Bridget Morris
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195166446
- eISBN:
- 9780199785049
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195166442.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter presents a modern English translation of Book II of the Revelationes of St. Birgitta of Sweden. The Book reflects Birgitta's interest in Swedish public affairs during the 1340s, and in ...
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This chapter presents a modern English translation of Book II of the Revelationes of St. Birgitta of Sweden. The Book reflects Birgitta's interest in Swedish public affairs during the 1340s, and in particular the role and function of knights and those who perform the public ministry of Christian service, especially those who preach the Christian faith. The Book has a greater internal consistency in subject matter than Book I, and there are several sequences of visions in which a sustained train of thought on a single topic is suggested and individual members of the knightly class are addressed, although their identities are always carefully suppressed.Less
This chapter presents a modern English translation of Book II of the Revelationes of St. Birgitta of Sweden. The Book reflects Birgitta's interest in Swedish public affairs during the 1340s, and in particular the role and function of knights and those who perform the public ministry of Christian service, especially those who preach the Christian faith. The Book has a greater internal consistency in subject matter than Book I, and there are several sequences of visions in which a sustained train of thought on a single topic is suggested and individual members of the knightly class are addressed, although their identities are always carefully suppressed.
Nevil Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263020
- eISBN:
- 9780191734199
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263020.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
Max Beloff was both a historian and political scientist, which makes a fair assessment of his work on both fields difficult. This is in part because whilst much of what he wrote was history, much of ...
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Max Beloff was both a historian and political scientist, which makes a fair assessment of his work on both fields difficult. This is in part because whilst much of what he wrote was history, much of it was also what might be called ‘public affairs from an historical standpoint’. Inevitably this meant that what was intended to be straightforward historical analysis sometimes ran the risk of being too heavily influenced by current preoccupations arising in the sphere of public affairs. Yet this idea that the historian should be concerned with public affairs was very much to the fore in the 1930s when Beloff was at Oxford, and to some extent his ideal became and remained that of the scholar-historian who brings his knowledge to bear on the problems and controversies of his own times. What stands out in all Beloff's writing — historical or otherwise — is his fluency, clarity of presentation, and cogency in getting across the principal points he wants to make.Less
Max Beloff was both a historian and political scientist, which makes a fair assessment of his work on both fields difficult. This is in part because whilst much of what he wrote was history, much of it was also what might be called ‘public affairs from an historical standpoint’. Inevitably this meant that what was intended to be straightforward historical analysis sometimes ran the risk of being too heavily influenced by current preoccupations arising in the sphere of public affairs. Yet this idea that the historian should be concerned with public affairs was very much to the fore in the 1930s when Beloff was at Oxford, and to some extent his ideal became and remained that of the scholar-historian who brings his knowledge to bear on the problems and controversies of his own times. What stands out in all Beloff's writing — historical or otherwise — is his fluency, clarity of presentation, and cogency in getting across the principal points he wants to make.
Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195096514
- eISBN:
- 9780199853380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195096514.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Recent decades have produced a myriad of attempts by religious groups to influence public affairs. From the efforts of clergy in the 1960s to advance the cause of civil rights to the protests ...
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Recent decades have produced a myriad of attempts by religious groups to influence public affairs. From the efforts of clergy in the 1960s to advance the cause of civil rights to the protests organized by religious groups in the 1980s against abortion, the last part of the 20th century has given us ample opportunity to consider the ways in which religious convictions can make a difference in public life. The formal dismantling of Moral Majority marked a significant turning point. It brought an important chapter in the efforts of conservative Christians to influence American politics to a close. The religious Right is a particularly instructive case for considering how believers with firm convictions in the divine truth of their cause confront the pluralism inherent in American public life. The religious Right underwent changes that are themselves valuable lessons in the pragmatic norms of public policy. The chapter also provides a helpful case for considering how morality functions in the public arena. Above all, it represents a movement that was remarkably adept in the use of symbolism for political purposes.Less
Recent decades have produced a myriad of attempts by religious groups to influence public affairs. From the efforts of clergy in the 1960s to advance the cause of civil rights to the protests organized by religious groups in the 1980s against abortion, the last part of the 20th century has given us ample opportunity to consider the ways in which religious convictions can make a difference in public life. The formal dismantling of Moral Majority marked a significant turning point. It brought an important chapter in the efforts of conservative Christians to influence American politics to a close. The religious Right is a particularly instructive case for considering how believers with firm convictions in the divine truth of their cause confront the pluralism inherent in American public life. The religious Right underwent changes that are themselves valuable lessons in the pragmatic norms of public policy. The chapter also provides a helpful case for considering how morality functions in the public arena. Above all, it represents a movement that was remarkably adept in the use of symbolism for political purposes.
