Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.008
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter concludes the discussion of towns by drawing out the similarities and differences between the impact of war on towns in England and the Netherlands, stressing the geographical and ...
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This chapter concludes the discussion of towns by drawing out the similarities and differences between the impact of war on towns in England and the Netherlands, stressing the geographical and political variations within each polity. Towns in the Netherlands were more independent than their English equivalents, yet in some respects, war brought them more directly under princely tutelage. The processes that developed the prince's ability to deploy urban resources for war, however, might also consolidate urban communities and the power of their magistrates over them, and might result in a concentration of power in provincial states, where urban leaders might combine to direct military policy in the interests of their towns.Less
This chapter concludes the discussion of towns by drawing out the similarities and differences between the impact of war on towns in England and the Netherlands, stressing the geographical and political variations within each polity. Towns in the Netherlands were more independent than their English equivalents, yet in some respects, war brought them more directly under princely tutelage. The processes that developed the prince's ability to deploy urban resources for war, however, might also consolidate urban communities and the power of their magistrates over them, and might result in a concentration of power in provincial states, where urban leaders might combine to direct military policy in the interests of their towns.
Judith Herrin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153018
- eISBN:
- 9781400845224
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153018.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Medieval History
This volume explores the political, cultural, and ecclesiastical forces that linked the metropolis of Byzantium to the margins of its far-flung empire. Focusing on the provincial region of Hellas and ...
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This volume explores the political, cultural, and ecclesiastical forces that linked the metropolis of Byzantium to the margins of its far-flung empire. Focusing on the provincial region of Hellas and Peloponnesos in central and southern Greece, the book shows how the prestige of Constantinople was reflected in the military, civilian, and ecclesiastical officials sent out to govern the provinces. It evokes the ideology and culture of the center by examining different aspects of the imperial court, including diplomacy, ceremony, intellectual life, and relations with the church. Particular topics treat the transmission of mathematical manuscripts, the burning of offensive material, and the church's role in distributing philanthropy. The book contrasts life in the capital with provincial life, tracing the adaptation of a largely rural population to rule by Constantinople from the early medieval period onward. The letters of Michael Choniates, archbishop of Athens from 1182 to 1205, offer a detailed account of how this highly educated cleric coped with life in an imperial backwater, and demonstrate a synthesis of ancient Greek culture and medieval Christianity that was characteristic of the Byzantine elite. The chapters draw together a significant body of scholarship on problems of empire. The book features a general introduction, two previously unpublished essays, and a concise introduction to each essay that describes how it came to be written and how it fits into the book's broader analysis of the unusual brilliance and longevity of Byzantium.Less
This volume explores the political, cultural, and ecclesiastical forces that linked the metropolis of Byzantium to the margins of its far-flung empire. Focusing on the provincial region of Hellas and Peloponnesos in central and southern Greece, the book shows how the prestige of Constantinople was reflected in the military, civilian, and ecclesiastical officials sent out to govern the provinces. It evokes the ideology and culture of the center by examining different aspects of the imperial court, including diplomacy, ceremony, intellectual life, and relations with the church. Particular topics treat the transmission of mathematical manuscripts, the burning of offensive material, and the church's role in distributing philanthropy. The book contrasts life in the capital with provincial life, tracing the adaptation of a largely rural population to rule by Constantinople from the early medieval period onward. The letters of Michael Choniates, archbishop of Athens from 1182 to 1205, offer a detailed account of how this highly educated cleric coped with life in an imperial backwater, and demonstrate a synthesis of ancient Greek culture and medieval Christianity that was characteristic of the Byzantine elite. The chapters draw together a significant body of scholarship on problems of empire. The book features a general introduction, two previously unpublished essays, and a concise introduction to each essay that describes how it came to be written and how it fits into the book's broader analysis of the unusual brilliance and longevity of Byzantium.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that ...
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This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that they share the same basic values as other Canadians. The vast majority of Canadians have no desire to ‘get’ or insult Quebecers. This paradox is explored by the essays in Carens’ book, which are described in detail.Less
This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that they share the same basic values as other Canadians. The vast majority of Canadians have no desire to ‘get’ or insult Quebecers. This paradox is explored by the essays in Carens’ book, which are described in detail.
R. Kenneth Carty
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been ...
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The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).Less
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).
