's defense of a public discourse that seeks to marginalize religious commitments.Less
This chapter explores the view that religious claims have no legitimate place in the public forum. This exploration involves a critical re-examination of the public versus private distinction that would place religious commitments and grounds for action in a sphere isolated from that of public discourse and public choice. In the process, this chapter brings into question John Rawls's defense of a public discourse that seeks to marginalize religious commitments.
Robert Gascoigne
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566624
- eISBN:
- 9780191722042
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566624.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, Religion and Society
This chapter is concerned with the relationship between Christian hope and public reason, especially as articulated in John Rawls's essay ‘The Idea of Public Reason Revisited’. With reference to ...
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This chapter is concerned with the relationship between Christian hope and public reason, especially as articulated in John Rawls's essay ‘The Idea of Public Reason Revisited’. With reference to Matthew 25, it argues that Christian hope goes beyond history, but that Christian love is expressed within history and that this tension can be the source of a specifically Christian service to democratic societies. Hope is crucial to the ethical life of democratic societies in three particular ways: it inspires a discernment of human capacities which evokes moral virtue; maintains a conviction of the openness of the future to human striving; and teaches a certain detachment from the fruits of that striving. The chapter considers how Christian hope can serve this public political hope while at the same time maintaining a distinctively Christian identity, focussing on the use of the religious language of hope by Christians in the public political forum.Less
This chapter is concerned with the relationship between Christian hope and public reason, especially as articulated in John Rawls's essay ‘The Idea of Public Reason Revisited’. With reference to Matthew 25, it argues that Christian hope goes beyond history, but that Christian love is expressed within history and that this tension can be the source of a specifically Christian service to democratic societies. Hope is crucial to the ethical life of democratic societies in three particular ways: it inspires a discernment of human capacities which evokes moral virtue; maintains a conviction of the openness of the future to human striving; and teaches a certain detachment from the fruits of that striving. The chapter considers how Christian hope can serve this public political hope while at the same time maintaining a distinctively Christian identity, focussing on the use of the religious language of hope by Christians in the public political forum.
John D. Inazu
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226365459
- eISBN:
- 9780226365596
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226365596.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Chapter 3 introduces the related concept of the public forum through the popular television show Parks & Recreation. Real-life public forums, like the forums depicted in Parks & Rec, are ...
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Chapter 3 introduces the related concept of the public forum through the popular television show Parks & Recreation. Real-life public forums, like the forums depicted in Parks & Rec, are government-provided spaces where viewpoints become voices. They are an essential part of Confident Pluralism because they allow citizens and the groups that they form to advocate, protest, and witness in common spaces—and they are insufficiently protected under current constitutional doctrine. We have seen these weaknesses exposed in a variety of settings, including the crackdown of protests in Ferguson, Missouri, restrictions against labor activism, and regulations of anti-abortion protesters. Correcting these weaknesses will require greater attention to the shortcomings of time, place, and manner restrictions, and to an emerging doctrine known as government speech. A separate challenge arises because public forums are not the only places where we enact the aspirations of Confident Pluralism—privately owned spaces like coffee shops, parks, and online service providers increasingly serve this function. Ordinary citizens need either spaces provided and facilitated by the government or “private public forums” to come together for purposes of dissent, disagreement, and diversity. Let's call this the Public Forum Requirement.Less
Chapter 3 introduces the related concept of the public forum through the popular television show Parks & Recreation. Real-life public forums, like the forums depicted in Parks & Rec, are government-provided spaces where viewpoints become voices. They are an essential part of Confident Pluralism because they allow citizens and the groups that they form to advocate, protest, and witness in common spaces—and they are insufficiently protected under current constitutional doctrine. We have seen these weaknesses exposed in a variety of settings, including the crackdown of protests in Ferguson, Missouri, restrictions against labor activism, and regulations of anti-abortion protesters. Correcting these weaknesses will require greater attention to the shortcomings of time, place, and manner restrictions, and to an emerging doctrine known as government speech. A separate challenge arises because public forums are not the only places where we enact the aspirations of Confident Pluralism—privately owned spaces like coffee shops, parks, and online service providers increasingly serve this function. Ordinary citizens need either spaces provided and facilitated by the government or “private public forums” to come together for purposes of dissent, disagreement, and diversity. Let's call this the Public Forum Requirement.