Nicholas Rescher
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198236016
- eISBN:
- 9780191679162
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198236016.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, General
This chapter argues against the notion that consensus is required for a benign social order. It suggests that benign social order need not be committed to the quest for consensus and that it can be ...
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This chapter argues against the notion that consensus is required for a benign social order. It suggests that benign social order need not be committed to the quest for consensus and that it can be constituted along very different, irreducibly pluralistic lines. It contends that the insistence on the pursuit of general consensus in practical matters and public affairs is unrealistic and counter-productive because it deprives people of the productive stimulus of competition and the incentive of rivalry.Less
This chapter argues against the notion that consensus is required for a benign social order. It suggests that benign social order need not be committed to the quest for consensus and that it can be constituted along very different, irreducibly pluralistic lines. It contends that the insistence on the pursuit of general consensus in practical matters and public affairs is unrealistic and counter-productive because it deprives people of the productive stimulus of competition and the incentive of rivalry.
Nadia Rubaii
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447333821
- eISBN:
- 9781447333944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447333821.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter traces the evolution of graduate level public affairs education in the United States in terms of focus, mission, curriculum, institutional locus, and enrollments, with attention to ...
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This chapter traces the evolution of graduate level public affairs education in the United States in terms of focus, mission, curriculum, institutional locus, and enrollments, with attention to similarities and differences at the masters and doctoral levels. It highlights the role of two key professional associations in the evolution of the field, NASPAA and APPAM. It also examines some persistent challenges regarding how broadly or narrowly to define the field, how clearly to differentiate among the related fields of study, and how to define and ensure quality.Less
This chapter traces the evolution of graduate level public affairs education in the United States in terms of focus, mission, curriculum, institutional locus, and enrollments, with attention to similarities and differences at the masters and doctoral levels. It highlights the role of two key professional associations in the evolution of the field, NASPAA and APPAM. It also examines some persistent challenges regarding how broadly or narrowly to define the field, how clearly to differentiate among the related fields of study, and how to define and ensure quality.
CHRISTINE GERRARD
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198183884
- eISBN:
- 9780191714122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183884.003.0011
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
This chapter discusses the later years of Aaron Hill from 1743 to 1750. Hill's retirement to Plaistow revived his interest in public affairs. He became filled with a deep sense of unease at the ...
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This chapter discusses the later years of Aaron Hill from 1743 to 1750. Hill's retirement to Plaistow revived his interest in public affairs. He became filled with a deep sense of unease at the domestic and international crises that faced Britain during the 1740s. In 1747, dismayed by the fate of the allied troops in Flanders, Hill tried to use Lord Chesterfield, the Secretary of State, as a conduit for his idea on subjects ‘sometimes commercial, sometimes military’ — including treatment of dysentery among the troops. For Hill, writing became a substitute for action. Nearly all of his original works in this decade engaged to varying degrees with national and international politics. Hill's depression on his personal affairs spilled over into gloomy pronouncements on Britain. These works tackle the dangers of faction and self-interest in government and nation, and the demise of patriotism.Less
This chapter discusses the later years of Aaron Hill from 1743 to 1750. Hill's retirement to Plaistow revived his interest in public affairs. He became filled with a deep sense of unease at the domestic and international crises that faced Britain during the 1740s. In 1747, dismayed by the fate of the allied troops in Flanders, Hill tried to use Lord Chesterfield, the Secretary of State, as a conduit for his idea on subjects ‘sometimes commercial, sometimes military’ — including treatment of dysentery among the troops. For Hill, writing became a substitute for action. Nearly all of his original works in this decade engaged to varying degrees with national and international politics. Hill's depression on his personal affairs spilled over into gloomy pronouncements on Britain. These works tackle the dangers of faction and self-interest in government and nation, and the demise of patriotism.
Christopher F. Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159751
- eISBN:
- 9781400852697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159751.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter explores how women are the “silent sex,” in a manner of speaking. In the settings that characterize most arenas of politics and public affairs, and in many other formal discussions that ...