David C. Docherty
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Members of the Canadian Parliament today are well-paid political professionals. Still, the most attractive goal of a national political career in Canada is a seat at the cabinet table, because only ...
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Members of the Canadian Parliament today are well-paid political professionals. Still, the most attractive goal of a national political career in Canada is a seat at the cabinet table, because only here members can influence public policy, assure their reelection, and control the parliamentary party. However, as the opportunity to serve in national cabinet is limited, most members of the Canadian political class spend their careers engaged in constituency service or remain at the provincial level. Reform efforts have for the most part been focussed on increasing MPs' input into policy making and greater freedom of voting, but the backbenchers have been reticent to challenge the general executive-centred nature of Canada's parliamentary system.Less
Members of the Canadian Parliament today are well-paid political professionals. Still, the most attractive goal of a national political career in Canada is a seat at the cabinet table, because only here members can influence public policy, assure their reelection, and control the parliamentary party. However, as the opportunity to serve in national cabinet is limited, most members of the Canadian political class spend their careers engaged in constituency service or remain at the provincial level. Reform efforts have for the most part been focussed on increasing MPs' input into policy making and greater freedom of voting, but the backbenchers have been reticent to challenge the general executive-centred nature of Canada's parliamentary system.
Alan K. Bowman, Hannah M. Cotton, Martin Goodman, and Simon Price (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197262764
- eISBN:
- 9780191753947
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262764.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This book covers the whole of the period in which Rome dominated the Mediterranean world. The belief shared by all the contributors is that the Roman empire is best understood from the standpoint of ...
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This book covers the whole of the period in which Rome dominated the Mediterranean world. The belief shared by all the contributors is that the Roman empire is best understood from the standpoint of the Mediterranean world looking in to Rome, rather than from Rome looking out. The chapters focus on the development of political institutions in Rome itself and in her empire, and on the nature of the relationship between Rome and her provincial subjects. They also discuss historiographical approaches to different kinds of source material, literary and documentary — including the major Roman historians, the evidence for the pre-Roman near east, and the Christian writers of later antiquity. The book reflects the immense complexity of the political and cultural history of the ancient Mediterranean, from the late Republic to the age of Augustine.Less
This book covers the whole of the period in which Rome dominated the Mediterranean world. The belief shared by all the contributors is that the Roman empire is best understood from the standpoint of the Mediterranean world looking in to Rome, rather than from Rome looking out. The chapters focus on the development of political institutions in Rome itself and in her empire, and on the nature of the relationship between Rome and her provincial subjects. They also discuss historiographical approaches to different kinds of source material, literary and documentary — including the major Roman historians, the evidence for the pre-Roman near east, and the Christian writers of later antiquity. The book reflects the immense complexity of the political and cultural history of the ancient Mediterranean, from the late Republic to the age of Augustine.
Anthony R. Birley
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199252374
- eISBN:
- 9780191719103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199252374.003.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, British and Irish History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter begins with an introduction covering the senatorial career in the principate, as well as having sections on governors’ staff, the ‘capital’ of the province, and local government. These ...
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This chapter begins with an introduction covering the senatorial career in the principate, as well as having sections on governors’ staff, the ‘capital’ of the province, and local government. These are followed by biographies of all forty-one known governors, subdivided into five periods: Claudio-Neronian (AD 43-69); Flavian (AD 69-96); Nerva to Hadrian (AD 98-138); Antoninus Pius to Commodus (AD 138-92); and Severus and Caracalla (AD 197-c.213). Further sections cover the legions and their bases. Biographies of the following are provided: seventeen high-ranking companions (comites) of the emperors in Britain; forty-one known legionary commanders or legates; seven known senior law officers (iuridici); and thirty-two known senatorial tribunes (tribuni laticlavii). A section on the procuratorial career and subordinates of the procurators is followed by biographies of the fourteen known procurators and seven known praefecti classis, census-officials, and junior procurators.Less
This chapter begins with an introduction covering the senatorial career in the principate, as well as having sections on governors’ staff, the ‘capital’ of the province, and local government. These are followed by biographies of all forty-one known governors, subdivided into five periods: Claudio-Neronian (AD 43-69); Flavian (AD 69-96); Nerva to Hadrian (AD 98-138); Antoninus Pius to Commodus (AD 138-92); and Severus and Caracalla (AD 197-c.213). Further sections cover the legions and their bases. Biographies of the following are provided: seventeen high-ranking companions (comites) of the emperors in Britain; forty-one known legionary commanders or legates; seven known senior law officers (iuridici); and thirty-two known senatorial tribunes (tribuni laticlavii). A section on the procuratorial career and subordinates of the procurators is followed by biographies of the fourteen known procurators and seven known praefecti classis, census-officials, and junior procurators.
