Robert J. Chaskin and Mark L. Joseph
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226164397
- eISBN:
- 9780226303901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226303901.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter focuses on critical emerging dynamics around the nature and use of public space, public behavior, and social control in these emerging communities. It illustrates that the efforts to ...
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This chapter focuses on critical emerging dynamics around the nature and use of public space, public behavior, and social control in these emerging communities. It illustrates that the efforts to address urban poverty and public housing reform through mixed-income development schemes generate a set of fundamental tensions—between integration and exclusion, use value and exchange value, appropriation and control, poverty and development—that play out in specific, concrete ways on the ground. In particular, community concerns about order and safety and contention around definitions of public space, rights of access, and norms of behavior lead to the increasingly stringent use of surveillance, control, and rule enforcement. These dynamics militate against effective integration and contribute to the alienation and marginalization of public housing and other low-income residents in these contexts. Indeed, rather than effective integration, we argue, the experience of many public housing and low-income residents in these contexts amounts to what might be called incorporated exclusion, in which physical integration reproduces marginalization and leads more to withdrawal and alienation than engagement and inclusion.Less
This chapter focuses on critical emerging dynamics around the nature and use of public space, public behavior, and social control in these emerging communities. It illustrates that the efforts to address urban poverty and public housing reform through mixed-income development schemes generate a set of fundamental tensions—between integration and exclusion, use value and exchange value, appropriation and control, poverty and development—that play out in specific, concrete ways on the ground. In particular, community concerns about order and safety and contention around definitions of public space, rights of access, and norms of behavior lead to the increasingly stringent use of surveillance, control, and rule enforcement. These dynamics militate against effective integration and contribute to the alienation and marginalization of public housing and other low-income residents in these contexts. Indeed, rather than effective integration, we argue, the experience of many public housing and low-income residents in these contexts amounts to what might be called incorporated exclusion, in which physical integration reproduces marginalization and leads more to withdrawal and alienation than engagement and inclusion.
Anindita Mukhopadhyay
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195680836
- eISBN:
- 9780199080700
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195680836.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This book investigates the deeper area of class antagonism between the privileged and underprivileged classes as they faced the colonial state and its different ideas of legality and sovereignty in ...
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This book investigates the deeper area of class antagonism between the privileged and underprivileged classes as they faced the colonial state and its different ideas of legality and sovereignty in colonial Bengal. It examines the ambiguity in the bhadralok — the educated middle class — response to courts and jails. The author argues that the discourse of superior ‘bhadralok’ ethics and morals was juxtaposed against the ‘chhotolok’ — who were devoid of such ethical values. This enabled the bhadralok to claim for themselves the position of the ‘aware’ legal subject as a class — a ‘good’ subject obedient to the dictates of the new rule of law, unlike the recalcitrant and ethically ill-equipped chhotolok. The author underlines the development of a new cultural language of morality that delineated the parameters of bhadralok public behaviour. As the ‘rule of law’ of the British government slid unobtrusively into the public domain, the criminal courts and the jails turned into public theatres of infamy — spaces that the ethically bound bhadralok dreaded occupying. The volume, thus, documents how the colonial legal and penal institutions streamlined the identities of some sections of the lower castes into ‘criminal caste’. It also examines the nature of colonial bureaucracy and highlights the social silence on gender and women's criminality.Less
This book investigates the deeper area of class antagonism between the privileged and underprivileged classes as they faced the colonial state and its different ideas of legality and sovereignty in colonial Bengal. It examines the ambiguity in the bhadralok — the educated middle class — response to courts and jails. The author argues that the discourse of superior ‘bhadralok’ ethics and morals was juxtaposed against the ‘chhotolok’ — who were devoid of such ethical values. This enabled the bhadralok to claim for themselves the position of the ‘aware’ legal subject as a class — a ‘good’ subject obedient to the dictates of the new rule of law, unlike the recalcitrant and ethically ill-equipped chhotolok. The author underlines the development of a new cultural language of morality that delineated the parameters of bhadralok public behaviour. As the ‘rule of law’ of the British government slid unobtrusively into the public domain, the criminal courts and the jails turned into public theatres of infamy — spaces that the ethically bound bhadralok dreaded occupying. The volume, thus, documents how the colonial legal and penal institutions streamlined the identities of some sections of the lower castes into ‘criminal caste’. It also examines the nature of colonial bureaucracy and highlights the social silence on gender and women's criminality.