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This chapter explores how women are the “silent sex,” in a manner of speaking. In the settings that characterize most arenas of politics and public affairs, and in many other formal discussions that take place in civic organizations, work teams, and other common venues, women are not a majority, and the norm of interaction has masculine characteristics. Numbers and norms of interaction combine to deter women from fully expressing their thoughts. The chapter looks for clues to explain why women overcome the difficulties when they are placed in other circumstances. The evidence presented points toward several aspects of gender as culprits. Most importantly, confidence has much to do with women's relative quiescence.Less
This chapter explores how women are the “silent sex,” in a manner of speaking. In the settings that characterize most arenas of politics and public affairs, and in many other formal discussions that take place in civic organizations, work teams, and other common venues, women are not a majority, and the norm of interaction has masculine characteristics. Numbers and norms of interaction combine to deter women from fully expressing their thoughts. The chapter looks for clues to explain why women overcome the difficulties when they are placed in other circumstances. The evidence presented points toward several aspects of gender as culprits. Most importantly, confidence has much to do with women's relative quiescence.
Anthony King
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199576982
- eISBN:
- 9780191702235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter talks about the referendums in Great Britain. Only one national referendum was held in 1975, which was used to decide whether the United Kingdom should remain a member of the Common ...
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This chapter talks about the referendums in Great Britain. Only one national referendum was held in 1975, which was used to decide whether the United Kingdom should remain a member of the Common Market. Since then, a number of referendums have been held and these include referendums in Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and London,sometimes in particular towns and cities — but none of them has been UK-wide or Britain-wide. Although only one national referendum has ever been held in the UK it remains possible that another might be held once another major issue exerts influence on public affairs in Britain.Less
This chapter talks about the referendums in Great Britain. Only one national referendum was held in 1975, which was used to decide whether the United Kingdom should remain a member of the Common Market. Since then, a number of referendums have been held and these include referendums in Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and London,sometimes in particular towns and cities — but none of them has been UK-wide or Britain-wide. Although only one national referendum has ever been held in the UK it remains possible that another might be held once another major issue exerts influence on public affairs in Britain.
Benjamin Thomas White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748641871
- eISBN:
- 9780748653287
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748641871.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Why, in the years around 1920, did the concept of ‘minority’ suddenly spring to prominence in public affairs worldwide? Within a decade of World War One, the term became fundamental to public and ...
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Why, in the years around 1920, did the concept of ‘minority’ suddenly spring to prominence in public affairs worldwide? Within a decade of World War One, the term became fundamental to public and academic understandings of national and international politics, law and society: ‘minorities’, and ‘majorities’ with them, were taken to be an objective reality, both in the present and the past. This book uses a study of Syria under the French mandate to show what historical developments led people to start describing themselves and others as ‘minorities’. Despite French attempts to create territorial, political and legal divisions, the mandate period saw the consolidation of the nation-state form in Syria: a trend towards a coherent national territory with fixed borders, uniform state authority within them and the struggle to control that state played out in the language of nationalism – developments in the post-Ottoman Levant which closely paralleled those in contemporary Europe, after the demise of the Austro-Hungarian and tsarist empires. Through close attention to what changed in French mandate Syria, and what those changes meant, the book argues for a careful rethinking of a term too often used as an objective description of reality.Less
Why, in the years around 1920, did the concept of ‘minority’ suddenly spring to prominence in public affairs worldwide? Within a decade of World War One, the term became fundamental to public and academic understandings of national and international politics, law and society: ‘minorities’, and ‘majorities’ with them, were taken to be an objective reality, both in the present and the past. This book uses a study of Syria under the French mandate to show what historical developments led people to start describing themselves and others as ‘minorities’. Despite French attempts to create territorial, political and legal divisions, the mandate period saw the consolidation of the nation-state form in Syria: a trend towards a coherent national territory with fixed borders, uniform state authority within them and the struggle to control that state played out in the language of nationalism – developments in the post-Ottoman Levant which closely paralleled those in contemporary Europe, after the demise of the Austro-Hungarian and tsarist empires. Through close attention to what changed in French mandate Syria, and what those changes meant, the book argues for a careful rethinking of a term too often used as an objective description of reality.
Francis L. F. Lee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9789888208579
- eISBN:
- 9789888268832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888208579.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Chapter 2 begins the empirical sections of the book with a historical analysis that demonstrates how talk radio has taken up varying characteristics and significance in the changing social and ...
