Peter Gundelach
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294757
- eISBN:
- 9780191599040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294751.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the ...
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The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the standard social variables (gender, age, education, and occupation) alongside the ‘old’ value orientations (left‐right materialism and secular‐religious orientation), the ‘new’ (materialism/post‐materialism), and two additional value orientations – political and social libertarianism. The analysis concludes that, if protest is understood as a critique of government, grassroots activity (at least since the early 1980s) cannot be construed as protest, but more as a form of self‐differentiation of limited political impact.Less
The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the standard social variables (gender, age, education, and occupation) alongside the ‘old’ value orientations (left‐right materialism and secular‐religious orientation), the ‘new’ (materialism/post‐materialism), and two additional value orientations – political and social libertarianism. The analysis concludes that, if protest is understood as a critique of government, grassroots activity (at least since the early 1980s) cannot be construed as protest, but more as a form of self‐differentiation of limited political impact.
Robert Cohen (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520222212
- eISBN:
- 9780520928619
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520222212.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book is about Berkeley's celebrated Free Speech Movement (FSM) of 1964. Drawing from the experiences of many movement veterans, the chapters of this book illuminate in fresh ways one of the most ...
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This book is about Berkeley's celebrated Free Speech Movement (FSM) of 1964. Drawing from the experiences of many movement veterans, the chapters of this book illuminate in fresh ways one of the most important events in the recent history of American higher education. The chapters shed new light on such issues as the origins of the FSM in the civil rights movement, the political tensions within the FSM, the day-to-day dynamics of the protest movement, the role of the Berkeley faculty and its various factions, the 1965 trial of the arrested students, and the virtually unknown “little Free Speech Movement of 1966”.Less
This book is about Berkeley's celebrated Free Speech Movement (FSM) of 1964. Drawing from the experiences of many movement veterans, the chapters of this book illuminate in fresh ways one of the most important events in the recent history of American higher education. The chapters shed new light on such issues as the origins of the FSM in the civil rights movement, the political tensions within the FSM, the day-to-day dynamics of the protest movement, the role of the Berkeley faculty and its various factions, the 1965 trial of the arrested students, and the virtually unknown “little Free Speech Movement of 1966”.
Jean Grugel and Pia Riggirozzi
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199692125
- eISBN:
- 9780191739286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199692125.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, Macro- and Monetary Economics
Amongst the several cases reported in this volume of an elite rocked by a crisis, looking to poor groups for support and thereby shifting policy in a pro-poor direction, Argentina is one of the most ...
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Amongst the several cases reported in this volume of an elite rocked by a crisis, looking to poor groups for support and thereby shifting policy in a pro-poor direction, Argentina is one of the most dramatic. The crisis arose from the collapse of an exchange rate peg under the stress of fiscal and institutional weaknesses which the IMF had indulged rather than being able to correct. In the consequent economic crisis many middle-class as well as working class people lost their jobs and their livelihoods, and thereby became radicalized, operating as piqueteros, or radical protesters, demanding that government policy alter its stance and in particular reject the neoliberal ‘Washington consensus’. Under the Duhalde and the two Kirchner administrations after 2002, this move away from a neoliberal and towards an activist state gradually occurred, involving both the cooptation of the piqueteros into government and the adoption of a heterodox policy framework, known in Argentina as neodesarrollismo (neodevelopmentalism)., a mixture of 1950s-style import-substituting industrialization with new-style fiscal austerity and innovative new policy instruments, such as export taxes linked to social protection expenditures. The Mesa de Dialogo, a new discussion forum established to conciliate the differences of interest groups affected by the crisis, was also important in facilitating the transition to the new policy regime.These new instruments have helped to give teeth to the left-of-centre strategies which have gained ground inside and outside Latin America in recent years.Less
Amongst the several cases reported in this volume of an elite rocked by a crisis, looking to poor groups for support and thereby shifting policy in a pro-poor direction, Argentina is one of the most dramatic. The crisis arose from the collapse of an exchange rate peg under the stress of fiscal and institutional weaknesses which the IMF had indulged rather than being able to correct. In the consequent economic crisis many middle-class as well as working class people lost their jobs and their livelihoods, and thereby became radicalized, operating as piqueteros, or radical protesters, demanding that government policy alter its stance and in particular reject the neoliberal ‘Washington consensus’. Under the Duhalde and the two Kirchner administrations after 2002, this move away from a neoliberal and towards an activist state gradually occurred, involving both the cooptation of the piqueteros into government and the adoption of a heterodox policy framework, known in Argentina as neodesarrollismo (neodevelopmentalism)., a mixture of 1950s-style import-substituting industrialization with new-style fiscal austerity and innovative new policy instruments, such as export taxes linked to social protection expenditures. The Mesa de Dialogo, a new discussion forum established to conciliate the differences of interest groups affected by the crisis, was also important in facilitating the transition to the new policy regime.These new instruments have helped to give teeth to the left-of-centre strategies which have gained ground inside and outside Latin America in recent years.