Lackland H. Bloom
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195377118
- eISBN:
- 9780199869510
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377118.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the Court's use of tradition and practice in constitutional interpretation. First, it looks at how the Court has relied on longstanding congressional or executive practice ...
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This chapter examines the Court's use of tradition and practice in constitutional interpretation. First, it looks at how the Court has relied on longstanding congressional or executive practice especially in the area of separation of powers. Next it considers three specific areas of law in which tradition and practice has played a significant role—the First Amendment public forum doctrine, the Establishment Clause, and due process of law. Then, it discusses several issues that arise with respect to tradition and practice including reliance on international practice, the appropriate level of generality to describe a practice, evolving standards, and a living constitution. Finally, it explores the Court's treatment of changing, declining or the absence of traditions and practices as well as the evaluation of them.Less
This chapter examines the Court's use of tradition and practice in constitutional interpretation. First, it looks at how the Court has relied on longstanding congressional or executive practice especially in the area of separation of powers. Next it considers three specific areas of law in which tradition and practice has played a significant role—the First Amendment public forum doctrine, the Establishment Clause, and due process of law. Then, it discusses several issues that arise with respect to tradition and practice including reliance on international practice, the appropriate level of generality to describe a practice, evolving standards, and a living constitution. Finally, it explores the Court's treatment of changing, declining or the absence of traditions and practices as well as the evaluation of them.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814741030
- eISBN:
- 9780814788561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814741030.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates ...
More
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates them to the realm of the modern American university, along with the university's moral and legal jurisdiction to judge expression and opinion. It then explores the “marketplace of ideas” metaphor to describe public universities and goes on to discuss the constitutional struggle to balance liberty and order, First Amendment's “neutrality principle” in relation to freedom of speech, the so-called “carve-outs” of the general marketplace, and the dual character of the university as a microcosm of society when it comes to free speech principles. It also assesses the carve-outs to the “avert your eyes” principle involving the protection of children and of certain sanctuaries of privacy from offensive speech, the body of doctrines known as “public forum law,” hate speech and threats on campus, and free speech rights of faculty and students.Less
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates them to the realm of the modern American university, along with the university's moral and legal jurisdiction to judge expression and opinion. It then explores the “marketplace of ideas” metaphor to describe public universities and goes on to discuss the constitutional struggle to balance liberty and order, First Amendment's “neutrality principle” in relation to freedom of speech, the so-called “carve-outs” of the general marketplace, and the dual character of the university as a microcosm of society when it comes to free speech principles. It also assesses the carve-outs to the “avert your eyes” principle involving the protection of children and of certain sanctuaries of privacy from offensive speech, the body of doctrines known as “public forum law,” hate speech and threats on campus, and free speech rights of faculty and students.
Rodney A. Smolla
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814741030
- eISBN:
- 9780814788561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814741030.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates ...
More
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates them to the realm of the modern American university, along with the university's moral and legal jurisdiction to judge expression and opinion. It then explores the “marketplace of ideas” metaphor to describe public universities and goes on to discuss the constitutional struggle to balance liberty and order, First Amendment's “neutrality principle” in relation to freedom of speech, the so-called “carve-outs” of the general marketplace, and the dual character of the university as a microcosm of society when it comes to free speech principles. It also assesses the carve-outs to the “avert your eyes” principle involving the protection of children and of certain sanctuaries of privacy from offensive speech, the body of doctrines known as “public forum law,” hate speech and threats on campus, and free speech rights of faculty and students.