Marilyn Booth
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520224193
- eISBN:
- 9780520925212
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520224193.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Constructing exemplarity and community, “Famous Women” biographies inscribed both precedents and potential lives for editors and readers, echoes of, or templates for, these women's unwritten ...
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Constructing exemplarity and community, “Famous Women” biographies inscribed both precedents and potential lives for editors and readers, echoes of, or templates for, these women's unwritten autobiographies. Not that Arabic language autobiography was an unwritten genre. Pre-nineteenth-century men had tackled the writing of the self. As time went on—and with “Famous Women” ensconced in women's journals—Egyptian feminists wrote autobiographies, as did entertainers. Women's magazines—and biographies therein—assume and construct an active, female reader. This chapter unpacks discourse on girls' education as biography displayed it, in conjunction with the textual construction of the female reader. It then asks what biography said about gendered (and generation-specific) norms of public behavior as a symbolic field in which social, economic, and political agendas were contested—and which shaped polemics on education. The chapter explores how public politics as a sphere of female action and ambition shaped life narratives, whether biographies and other material in the women's press articulated a feminist politics, and the messages that the many lives of female rulers conveyed.Less
Constructing exemplarity and community, “Famous Women” biographies inscribed both precedents and potential lives for editors and readers, echoes of, or templates for, these women's unwritten autobiographies. Not that Arabic language autobiography was an unwritten genre. Pre-nineteenth-century men had tackled the writing of the self. As time went on—and with “Famous Women” ensconced in women's journals—Egyptian feminists wrote autobiographies, as did entertainers. Women's magazines—and biographies therein—assume and construct an active, female reader. This chapter unpacks discourse on girls' education as biography displayed it, in conjunction with the textual construction of the female reader. It then asks what biography said about gendered (and generation-specific) norms of public behavior as a symbolic field in which social, economic, and political agendas were contested—and which shaped polemics on education. The chapter explores how public politics as a sphere of female action and ambition shaped life narratives, whether biographies and other material in the women's press articulated a feminist politics, and the messages that the many lives of female rulers conveyed.
Elizabeth Burney
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847420947
- eISBN:
- 9781447303336
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847420947.003.0002
- Subject:
- Social Work, Crime and Justice
This chapter examines the ideology behind the various initiatives of the New Labour government and investigates whether slogans with ill-defined targets are sufficient to change public behaviour. It ...
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This chapter examines the ideology behind the various initiatives of the New Labour government and investigates whether slogans with ill-defined targets are sufficient to change public behaviour. It discusses the ways in which the government has shown an active role in promoting good behaviour. It particularly examines the policies and campaigns forwarded by the government in shaping standards of behaviour and in encouraging respect. Some of these government policies include: the ‘Together’ campaign and the 2003 Anti-Social Behaviour Act which aimed to promote solidarity and curb incivilities and anti-social behaviours in public spaces. The chapter also discusses policies that have focused on parental responsibility and the role of parents in overseeing the conduct of their children. Overall, the aim of the Respect Agenda of the government and other policies that focused on respect and good behaviour was to revive civil society. The civic renewal program of the government aimed to build trust, cooperation and initiative among members of the society. The chapter concludes that the call of respect should look beyond social inequalities and should be accorded to the population at every level. The government and politicians should show respect as well by listening, understanding and adapting policies that address the needs of the people, rather than forcing diktat and punitive laws and practices.Less
This chapter examines the ideology behind the various initiatives of the New Labour government and investigates whether slogans with ill-defined targets are sufficient to change public behaviour. It discusses the ways in which the government has shown an active role in promoting good behaviour. It particularly examines the policies and campaigns forwarded by the government in shaping standards of behaviour and in encouraging respect. Some of these government policies include: the ‘Together’ campaign and the 2003 Anti-Social Behaviour Act which aimed to promote solidarity and curb incivilities and anti-social behaviours in public spaces. The chapter also discusses policies that have focused on parental responsibility and the role of parents in overseeing the conduct of their children. Overall, the aim of the Respect Agenda of the government and other policies that focused on respect and good behaviour was to revive civil society. The civic renewal program of the government aimed to build trust, cooperation and initiative among members of the society. The chapter concludes that the call of respect should look beyond social inequalities and should be accorded to the population at every level. The government and politicians should show respect as well by listening, understanding and adapting policies that address the needs of the people, rather than forcing diktat and punitive laws and practices.