D. R. M. Irving
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195378269
- eISBN:
- 9780199864614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378269.003.0008
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred ...
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This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred contexts (such as villancicos), musical practices for Marian devotions, liturgical music and the use of instruments in churches, theatrical performances, and music in processions, celebrations, and feasts. It draws on sources including manuals published by religious orders for the regulation of parochial life, religious statutes and ordinances, Papal Bulls, royal decrees, and archiepiscopal decrees. It also examines musical references found in the proceedings of the Provincial Council of Manila (1771) and the Synod of Calasiao (1773).Less
This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred contexts (such as villancicos), musical practices for Marian devotions, liturgical music and the use of instruments in churches, theatrical performances, and music in processions, celebrations, and feasts. It draws on sources including manuals published by religious orders for the regulation of parochial life, religious statutes and ordinances, Papal Bulls, royal decrees, and archiepiscopal decrees. It also examines musical references found in the proceedings of the Provincial Council of Manila (1771) and the Synod of Calasiao (1773).
Fred K. Drogula
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469621265
- eISBN:
- 9781469623146
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469621265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
This book studies the development of Roman provincial command using the terms and concepts of the Romans themselves as reference points. Beginning in the earliest years of the republic, the text ...
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This book studies the development of Roman provincial command using the terms and concepts of the Romans themselves as reference points. Beginning in the earliest years of the republic, the text argues, provincial command was not a uniform concept fixed in positive law but rather a dynamic set of ideas shaped by traditional practice. Therefore, as the Roman state grew, concepts of authority, control over territory, and military power underwent continual transformation. This adaptability was a tremendous resource for the Romans since it enabled them to respond to new military challenges in effective ways. But it was also a source of conflict over the roles and definitions of power. The rise of popular politics in the late republic enabled men like Pompey and Caesar to use their considerable influence to manipulate the flexible traditions of military command for their own advantage. Later, Augustus used nominal provincial commands to appease the senate even as he concentrated military and governing power under his own control by claiming supreme rule. In doing so, he laid the groundwork for the early empire’s rules of command.Less
This book studies the development of Roman provincial command using the terms and concepts of the Romans themselves as reference points. Beginning in the earliest years of the republic, the text argues, provincial command was not a uniform concept fixed in positive law but rather a dynamic set of ideas shaped by traditional practice. Therefore, as the Roman state grew, concepts of authority, control over territory, and military power underwent continual transformation. This adaptability was a tremendous resource for the Romans since it enabled them to respond to new military challenges in effective ways. But it was also a source of conflict over the roles and definitions of power. The rise of popular politics in the late republic enabled men like Pompey and Caesar to use their considerable influence to manipulate the flexible traditions of military command for their own advantage. Later, Augustus used nominal provincial commands to appease the senate even as he concentrated military and governing power under his own control by claiming supreme rule. In doing so, he laid the groundwork for the early empire’s rules of command.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.007
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter asks how the demands of war changed towns' relationships with other elements in the polity. War accelerated their direct communication with central government, whether through ...
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This chapter asks how the demands of war changed towns' relationships with other elements in the polity. War accelerated their direct communication with central government, whether through correspondence or princely visits. Provincial councils took some part in steering towns into compliance with princely policy in war, but more important were intermediaries from the local nobility. Their role declined over time in England, though fluctuating with the character and courtly power of individual noble patrons. It remained significant in the Netherlands whenever campaigns came near or princely tax demands had to be considered. Representative institutions — parliament in England and the provincial states and States-General in the Netherlands — were important forums in which towns could trade consent to taxation for favourable legislation or other concessions. At times they even enabled towns collectively to manage the war effort in their own strategic interest.Less
This chapter asks how the demands of war changed towns' relationships with other elements in the polity. War accelerated their direct communication with central government, whether through correspondence or princely visits. Provincial councils took some part in steering towns into compliance with princely policy in war, but more important were intermediaries from the local nobility. Their role declined over time in England, though fluctuating with the character and courtly power of individual noble patrons. It remained significant in the Netherlands whenever campaigns came near or princely tax demands had to be considered. Representative institutions — parliament in England and the provincial states and States-General in the Netherlands — were important forums in which towns could trade consent to taxation for favourable legislation or other concessions. At times they even enabled towns collectively to manage the war effort in their own strategic interest.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.009
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter introduces the nobility in England and the Netherlands, and the role of war in the relationship between the princes and noblemen. Though noble land-holding and political influence varied ...