Less
This chapter examines the ideal of ordered liberty in American constitutional tradition. It begins with an overview of the ideas of Thomas Friedman and Albert Einstein about the universe and relates them to the realm of the modern American university, along with the university's moral and legal jurisdiction to judge expression and opinion. It then explores the “marketplace of ideas” metaphor to describe public universities and goes on to discuss the constitutional struggle to balance liberty and order, First Amendment's “neutrality principle” in relation to freedom of speech, the so-called “carve-outs” of the general marketplace, and the dual character of the university as a microcosm of society when it comes to free speech principles. It also assesses the carve-outs to the “avert your eyes” principle involving the protection of children and of certain sanctuaries of privacy from offensive speech, the body of doctrines known as “public forum law,” hate speech and threats on campus, and free speech rights of faculty and students.
Gregory P. Magarian
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190466794
- eISBN:
- 9780190466824
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190466794.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses government properties, which First Amendment law calls “public forums,” that offer underfunded speakers opportunities to reach audiences. The Roberts Court has limited those ...
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This chapter discusses government properties, which First Amendment law calls “public forums,” that offer underfunded speakers opportunities to reach audiences. The Roberts Court has limited those opportunities by holding in two cases that the government may commandeer certain speech in public forums to express its own ideas or values and by holding in a third case that public universities may bar university-sponsored student groups from limiting their membership on moral grounds. A fourth Roberts Court public forum decision holds, in much more speech-protective fashion, that a state “buffer zone” that barred speech around abortion clinics restricted more speech than necessary to achieve the government’s permissible objectives. That decision, however, may limit its value for future speakers by emphasizing the distinctive character of the antiabortion “counsellors” who won the case.Less
This chapter discusses government properties, which First Amendment law calls “public forums,” that offer underfunded speakers opportunities to reach audiences. The Roberts Court has limited those opportunities by holding in two cases that the government may commandeer certain speech in public forums to express its own ideas or values and by holding in a third case that public universities may bar university-sponsored student groups from limiting their membership on moral grounds. A fourth Roberts Court public forum decision holds, in much more speech-protective fashion, that a state “buffer zone” that barred speech around abortion clinics restricted more speech than necessary to achieve the government’s permissible objectives. That decision, however, may limit its value for future speakers by emphasizing the distinctive character of the antiabortion “counsellors” who won the case.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226389868
- eISBN:
- 9780226389899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226389899.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Discursive participation about issues of public concern can take many forms—from an exchange over the phone or via e-mail to an informal conversation at work or home to participation in more public ...
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Discursive participation about issues of public concern can take many forms—from an exchange over the phone or via e-mail to an informal conversation at work or home to participation in more public or semipublic forums. While any form of public talk requires some degree of individual interest, ability, and opportunity, participation in public forums can be particularly costly, requiring individuals who are willing and able to talk collectively with each other in public and to devote time and effort to interacting with others who may not understand their views or who might even oppose them. Several disparate forms of deliberative organizations that have emerged in the United States can be differentiated by whether they are temporary or permanent, by who initiates them, and by who participates in them. An important variation among these organizations is their degree of coordination (independent or linked) and whether they are local or national. This chapter explores the organizational infrastructure that facilitates public deliberation, identifying and analyzing which helps to explain the surprisingly wide scope and public nature of discursive participation.Less
Discursive participation about issues of public concern can take many forms—from an exchange over the phone or via e-mail to an informal conversation at work or home to participation in more public or semipublic forums. While any form of public talk requires some degree of individual interest, ability, and opportunity, participation in public forums can be particularly costly, requiring individuals who are willing and able to talk collectively with each other in public and to devote time and effort to interacting with others who may not understand their views or who might even oppose them. Several disparate forms of deliberative organizations that have emerged in the United States can be differentiated by whether they are temporary or permanent, by who initiates them, and by who participates in them. An important variation among these organizations is their degree of coordination (independent or linked) and whether they are local or national. This chapter explores the organizational infrastructure that facilitates public deliberation, identifying and analyzing which helps to explain the surprisingly wide scope and public nature of discursive participation.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226389868
- eISBN:
- 9780226389899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226389899.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the findings of an in-depth case study of a national effort to foster public deliberation about Social Security in the United States: a deliberative forum entitled Americans ...