Marian Stamp Dawkins
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198503200
- eISBN:
- 9780191686474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198503200.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Cognitive Psychology
This chapter interrogates whether the existence of conscious awareness is really as untestable as it is usually made out to be. In other words, it tries to question whether the distinction between ...
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This chapter interrogates whether the existence of conscious awareness is really as untestable as it is usually made out to be. In other words, it tries to question whether the distinction between private (supposedly untestable) consciousness and public (testable) behaviour that we have kept to so far, is as hard and fast as it seems. It then draws conclusions about what is the central concern of this book – the existence and significance of animal consciousness. For many scientists, there are two kinds of questions: those that can be hoped to find answers to and those that one can never hope to answer. Consciousness is almost alone of all the phenomena of our world in being placed in the second category.Less
This chapter interrogates whether the existence of conscious awareness is really as untestable as it is usually made out to be. In other words, it tries to question whether the distinction between private (supposedly untestable) consciousness and public (testable) behaviour that we have kept to so far, is as hard and fast as it seems. It then draws conclusions about what is the central concern of this book – the existence and significance of animal consciousness. For many scientists, there are two kinds of questions: those that can be hoped to find answers to and those that one can never hope to answer. Consciousness is almost alone of all the phenomena of our world in being placed in the second category.
Larry Bartels and Nancy Bermeo (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199357505
- eISBN:
- 9780199357536
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199357505.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book reveals how ordinary people in rich democracies responded to the Great Recession. Through cross-national statistical work and detailed case comparison, it surveys how the economic crisis ...
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This book reveals how ordinary people in rich democracies responded to the Great Recession. Through cross-national statistical work and detailed case comparison, it surveys how the economic crisis affected elections, public opinion and protest behaviour between 2008 and 2011. It shows that incumbents were generally punished harshly at the polls regardless of whether they were of the left or right, yet it also reveals that citizens reacted to the recession with surprising moderation in other realms of mass politics. Public opinion on redistribution, immigration, extremist parties, and the Euro remained more stable than anticipated and popular mobilizations were, with few exceptions, short-lived. The mobilizations that did occur were overwhelmingly associated with austerity programs and not the recession itself.Less
This book reveals how ordinary people in rich democracies responded to the Great Recession. Through cross-national statistical work and detailed case comparison, it surveys how the economic crisis affected elections, public opinion and protest behaviour between 2008 and 2011. It shows that incumbents were generally punished harshly at the polls regardless of whether they were of the left or right, yet it also reveals that citizens reacted to the recession with surprising moderation in other realms of mass politics. Public opinion on redistribution, immigration, extremist parties, and the Euro remained more stable than anticipated and popular mobilizations were, with few exceptions, short-lived. The mobilizations that did occur were overwhelmingly associated with austerity programs and not the recession itself.
Nancy Bermeo and Larry M. Bartels (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199357505
- eISBN:
- 9780199357536
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199357505.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter surveys how ordinary people reacted to the Great Recession. It introduces and elaborates on three themes emerging from the ten original essays that follow. First, voters were very likely ...
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This chapter surveys how ordinary people reacted to the Great Recession. It introduces and elaborates on three themes emerging from the ten original essays that follow. First, voters were very likely to punish whatever party was ruling at the time of the recession, regardless of its ideology. No single ideological grouping including extremists has benefitted consistently from the Great Recession so far. Second, citizens were surprisingly unlikely to change their opinions during the crisis. Opinions on issues ranging from the Euro, to immigration, to redistribution remained surprisingly stable. Finally, with few exceptions, the Great Recession did not produce a wave of intense protest against poor economic performance. Mobilizations were generally focused on austerity packages and corruption rather than the recession per se.Less
This chapter surveys how ordinary people reacted to the Great Recession. It introduces and elaborates on three themes emerging from the ten original essays that follow. First, voters were very likely to punish whatever party was ruling at the time of the recession, regardless of its ideology. No single ideological grouping including extremists has benefitted consistently from the Great Recession so far. Second, citizens were surprisingly unlikely to change their opinions during the crisis. Opinions on issues ranging from the Euro, to immigration, to redistribution remained surprisingly stable. Finally, with few exceptions, the Great Recession did not produce a wave of intense protest against poor economic performance. Mobilizations were generally focused on austerity packages and corruption rather than the recession per se.