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This chapter introduces the nobility in England and the Netherlands, and the role of war in the relationship between the princes and noblemen. Though noble land-holding and political influence varied from region to region, both polities had an elite of wealthy lords — often influential at court — as provincial governors or lords lieutenant, and as the leaders of affinities among the gentry or lesser nobility. The Percy earls of Northumberland were great lords in the north of England, and the Howard dukes of Norfolk and earls of Surrey office-holders at court, with estates concentrated in the south. The Croÿ counts of Roeulx confronted the French as governors of Artois and Flanders, while the Egmond counts of Buren held lands on the borders of Holland and Brabant, and mostly campaigned against Guelders.Less
This chapter introduces the nobility in England and the Netherlands, and the role of war in the relationship between the princes and noblemen. Though noble land-holding and political influence varied from region to region, both polities had an elite of wealthy lords — often influential at court — as provincial governors or lords lieutenant, and as the leaders of affinities among the gentry or lesser nobility. The Percy earls of Northumberland were great lords in the north of England, and the Howard dukes of Norfolk and earls of Surrey office-holders at court, with estates concentrated in the south. The Croÿ counts of Roeulx confronted the French as governors of Artois and Flanders, while the Egmond counts of Buren held lands on the borders of Holland and Brabant, and mostly campaigned against Guelders.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.011
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter investigates the special position of noblemen who acted as leading military commanders. The appointment of provincial governors, lords lieutenant, wardens of the marches, and deputies in ...
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This chapter investigates the special position of noblemen who acted as leading military commanders. The appointment of provincial governors, lords lieutenant, wardens of the marches, and deputies in Ireland might both focus the social power and military ambition of the nobility in the service of the prince and reinforce noble power with a framework of public authority, but incompetent exercise of such offices could wreck noble reputations. Skill in administration, firmness in disciplining troops, wisdom in taking counsel, and splendour in living nobly all contributed to effective generalship. Distant campaigns in Germany, Ireland, Italy, or Spain, and relations cultivated with foreign princes and their commanders could make or break careers as readily as defending one's neighbours and friends. Negotiating and collecting taxation or suppressing revolts could do as much for the war effort as front-line command.Less
This chapter investigates the special position of noblemen who acted as leading military commanders. The appointment of provincial governors, lords lieutenant, wardens of the marches, and deputies in Ireland might both focus the social power and military ambition of the nobility in the service of the prince and reinforce noble power with a framework of public authority, but incompetent exercise of such offices could wreck noble reputations. Skill in administration, firmness in disciplining troops, wisdom in taking counsel, and splendour in living nobly all contributed to effective generalship. Distant campaigns in Germany, Ireland, Italy, or Spain, and relations cultivated with foreign princes and their commanders could make or break careers as readily as defending one's neighbours and friends. Negotiating and collecting taxation or suppressing revolts could do as much for the war effort as front-line command.
Patrick Gleeson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197266588
- eISBN:
- 9780191896040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266588.003.0016
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
This chapter explores the development of a kingdom of Munster through the lens of the evolution of the Rock of Cashel, Co. Tipperary. Traditionally regarded as the provincial capital of Munster from ...
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This chapter explores the development of a kingdom of Munster through the lens of the evolution of the Rock of Cashel, Co. Tipperary. Traditionally regarded as the provincial capital of Munster from at least the beginning of the early medieval period, it is argued instead that the provincial status of the Rock emerged out of political discourses associated with the creation of a kingdom of Munster during the 7th to 9th centuries. Alternative seas of kingship, rivals to Cashel and the politics associated with these early centres of kingship are explored with reference to their wider implications for provincial models of later prehistoric and early medieval Ireland.Less
This chapter explores the development of a kingdom of Munster through the lens of the evolution of the Rock of Cashel, Co. Tipperary. Traditionally regarded as the provincial capital of Munster from at least the beginning of the early medieval period, it is argued instead that the provincial status of the Rock emerged out of political discourses associated with the creation of a kingdom of Munster during the 7th to 9th centuries. Alternative seas of kingship, rivals to Cashel and the politics associated with these early centres of kingship are explored with reference to their wider implications for provincial models of later prehistoric and early medieval Ireland.