More
This chapter discusses the findings of an in-depth case study of a national effort to foster public deliberation about Social Security in the United States: a deliberative forum entitled Americans Discuss Social Security (ADSS). It examines in detail who deliberates, how, and to what effect. The premise of ADSS was that public talk matters and would affect deliberators and public policy. During 1998, ADSS hosted public forums in five cities (Austin, Texas; Buffalo, New York; Seattle, Washington; Des Moines, Iowa; and Phoenix, Arizona). The forums were held on Saturdays in large convention centers to facilitate broad participation and lasted about four to five hours. The chapter looks at the deliberative dynamics of the five ADSS forums, and then discusses the impacts of one of them: the session held on May 30, 1998, with 408 residents of the Phoenix metropolitan area. It shows that going to the ADSS forum did little to affect political participation, mostly because of the already high level of engagement of the attendees.Less
This chapter discusses the findings of an in-depth case study of a national effort to foster public deliberation about Social Security in the United States: a deliberative forum entitled Americans Discuss Social Security (ADSS). It examines in detail who deliberates, how, and to what effect. The premise of ADSS was that public talk matters and would affect deliberators and public policy. During 1998, ADSS hosted public forums in five cities (Austin, Texas; Buffalo, New York; Seattle, Washington; Des Moines, Iowa; and Phoenix, Arizona). The forums were held on Saturdays in large convention centers to facilitate broad participation and lasted about four to five hours. The chapter looks at the deliberative dynamics of the five ADSS forums, and then discusses the impacts of one of them: the session held on May 30, 1998, with 408 residents of the Phoenix metropolitan area. It shows that going to the ADSS forum did little to affect political participation, mostly because of the already high level of engagement of the attendees.
John D. Inazu
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226365459
- eISBN:
- 9780226365596
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226365596.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can ...
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Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can do so in two important ways. The first is by insisting upon constitutional commitments in three areas of the law: (1) protecting the voluntary groups of civil society through the rights of assembly and association; (2) facilitating and enabling dissent, disagreement, and diversity in public forums; and (3) ensuring that generally available government funding is not limited by government orthodoxy. The second way to pursue Confident Pluralism is by embodying its aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in three civic practices: (1) our speech; (2) our collective action (protests, strikes, and boycotts); and (3) our relationships across difference. Confident Pluralism suggests that when it comes to these civic practices, it is often better to tolerate than to protest, better to project humility than defensiveness, and better to wait patiently for the fruits of persuasion than to force the consequences of coercion. Confident Pluralism will not give us the American Dream. But it might help avoid the American NightmareLess
Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can do so in two important ways. The first is by insisting upon constitutional commitments in three areas of the law: (1) protecting the voluntary groups of civil society through the rights of assembly and association; (2) facilitating and enabling dissent, disagreement, and diversity in public forums; and (3) ensuring that generally available government funding is not limited by government orthodoxy. The second way to pursue Confident Pluralism is by embodying its aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in three civic practices: (1) our speech; (2) our collective action (protests, strikes, and boycotts); and (3) our relationships across difference. Confident Pluralism suggests that when it comes to these civic practices, it is often better to tolerate than to protest, better to project humility than defensiveness, and better to wait patiently for the fruits of persuasion than to force the consequences of coercion. Confident Pluralism will not give us the American Dream. But it might help avoid the American Nightmare
Jenny Wright, Fiona Sim, and Katie Ferguson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781447300335
- eISBN:
- 9781447311690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447300335.003.0003
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
This chapter charts the start of the quest for recognition of public health practitioners from backgrounds other than medicine. It sets out national processes leading to the establishment of the ...