Michael B. Boston
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034737
- eISBN:
- 9780813038193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034737.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter throws lights on the different public and private behavior of Washington, reasons behind it, and the Negro Farmer's conference. The chapter agrees with the assessments of others who have ...
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This chapter throws lights on the different public and private behavior of Washington, reasons behind it, and the Negro Farmer's conference. The chapter agrees with the assessments of others who have highlighted the different behavior of Washington and argues that Washington was undoubtedly aware that, at times, unfavorable compromises had to be made until his people grew economic strength and thereby became a force to be reckoned with. On the surface the Negro Farmers' Conference argued for farmers in Macon County, Alabama, and beyond, to get out of debt, stay free of debt, and purchase land to move toward independence. On a deeper level Washington and the Negro Farmers' Conference encouraged farmers to be more than just land-owning, self-sufficient farmers—to be entrepreneurs.Less
This chapter throws lights on the different public and private behavior of Washington, reasons behind it, and the Negro Farmer's conference. The chapter agrees with the assessments of others who have highlighted the different behavior of Washington and argues that Washington was undoubtedly aware that, at times, unfavorable compromises had to be made until his people grew economic strength and thereby became a force to be reckoned with. On the surface the Negro Farmers' Conference argued for farmers in Macon County, Alabama, and beyond, to get out of debt, stay free of debt, and purchase land to move toward independence. On a deeper level Washington and the Negro Farmers' Conference encouraged farmers to be more than just land-owning, self-sufficient farmers—to be entrepreneurs.
Davarian L. Baldwin and Minkah Makalani (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677382
- eISBN:
- 9781452947877
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677382.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In the midst of vast cultural and political shifts in the early twentieth century, politicians and cultural observers variously hailed and decried the rise of the “New Negro.” This phenomenon was ...
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In the midst of vast cultural and political shifts in the early twentieth century, politicians and cultural observers variously hailed and decried the rise of the “New Negro.” This phenomenon was most clearly manifest in the United States through the outpouring of Black arts and letters and social commentary known as the Harlem Renaissance. What is less known is how far afield of Harlem that renaissance flourished—how much the New Negro movement was actually just one part of a collective explosion of political protest, cultural expression, and intellectual debate all over the world. In this volume, the Harlem Renaissance “escapes from New York” into its proper global context. The chapters here recover the broader New Negro experience as social movements, popular cultures, and public behavior spanned the globe from New York to New Orleans, from Paris to the Philippines and beyond. This book does not so much map the many sites of this early twentieth-century Black internationalism as it draws attention to how New Negroes and their global allies already lived. Resituating the Harlem Renaissance, the book stresses the need for scholarship to catch up with the historical reality of the New Negro experience.Less
In the midst of vast cultural and political shifts in the early twentieth century, politicians and cultural observers variously hailed and decried the rise of the “New Negro.” This phenomenon was most clearly manifest in the United States through the outpouring of Black arts and letters and social commentary known as the Harlem Renaissance. What is less known is how far afield of Harlem that renaissance flourished—how much the New Negro movement was actually just one part of a collective explosion of political protest, cultural expression, and intellectual debate all over the world. In this volume, the Harlem Renaissance “escapes from New York” into its proper global context. The chapters here recover the broader New Negro experience as social movements, popular cultures, and public behavior spanned the globe from New York to New Orleans, from Paris to the Philippines and beyond. This book does not so much map the many sites of this early twentieth-century Black internationalism as it draws attention to how New Negroes and their global allies already lived. Resituating the Harlem Renaissance, the book stresses the need for scholarship to catch up with the historical reality of the New Negro experience.