Kim Voss (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520267541
- eISBN:
- 9780520948914
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520267541.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
From Alaska to Florida, millions of immigrants and their supporters took to the streets across the United States to rally for immigrant rights in the spring of 2006. The scope and size of their ...
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From Alaska to Florida, millions of immigrants and their supporters took to the streets across the United States to rally for immigrant rights in the spring of 2006. The scope and size of their protests, rallies, and boycotts made these the most significant events of political activism in the United States since the 1960s. This book offers a comprehensive analysis of this historic moment. It traces the evolution and legacy of the 2006 protest movement in engaging, theoretically informed discussions. It addresses topics including unions, churches, the media, immigrant organizations, and immigrant politics. Today, one in eight U.S. residents was born outside the country, but for many, lack of citizenship makes political voice through the ballot box impossible. This book helps us better understand how immigrants are making their voices heard in other ways.Less
From Alaska to Florida, millions of immigrants and their supporters took to the streets across the United States to rally for immigrant rights in the spring of 2006. The scope and size of their protests, rallies, and boycotts made these the most significant events of political activism in the United States since the 1960s. This book offers a comprehensive analysis of this historic moment. It traces the evolution and legacy of the 2006 protest movement in engaging, theoretically informed discussions. It addresses topics including unions, churches, the media, immigrant organizations, and immigrant politics. Today, one in eight U.S. residents was born outside the country, but for many, lack of citizenship makes political voice through the ballot box impossible. This book helps us better understand how immigrants are making their voices heard in other ways.
Ida Susser
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195367317
- eISBN:
- 9780199951192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195367317.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility, Urban and Rural Studies
The trends that have shaped the industry and social structure of the United States have also fashioned New York City and its neighborhoods. This chapter traces the course of the city's economic and ...
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The trends that have shaped the industry and social structure of the United States have also fashioned New York City and its neighborhoods. This chapter traces the course of the city's economic and political development and the particular conditions which formed Greenpoint–Williamsburg. Greenpoint–Williamsburg does not have defining geographic characteristics, but certain population trends differentiate it clearly from surrounding areas. These same characteristics of the population affect political development and the composition of protest movements.Less
The trends that have shaped the industry and social structure of the United States have also fashioned New York City and its neighborhoods. This chapter traces the course of the city's economic and political development and the particular conditions which formed Greenpoint–Williamsburg. Greenpoint–Williamsburg does not have defining geographic characteristics, but certain population trends differentiate it clearly from surrounding areas. These same characteristics of the population affect political development and the composition of protest movements.
Kristen Hoerl
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496817235
- eISBN:
- 9781496817273
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496817235.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Over the past four decades, a wide range of Hollywood films and television programs have referenced events and individuals associated with the 1960s counterculture, anti-war, and Black Power ...
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Over the past four decades, a wide range of Hollywood films and television programs have referenced events and individuals associated with the 1960s counterculture, anti-war, and Black Power movements. This book analyses narrative patterns and recurring character types across a wide variety of fictionalized film and television portrayals of the late sixties to illustrate how Hollywood has consistently derided and trivialized the period’s protest movements. The Bad Sixties argues that Hollywood has promulgated selective amnesia by decontextualizing spectacular events that have come to define the decade from the motives that drove dissidents. Hollywood’s consistently negative depictions of protest function rhetorically as civics lessons by placing radical dissent, including criticisms of Western imperialism, structural racism, patriarchy, and two-party politics, as outside of the boundaries of legitimate civic engagement in the United States. The book concludes that Hollywood’s vision of the bad sixties has bolstered conservative agendas since the Reagan Era with profound and troubling implications for democracy and social justice movements today.Less
Over the past four decades, a wide range of Hollywood films and television programs have referenced events and individuals associated with the 1960s counterculture, anti-war, and Black Power movements. This book analyses narrative patterns and recurring character types across a wide variety of fictionalized film and television portrayals of the late sixties to illustrate how Hollywood has consistently derided and trivialized the period’s protest movements. The Bad Sixties argues that Hollywood has promulgated selective amnesia by decontextualizing spectacular events that have come to define the decade from the motives that drove dissidents. Hollywood’s consistently negative depictions of protest function rhetorically as civics lessons by placing radical dissent, including criticisms of Western imperialism, structural racism, patriarchy, and two-party politics, as outside of the boundaries of legitimate civic engagement in the United States. The book concludes that Hollywood’s vision of the bad sixties has bolstered conservative agendas since the Reagan Era with profound and troubling implications for democracy and social justice movements today.