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This chapter charts the start of the quest for recognition of public health practitioners from backgrounds other than medicine. It sets out national processes leading to the establishment of the Tripartite Group and the progress made by lobbying groups such as the Multidisciplinary Public Health Forum in the context of changing government policies which started to favour a move to multidisciplinary public health at senior levels. It includes the initial reaction of the Faculty of Public Health Medicine including creating honorary membership for non-medics, but voting not to admit non-medics as full members through to the 1998 vote for first stage admittance of non-medics via sitting Part I of Faculty examinations. The 1990s also saw the formal start of development opportunities for senior practitioners working in non-medical public health such as opening up Masters in Public Health courses.Less
This chapter charts the start of the quest for recognition of public health practitioners from backgrounds other than medicine. It sets out national processes leading to the establishment of the Tripartite Group and the progress made by lobbying groups such as the Multidisciplinary Public Health Forum in the context of changing government policies which started to favour a move to multidisciplinary public health at senior levels. It includes the initial reaction of the Faculty of Public Health Medicine including creating honorary membership for non-medics, but voting not to admit non-medics as full members through to the 1998 vote for first stage admittance of non-medics via sitting Part I of Faculty examinations. The 1990s also saw the formal start of development opportunities for senior practitioners working in non-medical public health such as opening up Masters in Public Health courses.
Alexander Laban Hinton
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198820949
- eISBN:
- 9780191860607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198820949.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Chapter 3 “Space,” continues to focus on interstitiality, lived experience, and the combustive acts of creativity and imagination that take place behind the justice face. It examines another NGO ...
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Chapter 3 “Space,” continues to focus on interstitiality, lived experience, and the combustive acts of creativity and imagination that take place behind the justice face. It examines another NGO “vortex,” the Center for Social Development,” which was led by two Cambodian-Americans, Chea Vannath and Theary Seng and known for high-profile Khmer Rouge Tribunal outreach “Public Forums.” The chapter traces the origins of the non-governmental organization and the public forum project, noting how the forums changed in accordance with the historical moment and the vision of these leaders, including Chea Vannath’s deep Buddhist belief and Theary Seng’s Christianity even as both were also influenced by time spent in the United States. The chapter concludes with a return to the International Center for Transitional Justice outreach project and a discussion of the public forums as an imagined “public spheres,” alleged “spaces” of liberal democratic being asserted by transitional justice imaginary discourses.Less
Chapter 3 “Space,” continues to focus on interstitiality, lived experience, and the combustive acts of creativity and imagination that take place behind the justice face. It examines another NGO “vortex,” the Center for Social Development,” which was led by two Cambodian-Americans, Chea Vannath and Theary Seng and known for high-profile Khmer Rouge Tribunal outreach “Public Forums.” The chapter traces the origins of the non-governmental organization and the public forum project, noting how the forums changed in accordance with the historical moment and the vision of these leaders, including Chea Vannath’s deep Buddhist belief and Theary Seng’s Christianity even as both were also influenced by time spent in the United States. The chapter concludes with a return to the International Center for Transitional Justice outreach project and a discussion of the public forums as an imagined “public spheres,” alleged “spaces” of liberal democratic being asserted by transitional justice imaginary discourses.
Elizabeth Hayes Turner
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086881
- eISBN:
- 9780199854578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086881.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter shows how the progressive women's communities emerged during the Progressive Era. Galveston supplied an environment conducive to middle and upper-class women's advancement from ...
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This chapter shows how the progressive women's communities emerged during the Progressive Era. Galveston supplied an environment conducive to middle and upper-class women's advancement from congregational life into community activism. It helped extend women's issues to public forums. Three progressive communities emerged: African American Women's Hospital Aid Society, the Women's Progressive Club, and the Negro Women Voters' League. They all had nurtured ameliorative and reforming sentiments. These associations were separated by race but their goals advanced women to positions of leadership. Thus, the first two decades became women's decades as they organized to protect the health, seek equal rights and opportunities for women and combat discrimination. It worked for a healthier, safer urban environment for the women.Less
This chapter shows how the progressive women's communities emerged during the Progressive Era. Galveston supplied an environment conducive to middle and upper-class women's advancement from congregational life into community activism. It helped extend women's issues to public forums. Three progressive communities emerged: African American Women's Hospital Aid Society, the Women's Progressive Club, and the Negro Women Voters' League. They all had nurtured ameliorative and reforming sentiments. These associations were separated by race but their goals advanced women to positions of leadership. Thus, the first two decades became women's decades as they organized to protect the health, seek equal rights and opportunities for women and combat discrimination. It worked for a healthier, safer urban environment for the women.