Patrick Polden
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199258819
- eISBN:
- 9780191718151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199258819.003.0021
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter begins with a discussion of signs of doctrinal convergence between law and equity. It then discusses: the Judicature Commission and the Judicature Acts; the tribunals of commerce; ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of signs of doctrinal convergence between law and equity. It then discusses: the Judicature Commission and the Judicature Acts; the tribunals of commerce; provincial justice; and the royal courts of justice.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of signs of doctrinal convergence between law and equity. It then discusses: the Judicature Commission and the Judicature Acts; the tribunals of commerce; provincial justice; and the royal courts of justice.
Michael Wheatley
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
John Redmond's Irish party went from dominating nationalist politics to electoral oblivion within four years, from 1914–18. Given the speed and extent of the party's collapse, it has generally been ...
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John Redmond's Irish party went from dominating nationalist politics to electoral oblivion within four years, from 1914–18. Given the speed and extent of the party's collapse, it has generally been seen as so decayed as to make its death inevitable, while also fundamentally out of touch with the ‘new’ nationalism which succeeded it. This book is a detailed study of the party and provincial nationalist opinion in the last years of the Union with Britain, before the world war and the Easter Rising transformed Irish politics. It focuses on five counties in Ireland — Leitrim, Longford, Roscommon, Sligo, and Westmeath, and in particular on the local newspaper press in those counties. Far from being ‘rotten’, the Irish party was representative of nationalist opinion and capable of self-renewal, but Irish nationalism was also suffused with an intensity of grievance and a fierce Anglophobia which came to the fore, first in the paramilitary mobilisation of the Home Rule crisis and then under the stresses of the First World War. Though the party was sufficiently disciplined to remain loyal to its leader, Redmond, who epitomised nationalist moderation, it did so at the cost of slumping cohesion, enthusiasm and activity, leaving it unable to withstand the shocks with which it would soon be assailed. Redmond's project, the peaceful attainment of Home Rule, simply could not be realised.Less
John Redmond's Irish party went from dominating nationalist politics to electoral oblivion within four years, from 1914–18. Given the speed and extent of the party's collapse, it has generally been seen as so decayed as to make its death inevitable, while also fundamentally out of touch with the ‘new’ nationalism which succeeded it. This book is a detailed study of the party and provincial nationalist opinion in the last years of the Union with Britain, before the world war and the Easter Rising transformed Irish politics. It focuses on five counties in Ireland — Leitrim, Longford, Roscommon, Sligo, and Westmeath, and in particular on the local newspaper press in those counties. Far from being ‘rotten’, the Irish party was representative of nationalist opinion and capable of self-renewal, but Irish nationalism was also suffused with an intensity of grievance and a fierce Anglophobia which came to the fore, first in the paramilitary mobilisation of the Home Rule crisis and then under the stresses of the First World War. Though the party was sufficiently disciplined to remain loyal to its leader, Redmond, who epitomised nationalist moderation, it did so at the cost of slumping cohesion, enthusiasm and activity, leaving it unable to withstand the shocks with which it would soon be assailed. Redmond's project, the peaceful attainment of Home Rule, simply could not be realised.
Stephen Miller
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781526148377
- eISBN:
- 9781526158352
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526148384
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies ...
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Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.Less
Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.
COLIN NEWBURY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257812
- eISBN:
- 9780191717864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257812.003.12
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process ...