Mathijs van de Sande
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474442602
- eISBN:
- 9781474459860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442602.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The recent global wave of protest movements is often characterized with reference to a ‘prefigurative politics’ and not without reason closely associated with a critique of representative democracy ...
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The recent global wave of protest movements is often characterized with reference to a ‘prefigurative politics’ and not without reason closely associated with a critique of representative democracy and its institutions. Chantal Mouffe has recently argued that the refusal by such movements to engage with representative institutions evinces a fundamental neglect of the ‘radical negativity’ that inheres in politics – and thus amounts to a fundamental misconception of politics itself. This chapter argues that Mouffe frames her verdict in terms and categories that are significantly at odds with those of these protest movements themselves. By failing to take into account their own understanding of either ‘success’ or ‘politics,’ she implicitly assumes a standpoint outside of – and thus flatly unaffected by – these movements’ interventions in a discursive reality. Mouffe takes up a position in analyzing these movements that seems immune to the constructivist turn that she herself has helped to theorize. This chapter poses this paradox and asks how political theorists are to deal with it. How to remain receptive to movement critiques of political representation without dismissing the insights of constructivist representation theory? And how to appreciate the representative functions that these movements did effectively fulfill?Less
The recent global wave of protest movements is often characterized with reference to a ‘prefigurative politics’ and not without reason closely associated with a critique of representative democracy and its institutions. Chantal Mouffe has recently argued that the refusal by such movements to engage with representative institutions evinces a fundamental neglect of the ‘radical negativity’ that inheres in politics – and thus amounts to a fundamental misconception of politics itself. This chapter argues that Mouffe frames her verdict in terms and categories that are significantly at odds with those of these protest movements themselves. By failing to take into account their own understanding of either ‘success’ or ‘politics,’ she implicitly assumes a standpoint outside of – and thus flatly unaffected by – these movements’ interventions in a discursive reality. Mouffe takes up a position in analyzing these movements that seems immune to the constructivist turn that she herself has helped to theorize. This chapter poses this paradox and asks how political theorists are to deal with it. How to remain receptive to movement critiques of political representation without dismissing the insights of constructivist representation theory? And how to appreciate the representative functions that these movements did effectively fulfill?
Andrew Sanders
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748641123
- eISBN:
- 9780748652907
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748641123.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Beginning in the decade in the midst of the ultimately futile Border Campaign, the Irish republican movement found itself irrevocably divided before the 1960s ended. The pragmatic and the principled ...
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Beginning in the decade in the midst of the ultimately futile Border Campaign, the Irish republican movement found itself irrevocably divided before the 1960s ended. The pragmatic and the principled of republicanism diverged as a new direction was imposed on the movement by the leadership. Externally, the 1960s was marked by the rise of the protest movement, and the establishment of a Northern Irish civil rights movement mirrored international developments. Also important, and certainly more sinister, was the rise of loyalist violence as a series of key anniversaries over the early years of the decade heightened inter-communal tension. Politically, the republican movement found itself on the outside looking in, as it was unable to capitalise on political successes enjoyed in the previous decade. A series of strategic misjudgements proved very costly as the movement was led further away from armed struggle just as the need to defend the northern nationalist communities arose.Less
Beginning in the decade in the midst of the ultimately futile Border Campaign, the Irish republican movement found itself irrevocably divided before the 1960s ended. The pragmatic and the principled of republicanism diverged as a new direction was imposed on the movement by the leadership. Externally, the 1960s was marked by the rise of the protest movement, and the establishment of a Northern Irish civil rights movement mirrored international developments. Also important, and certainly more sinister, was the rise of loyalist violence as a series of key anniversaries over the early years of the decade heightened inter-communal tension. Politically, the republican movement found itself on the outside looking in, as it was unable to capitalise on political successes enjoyed in the previous decade. A series of strategic misjudgements proved very costly as the movement was led further away from armed struggle just as the need to defend the northern nationalist communities arose.
Daniel S. Lucks
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813145075
- eISBN:
- 9780813145310
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813145075.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
One of the neglected stories of the 1960s is the impact of the Vietnam War on the civil rights movement. The war divided African Americans more than any previous issue in American history. The ...