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Chapter 2 begins the empirical sections of the book with a historical analysis that demonstrates how talk radio has taken up varying characteristics and significance in the changing social and political contexts. Emphasizing the “multilevel interactions” between the media and its environment, the chapter shows that talk radio began as a channel for citizen-official communication in the late 1960s in Hong Kong. It was transformed into a platform for public discussion in the 1980s, and then became a critical watchdog in the 1990s and early 2000s. In most recent years, talk radio has become a channel for citizen-official communication again, with a new emphasis on the accountability performance by political leaders.Less
Chapter 2 begins the empirical sections of the book with a historical analysis that demonstrates how talk radio has taken up varying characteristics and significance in the changing social and political contexts. Emphasizing the “multilevel interactions” between the media and its environment, the chapter shows that talk radio began as a channel for citizen-official communication in the late 1960s in Hong Kong. It was transformed into a platform for public discussion in the 1980s, and then became a critical watchdog in the 1990s and early 2000s. In most recent years, talk radio has become a channel for citizen-official communication again, with a new emphasis on the accountability performance by political leaders.
Paul Langford
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205340
- eISBN:
- 9780191676574
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205340.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book offers a reassessment of the place of propertied people in 18th-century England. Common views of politics in this period postulate aristocratic dominance coexisting with plebian vitality. ...
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This book offers a reassessment of the place of propertied people in 18th-century England. Common views of politics in this period postulate aristocratic dominance coexisting with plebian vitality. This book explores the terrain that lay between the high ground of elite rule and the low ground of popular politics, revealing the vigorous activity and institutional creativity which prevailed in it. The book shows us a society in which middle-class men and women increasingly enforced their social priorities, vested interests, and ideological preoccupations. In an age imbued with the propertied mentality the machinery, formal and informal, for managing public affairs was constantly revised. Political and religious prejudices are shown in retreat before the requirements of propertied association. Parliament appears as the willing tool of interests and communities, which were by no means submissive to the traditional authority of the gentry. The nobility is seen obediently adapting to the demands of those whom it sought to patronize.Less
This book offers a reassessment of the place of propertied people in 18th-century England. Common views of politics in this period postulate aristocratic dominance coexisting with plebian vitality. This book explores the terrain that lay between the high ground of elite rule and the low ground of popular politics, revealing the vigorous activity and institutional creativity which prevailed in it. The book shows us a society in which middle-class men and women increasingly enforced their social priorities, vested interests, and ideological preoccupations. In an age imbued with the propertied mentality the machinery, formal and informal, for managing public affairs was constantly revised. Political and religious prejudices are shown in retreat before the requirements of propertied association. Parliament appears as the willing tool of interests and communities, which were by no means submissive to the traditional authority of the gentry. The nobility is seen obediently adapting to the demands of those whom it sought to patronize.
Mary Beth Norton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449499
- eISBN:
- 9780801460890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449499.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines the process of excluding women from the public and political during the eighteenth century. It begins by taking a look at A Letter to a Gentlewoman concerning Government, ...
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This chapter examines the process of excluding women from the public and political during the eighteenth century. It begins by taking a look at A Letter to a Gentlewoman concerning Government, published in 1697 by an anonymous pamphleteer, and which called on the female gentry to defer to their husbands, brothers, and fathers in political affairs. Although the pamphlet denigrated the female gentry's capacity to comprehend such subjects, its very existence acknowledged that elite women still had political opinions that mattered. This chapter also considers the onset of the change in attitudes toward women and public affairs, and how publications such as The Tatler, The Spectator, New-England Courant, and New-York Weekly Journal questioned women's capacity for politics. Finally, it discusses the Anglo-American debate over women's political role and written evidence of colonial women's reactions to war and politics.Less
This chapter examines the process of excluding women from the public and political during the eighteenth century. It begins by taking a look at A Letter to a Gentlewoman concerning Government, published in 1697 by an anonymous pamphleteer, and which called on the female gentry to defer to their husbands, brothers, and fathers in political affairs. Although the pamphlet denigrated the female gentry's capacity to comprehend such subjects, its very existence acknowledged that elite women still had political opinions that mattered. This chapter also considers the onset of the change in attitudes toward women and public affairs, and how publications such as The Tatler, The Spectator, New-England Courant, and New-York Weekly Journal questioned women's capacity for politics. Finally, it discusses the Anglo-American debate over women's political role and written evidence of colonial women's reactions to war and politics.