David Leon and Gill Walt (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780192631961
- eISBN:
- 9780191723599
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192631961.001.0001
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This book raises new and critical issues about health inequalities. It provides an international perspective on this problem, with contributions from the developed and developing world. The outcome ...
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This book raises new and critical issues about health inequalities. It provides an international perspective on this problem, with contributions from the developed and developing world. The outcome of a Public Health Forum organized by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, this book brings together material from internationally recognised contributors from a wide range of disciplines and countries. The chapters reflect this diversity, ranging from the micro- to the macro-level, and from aetiology to intervention. Topics covered include: the over-arching concepts linking economic and social forces and health status the extent to which ethical concerns lie at the heart of the issue of inequalities in health and attempts to ameliorate them; macro-level features of inequalities in health within and between countries; an overview of the main body of work on inequalities in health in developed countries and those in transition within Europe; specific pathways and mechanisms at the individual level that link poverty and inequality to health status; the interaction of social and biological influences on health status throughout life; specific disease-specific links; and issues of policy and interventions aimed at reducing inequalities in health.Less
This book raises new and critical issues about health inequalities. It provides an international perspective on this problem, with contributions from the developed and developing world. The outcome of a Public Health Forum organized by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, this book brings together material from internationally recognised contributors from a wide range of disciplines and countries. The chapters reflect this diversity, ranging from the micro- to the macro-level, and from aetiology to intervention. Topics covered include: the over-arching concepts linking economic and social forces and health status the extent to which ethical concerns lie at the heart of the issue of inequalities in health and attempts to ameliorate them; macro-level features of inequalities in health within and between countries; an overview of the main body of work on inequalities in health in developed countries and those in transition within Europe; specific pathways and mechanisms at the individual level that link poverty and inequality to health status; the interaction of social and biological influences on health status throughout life; specific disease-specific links; and issues of policy and interventions aimed at reducing inequalities in health.
John D. Inazu
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226365459
- eISBN:
- 9780226365596
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226365596.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Confident Pluralism argues that we can, and we must, learn to live with each other in spite of our deep differences. It requires a tolerance for dissent, a skepticism of government orthodoxy, and a ...
More
Confident Pluralism argues that we can, and we must, learn to live with each other in spite of our deep differences. It requires a tolerance for dissent, a skepticism of government orthodoxy, and a willingness to endure strange and even offensive ways of life. Confident Pluralism asks that those charged with enforcing our laws do better in preserving and strengthening our constitutional commitments to voluntary groups, public forums, and certain kinds of generally available funding. It also challenges each of us to live out the aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in our civic practices. The Conclusion sketches a vision for how we might go about pursuing that possibility. It focuses on the possibility of civic engagement over hashtag activism. It also includes a story of finding common ground in a commitment to the public forum in the recent Supreme Court decision, McCullen v. Coakley, involving protesters outside of an abortion clinic.Less
Confident Pluralism argues that we can, and we must, learn to live with each other in spite of our deep differences. It requires a tolerance for dissent, a skepticism of government orthodoxy, and a willingness to endure strange and even offensive ways of life. Confident Pluralism asks that those charged with enforcing our laws do better in preserving and strengthening our constitutional commitments to voluntary groups, public forums, and certain kinds of generally available funding. It also challenges each of us to live out the aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in our civic practices. The Conclusion sketches a vision for how we might go about pursuing that possibility. It focuses on the possibility of civic engagement over hashtag activism. It also includes a story of finding common ground in a commitment to the public forum in the recent Supreme Court decision, McCullen v. Coakley, involving protesters outside of an abortion clinic.
INGRID MONSON
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195128253
- eISBN:
- 9780199864492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195128253.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on ...