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In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process of centralization under stipended provincial chiefs and settler officials, until the ‘kingdom’ was annexed by Britain with the agreement of Fijian chiefs. The first governors incorporated the chiefly hierarchy into a structure of provinces and districts, with taxes and laws under Crown Colony government. The early practice of consulting provincial chiefs was institutionalized within ‘Fijian Administration’ and the internal colonization of Viti Levu was completed with Fijian levies. Fijian leaders did not become civil servants and retained considerable initiative in accessing rents from lands and securing posts for subordinates. The whole structure of local government was called into question from the 1960s by advances in elected representation for Fijians and a large Indian population. Ethnic loyalty and deference to chiefs became an important factor in party politics, as Fiji moved towards independence in 1970 and continued to polarize politics up to the military coups of the 1980s.Less
In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process of centralization under stipended provincial chiefs and settler officials, until the ‘kingdom’ was annexed by Britain with the agreement of Fijian chiefs. The first governors incorporated the chiefly hierarchy into a structure of provinces and districts, with taxes and laws under Crown Colony government. The early practice of consulting provincial chiefs was institutionalized within ‘Fijian Administration’ and the internal colonization of Viti Levu was completed with Fijian levies. Fijian leaders did not become civil servants and retained considerable initiative in accessing rents from lands and securing posts for subordinates. The whole structure of local government was called into question from the 1960s by advances in elected representation for Fijians and a large Indian population. Ethnic loyalty and deference to chiefs became an important factor in party politics, as Fiji moved towards independence in 1970 and continued to polarize politics up to the military coups of the 1980s.
Regina Grafe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144849
- eISBN:
- 9781400840533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144849.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter explores how, in Spain, power was predominantly invested in bodies representing well-defined spatial sub-units rather than the corporate representations of a society of estates—such as ...
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This chapter explores how, in Spain, power was predominantly invested in bodies representing well-defined spatial sub-units rather than the corporate representations of a society of estates—such as the Crown and aristocracy—which at least theoretically were “national” in nature. This system of governance protected Spanish conceptions of contractual rule. It was a multilayered structure, but it was polycentric, not hierarchical. In other words, just as rule was not exercised from the top down from the Crown to the territories, it was not exercised from the territories to the towns. The historic territories had powerful means at their disposal to defend rights to provincial taxation and against taxation through their monarch.Less
This chapter explores how, in Spain, power was predominantly invested in bodies representing well-defined spatial sub-units rather than the corporate representations of a society of estates—such as the Crown and aristocracy—which at least theoretically were “national” in nature. This system of governance protected Spanish conceptions of contractual rule. It was a multilayered structure, but it was polycentric, not hierarchical. In other words, just as rule was not exercised from the top down from the Crown to the territories, it was not exercised from the territories to the towns. The historic territories had powerful means at their disposal to defend rights to provincial taxation and against taxation through their monarch.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay ...
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Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay off high‐interest bankers' loans, but the states (not the central government) collected the taxes by which bonds were funded. By 1557 things looked so desperate that Philip II summoned the States General—a risk his father had carefully avoided. While the revenue plan adopted was found to be unworkable, the fact that the larger assembly had been convened to deliberate on high policy did much to enhance its prestige. Meanwhile, Antwerp's bankers followed the money; they dealt not with government officials (who now had little disposable revenue) but with the provincial parliaments.Less
Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay off high‐interest bankers' loans, but the states (not the central government) collected the taxes by which bonds were funded. By 1557 things looked so desperate that Philip II summoned the States General—a risk his father had carefully avoided. While the revenue plan adopted was found to be unworkable, the fact that the larger assembly had been convened to deliberate on high policy did much to enhance its prestige. Meanwhile, Antwerp's bankers followed the money; they dealt not with government officials (who now had little disposable revenue) but with the provincial parliaments.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also ...
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When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also met the bankers, based in Antwerp, whose loans kept Habsburg armies marching, while eating up revenues, often pledged far in advance. From Castile Philip knew the ways of nobles and bankers. But nothing there prepared him for the politics of this country, a loose union of semi‐autonomous provinces; as heir apparent to Charles V, Philip had to be acclaimed separately by each local parliament, as duke of Brabant, count of Flanders, count of Holland and Zeeland, etc. Moreover, in solemn entries laid on by the towns, His Catholic Majesty had unpleasant reminders that Protestant doctrine was making inroads.Less
When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also met the bankers, based in Antwerp, whose loans kept Habsburg armies marching, while eating up revenues, often pledged far in advance. From Castile Philip knew the ways of nobles and bankers. But nothing there prepared him for the politics of this country, a loose union of semi‐autonomous provinces; as heir apparent to Charles V, Philip had to be acclaimed separately by each local parliament, as duke of Brabant, count of Flanders, count of Holland and Zeeland, etc. Moreover, in solemn entries laid on by the towns, His Catholic Majesty had unpleasant reminders that Protestant doctrine was making inroads.