Lam Wai-man and Irene L. K. Tong
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098299
- eISBN:
- 9789882206779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098299.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter evaluates the characteristics of civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Hong Kong, and explores the challenges of making Hong Kong's civil society into a more ...
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This chapter evaluates the characteristics of civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Hong Kong, and explores the challenges of making Hong Kong's civil society into a more effective watchdog of the government. It first provides an examination of the confusing array of meanings of “civil society.” Having offered a brief historical account of the development of civil society in Hong Kong, the chapter then elaborates the vibrancy of civil society since 1997 in terms of its scale, goals, roles, and functions; extent of participation in public affairs and politics; capability of mobilization; and extent of political influence. It is observed that civil society is sizable and vibrant in terms of the number of associations and the extent of participation of actors. Nevertheless, new forms of social mobilization, such as cyber political mobilisation and Internet radio broadcasting, continue to flourish, indicating that civil society in Hong Kong is going to maintain its vitality.Less
This chapter evaluates the characteristics of civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Hong Kong, and explores the challenges of making Hong Kong's civil society into a more effective watchdog of the government. It first provides an examination of the confusing array of meanings of “civil society.” Having offered a brief historical account of the development of civil society in Hong Kong, the chapter then elaborates the vibrancy of civil society since 1997 in terms of its scale, goals, roles, and functions; extent of participation in public affairs and politics; capability of mobilization; and extent of political influence. It is observed that civil society is sizable and vibrant in terms of the number of associations and the extent of participation of actors. Nevertheless, new forms of social mobilization, such as cyber political mobilisation and Internet radio broadcasting, continue to flourish, indicating that civil society in Hong Kong is going to maintain its vitality.
Jonathan S. Addleton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789888139941
- eISBN:
- 9789888180868
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139941.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter focuses on the “soft” aspects of the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Mongolia - public outreach; public affairs; educational exchanges and cultural ties. It also ...
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This chapter focuses on the “soft” aspects of the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Mongolia - public outreach; public affairs; educational exchanges and cultural ties. It also details the growing interaction between Americans who work in Mongolia and Mongolians who live in the United States, marking the foundation of an active Mongolian-American community that has grown significantly in recent years. Education exchanges such as the Fulbright program are discussed and assessed, along with Mongolia's success in accessing funds for cultural support through the Ambassador's Fund for Cultural Preservation. Finally, it discusses the establishment and growth of a large Peace Corps presence in Mongolia.Less
This chapter focuses on the “soft” aspects of the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Mongolia - public outreach; public affairs; educational exchanges and cultural ties. It also details the growing interaction between Americans who work in Mongolia and Mongolians who live in the United States, marking the foundation of an active Mongolian-American community that has grown significantly in recent years. Education exchanges such as the Fulbright program are discussed and assessed, along with Mongolia's success in accessing funds for cultural support through the Ambassador's Fund for Cultural Preservation. Finally, it discusses the establishment and growth of a large Peace Corps presence in Mongolia.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0009
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
Caesar formed a ‘a conspiracy [conspiratio] with Pompey and Crassus’. The crux of the agreement — a private agreement, but with clearly stated mutual responsibilities, and in this sense a true ...
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Caesar formed a ‘a conspiracy [conspiratio] with Pompey and Crassus’. The crux of the agreement — a private agreement, but with clearly stated mutual responsibilities, and in this sense a true conspiracy — was described by Suetonius, who plainly had a reliable source: ‘that no step should be taken in public affairs which did not suit any one of the three’. There is no historical source that does not comment critically on this pact. Pollio, who saw in it the origin of the civil war, was broadly in agreement with Velleius, who warmly welcomed the rise of Augustus and was also an admirer of Caesar. Marcus Terentius Varro even wrote a satire about the triumvirate, with the title The Three-Headed Monster. In the judgement of the historians, in what concerns this fundamental turnabout by Caesar, the opinion of the Cato school — one of total rejection and condemnation — has held sway. They had feared the rise of another princeps like Sulla, and all of a sudden they had three.Less
Caesar formed a ‘a conspiracy [conspiratio] with Pompey and Crassus’. The crux of the agreement — a private agreement, but with clearly stated mutual responsibilities, and in this sense a true conspiracy — was described by Suetonius, who plainly had a reliable source: ‘that no step should be taken in public affairs which did not suit any one of the three’. There is no historical source that does not comment critically on this pact. Pollio, who saw in it the origin of the civil war, was broadly in agreement with Velleius, who warmly welcomed the rise of Augustus and was also an admirer of Caesar. Marcus Terentius Varro even wrote a satire about the triumvirate, with the title The Three-Headed Monster. In the judgement of the historians, in what concerns this fundamental turnabout by Caesar, the opinion of the Cato school — one of total rejection and condemnation — has held sway. They had feared the rise of another princeps like Sulla, and all of a sudden they had three.