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One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on these themes. Although these events frequently climaxed with deep divides between black and white participants, secondary splits often occurred as well — between older and younger musicians, between white advocates of color blindness and white leftists sympathetic to black nationalism, and between those for whom merit was measured in relationship to musical standards of mainstream jazz, and those who advocated the unbounded experimentalism of the New Thing. This chapter analyzes two of these panel discussions — “Racial Prejudice in Jazz” (Down Beat, March 1962) and “Point of Contact” (Down Beat Music 1966) — not only for what they reveal about the racial discourse of the 1960s, but also for their ongoing relevance to debates about music and race in the 21st century.Less
One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on these themes. Although these events frequently climaxed with deep divides between black and white participants, secondary splits often occurred as well — between older and younger musicians, between white advocates of color blindness and white leftists sympathetic to black nationalism, and between those for whom merit was measured in relationship to musical standards of mainstream jazz, and those who advocated the unbounded experimentalism of the New Thing. This chapter analyzes two of these panel discussions — “Racial Prejudice in Jazz” (Down Beat, March 1962) and “Point of Contact” (Down Beat Music 1966) — not only for what they reveal about the racial discourse of the 1960s, but also for their ongoing relevance to debates about music and race in the 21st century.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226389868
- eISBN:
- 9780226389899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226389899.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Consistent and strong evidence that public talk was systematically unrepresentative would confirm the strong criticisms of deliberation for reproducing and even exacerbating economic and social ...
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Consistent and strong evidence that public talk was systematically unrepresentative would confirm the strong criticisms of deliberation for reproducing and even exacerbating economic and social inequalities in American society, and would also deepen the sobering reality of American democracy. Some past studies on public deliberation have indicated that people with the most time, resources, expertise, and information appear to participate most extensively in public forums. This chapter investigates who deliberates, especially in face-to-face forums. The findings indicate notable differences regarding which Americans engage in public deliberation. What is striking is that these differences do not support the dire conclusion that citizen deliberation replicates entrenched social and economic status. Indeed, the analysis suggests that the discursive participation of Americans is less directly tied to the traditional social and economic correlates of political behavior than are other forms of political participation.Less
Consistent and strong evidence that public talk was systematically unrepresentative would confirm the strong criticisms of deliberation for reproducing and even exacerbating economic and social inequalities in American society, and would also deepen the sobering reality of American democracy. Some past studies on public deliberation have indicated that people with the most time, resources, expertise, and information appear to participate most extensively in public forums. This chapter investigates who deliberates, especially in face-to-face forums. The findings indicate notable differences regarding which Americans engage in public deliberation. What is striking is that these differences do not support the dire conclusion that citizen deliberation replicates entrenched social and economic status. Indeed, the analysis suggests that the discursive participation of Americans is less directly tied to the traditional social and economic correlates of political behavior than are other forms of political participation.
Josh Lerner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801456657
- eISBN:
- 9780801456060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801456657.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter illustrates the PB group's desire to communicate with local community organizations in New York City, Boston, San Francisco, and elsewhere to organize public forums. At each event, core ...
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This chapter illustrates the PB group's desire to communicate with local community organizations in New York City, Boston, San Francisco, and elsewhere to organize public forums. At each event, core community groups brought in allies and local elected officials to hear about Chicago. Diverging from their approach in Chicago, the group launched Participatory Budgeting in New York City (PBNYC) as a multidistrict process. Community Voices Heard—a group that organizes low-income women of color around public housing and welfare programs—played a lead role in securing broad community support and foundation funding. The ongoing public presentations thus led to new PB processes. Foundations began to take notice, investing more money in the group's work and in local PB procedures.Less
This chapter illustrates the PB group's desire to communicate with local community organizations in New York City, Boston, San Francisco, and elsewhere to organize public forums. At each event, core community groups brought in allies and local elected officials to hear about Chicago. Diverging from their approach in Chicago, the group launched Participatory Budgeting in New York City (PBNYC) as a multidistrict process. Community Voices Heard—a group that organizes low-income women of color around public housing and welfare programs—played a lead role in securing broad community support and foundation funding. The ongoing public presentations thus led to new PB processes. Foundations began to take notice, investing more money in the group's work and in local PB procedures.