Francis L.F. Lee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9789888208579
- eISBN:
- 9789888268832
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888208579.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Phone-in programs on public and commercial radio channels have been a staple of popular Hong Kong politics since the 1990s. In the absence of a fully democratic system, they have played an ...
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Phone-in programs on public and commercial radio channels have been a staple of popular Hong Kong politics since the 1990s. In the absence of a fully democratic system, they have played an influential role in channeling and mediating public opinion. This work examines the phenomenon of talk radio in Hong Kong, using as its analytical framework the idea of remediation. It argues that the circulation and re-circulation of talk radio content through the mainstream media is crucial in explaining the medium's social prominence and influence. The process has not only widened the dissemination of talk radio content, but also established talk radio as a channel as well as a symbol for free political expression, giving it a role in shaping serious debate not seen in many other societies. Drawing on interviews with radio personnel, analysis of radio and newspaper content, and audience surveys, Talk Radio explores the vital and influential world of Hong Kong's phone-in programs. The book will be of interest to scholars of politics, media studies, and cultural studies both in Hong Kong and overseas.Less
Phone-in programs on public and commercial radio channels have been a staple of popular Hong Kong politics since the 1990s. In the absence of a fully democratic system, they have played an influential role in channeling and mediating public opinion. This work examines the phenomenon of talk radio in Hong Kong, using as its analytical framework the idea of remediation. It argues that the circulation and re-circulation of talk radio content through the mainstream media is crucial in explaining the medium's social prominence and influence. The process has not only widened the dissemination of talk radio content, but also established talk radio as a channel as well as a symbol for free political expression, giving it a role in shaping serious debate not seen in many other societies. Drawing on interviews with radio personnel, analysis of radio and newspaper content, and audience surveys, Talk Radio explores the vital and influential world of Hong Kong's phone-in programs. The book will be of interest to scholars of politics, media studies, and cultural studies both in Hong Kong and overseas.
Francis L. F. Lee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9789888208579
- eISBN:
- 9789888268832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888208579.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The author presents his argument in the Introduction, that talk radio has continued to maintain its prominence and distinctive significance over the past fifteen years in Hong Kong largely due to the ...
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The author presents his argument in the Introduction, that talk radio has continued to maintain its prominence and distinctive significance over the past fifteen years in Hong Kong largely due to the changing social and political context of the city, which has led to the formation of a specific type of congenial and cooperative relationship between talk radio and the mainstream press. Remediation by the mainstream media occurs mainly through thematic representation and content adaptation, and different mainstream media outlets remediate talk radio in both different and similar ways. Remediation also influences how ordinary citizens evaluate and perceive the social roles and functions of talk radio.Less
The author presents his argument in the Introduction, that talk radio has continued to maintain its prominence and distinctive significance over the past fifteen years in Hong Kong largely due to the changing social and political context of the city, which has led to the formation of a specific type of congenial and cooperative relationship between talk radio and the mainstream press. Remediation by the mainstream media occurs mainly through thematic representation and content adaptation, and different mainstream media outlets remediate talk radio in both different and similar ways. Remediation also influences how ordinary citizens evaluate and perceive the social roles and functions of talk radio.
David Tewksbury and Jason Rittenberg
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195391961
- eISBN:
- 9780190252397
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780195391961.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, American Politics
Online news sites play an ever-pervasive role in the daily gathering and flow of political information. Media has always played an intermediary role in the way that citizens receive and process news, ...
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Online news sites play an ever-pervasive role in the daily gathering and flow of political information. Media has always played an intermediary role in the way that citizens receive and process news, but, with the speed of information transmission, the segmentation of news sources, and the rise of citizen journalism, issues of authority, audience, and even the definition of “news” have shifted and become blurred. This book synthesizes research on developing and current patterns of online news provision with the literature on traditional, offline media to create a conceptual map for understanding the way that public affairs and news are presented and consumed on the Internet. The book looks at the dual role of the Internet as a source of authoritative news and as a vehicle for citizens in contemporary democracies to create and share political information. Throughout, it addresses the tension between the benefits of Internet news provision, specifically increased citizen engagement, and the negative, perhaps counterintuitive, effects: the fragmentation of knowledge and polarization of opinion in contemporary democracies. The book focuses on these points of conflict and contradiction in the online news environment and offers conclusions and predictions for how these phenomena will develop in the future.Less
Online news sites play an ever-pervasive role in the daily gathering and flow of political information. Media has always played an intermediary role in the way that citizens receive and process news, but, with the speed of information transmission, the segmentation of news sources, and the rise of citizen journalism, issues of authority, audience, and even the definition of “news” have shifted and become blurred. This book synthesizes research on developing and current patterns of online news provision with the literature on traditional, offline media to create a conceptual map for understanding the way that public affairs and news are presented and consumed on the Internet. The book looks at the dual role of the Internet as a source of authoritative news and as a vehicle for citizens in contemporary democracies to create and share political information. Throughout, it addresses the tension between the benefits of Internet news provision, specifically increased citizen engagement, and the negative, perhaps counterintuitive, effects: the fragmentation of knowledge and polarization of opinion in contemporary democracies. The book focuses on these points of conflict and contradiction in the online news environment and offers conclusions and predictions for how these phenomena will develop in the future.
Hannah Rosen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832028
- eISBN:
- 9781469605715
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807888568_rosen.6
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how, throughout the South, people who had once been slaves were demanding a voice in public affairs in the early stage of congressional Reconstruction. Following emancipation, ...
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This chapter describes how, throughout the South, people who had once been slaves were demanding a voice in public affairs in the early stage of congressional Reconstruction. Following emancipation, African Americans formed multiple public spheres for political discussion outside white-dominated political discourse and, when the opportunity arose, seized the right both to speak and to vote in existing white-controlled public arenas. Their actions posed a formidable challenge to antebellum constructions of citizenship, which had presupposed that those speaking and voting in public would be white men. Freedpeople's ability to challenge what it meant to be a citizen in southern society was greatly facilitated by actions of the federal government. Most important among these actions was the enfranchisement of African American men in the former Confederate states through the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867.Less
This chapter describes how, throughout the South, people who had once been slaves were demanding a voice in public affairs in the early stage of congressional Reconstruction. Following emancipation, African Americans formed multiple public spheres for political discussion outside white-dominated political discourse and, when the opportunity arose, seized the right both to speak and to vote in existing white-controlled public arenas. Their actions posed a formidable challenge to antebellum constructions of citizenship, which had presupposed that those speaking and voting in public would be white men. Freedpeople's ability to challenge what it meant to be a citizen in southern society was greatly facilitated by actions of the federal government. Most important among these actions was the enfranchisement of African American men in the former Confederate states through the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867.
Margaret M. Poloma and John C. Green
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814767832
- eISBN:
- 9780814768396
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814767832.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter continues to explore the effects of charisma on benevolence as reflected through the prism of religious values and public affairs. It considers the impact of religious experience and ...
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This chapter continues to explore the effects of charisma on benevolence as reflected through the prism of religious values and public affairs. It considers the impact of religious experience and traditional religiosity on public affairs, including activities such as charity and political action. It shows that the Assemblies of God (AG) faces a dilemma when it comes to public affairs. The “law of love” and the “love of law” pose different—and even contradictory—approaches to “ushering in the kingdom of God,” which has been the goal of Pentecostal benevolence. On the one hand, progressive Pentecostals represent an approach that stresses care-love, especially as it pertains to social welfare programs. On the other hand, the “cultural war” politics of the last several decades, with its active opposition to same-sex marriage and abortion, also represent a departure from the Pentecostal apolitical past.Less
This chapter continues to explore the effects of charisma on benevolence as reflected through the prism of religious values and public affairs. It considers the impact of religious experience and traditional religiosity on public affairs, including activities such as charity and political action. It shows that the Assemblies of God (AG) faces a dilemma when it comes to public affairs. The “law of love” and the “love of law” pose different—and even contradictory—approaches to “ushering in the kingdom of God,” which has been the goal of Pentecostal benevolence. On the one hand, progressive Pentecostals represent an approach that stresses care-love, especially as it pertains to social welfare programs. On the other hand, the “cultural war” politics of the last several decades, with its active opposition to same-sex marriage and abortion, also represent a departure from the Pentecostal apolitical past.