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One of the neglected stories of the 1960s is the impact of the Vietnam War on the civil rights movement. The war divided African Americans more than any previous issue in American history. The controversy over the Vietnam War was a significant factor in the unraveling of the civil rights coalition in the mid and late 1960s. This book tells the story of the dilemmas facing members of the civil rights movement, who were forced to choose sides in the Vietnam War. It explores how the seeds of the controversy had been planted ten years before the war heated up, during the Red scare and McCarthyism, which rendered dissent against foreign policy tantamount to treason. Starting in the early 1950s, the mainstream civil rights movement embraced the Cold War consensus. The passage of civil rights legislation and implementation of Great Society programs during the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson seemed to validate the movement's embrace of Cold War liberalism. After Johnson escalated the Vietnam War in 1965, the civil rights establishment was initially reluctant to oppose the war. Within months, however, many of the most radical elements of the movement expressed anger over the violence, diversion of resources, and racist aspects of the war. Martin Luther King Jr.'s reaction to the war embodied the civil rights movement's dilemma and eventual polarization. This gripping story constitutes an important chapter of the 1960s.Less
One of the neglected stories of the 1960s is the impact of the Vietnam War on the civil rights movement. The war divided African Americans more than any previous issue in American history. The controversy over the Vietnam War was a significant factor in the unraveling of the civil rights coalition in the mid and late 1960s. This book tells the story of the dilemmas facing members of the civil rights movement, who were forced to choose sides in the Vietnam War. It explores how the seeds of the controversy had been planted ten years before the war heated up, during the Red scare and McCarthyism, which rendered dissent against foreign policy tantamount to treason. Starting in the early 1950s, the mainstream civil rights movement embraced the Cold War consensus. The passage of civil rights legislation and implementation of Great Society programs during the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson seemed to validate the movement's embrace of Cold War liberalism. After Johnson escalated the Vietnam War in 1965, the civil rights establishment was initially reluctant to oppose the war. Within months, however, many of the most radical elements of the movement expressed anger over the violence, diversion of resources, and racist aspects of the war. Martin Luther King Jr.'s reaction to the war embodied the civil rights movement's dilemma and eventual polarization. This gripping story constitutes an important chapter of the 1960s.
Rob Jenkins, Loraine Kennedy, and Partha Mukhopadhyay (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198097341
- eISBN:
- 9780199082865
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198097341.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
India’s attempt to spur growth, boost exports, and create jobs by establishing Special Economic Zones (SEZs) is a paradox: the policy represents an intensification of the country’s increasingly ...
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India’s attempt to spur growth, boost exports, and create jobs by establishing Special Economic Zones (SEZs) is a paradox: the policy represents an intensification of the country’s increasingly market-oriented development paradigm, but implementation has required active government involvement. More than a decade after importing the SEZ concept from China, India has hundreds of these walled-off, deregulated, low-tax enclaves. But an industrialization strategy pioneered in authoritarian China has faced huge political resistance in democratic India. Protest movements arose in many localities where SEZs were proposed. Resistance varied in terms of the intensity and sustainability of opposition, the grievances articulated, and the tactics employed. A central issue has been the alienation of privately owned land by business interests, abetted by the state. To date, no systematic study of the politics of India’s SEZ experiment has been undertaken. This book remedies this gap, examining variations within and between eleven states. Detailed case studies investigate differences in the nature and extent of SEZ-related political mobilization and the means employed by governments to manage dissent. By covering a broad range of regional contexts, industrial sectors, and political conditions, this volume furnishes a comprehensive picture of the politics surrounding one of India’s most controversial reform measures.Less
India’s attempt to spur growth, boost exports, and create jobs by establishing Special Economic Zones (SEZs) is a paradox: the policy represents an intensification of the country’s increasingly market-oriented development paradigm, but implementation has required active government involvement. More than a decade after importing the SEZ concept from China, India has hundreds of these walled-off, deregulated, low-tax enclaves. But an industrialization strategy pioneered in authoritarian China has faced huge political resistance in democratic India. Protest movements arose in many localities where SEZs were proposed. Resistance varied in terms of the intensity and sustainability of opposition, the grievances articulated, and the tactics employed. A central issue has been the alienation of privately owned land by business interests, abetted by the state. To date, no systematic study of the politics of India’s SEZ experiment has been undertaken. This book remedies this gap, examining variations within and between eleven states. Detailed case studies investigate differences in the nature and extent of SEZ-related political mobilization and the means employed by governments to manage dissent. By covering a broad range of regional contexts, industrial sectors, and political conditions, this volume furnishes a comprehensive picture of the politics surrounding one of India’s most controversial reform measures.
Leonardo Morlino and Francesco Raniolo
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198813873
- eISBN:
- 9780191851612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198813873.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
The most salient empirical results can be summed up in a few points. First, despite the complexities and necessary distinctions, the consensual democracies with coordinated economies tend to have ...
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The most salient empirical results can be summed up in a few points. First, despite the complexities and necessary distinctions, the consensual democracies with coordinated economies tend to have redistributive policy solutions and to correct inequalities. Second, the salience of the migration issue derives either from the consequences of the economic crisis (Italy, Spain, and France) or from basic ideological orientations (Poland). Third, with the Great Recession, the presence of new parties and populist parties became a distinguishing aspect of our six countries. Greater dissatisfaction and the growth of the new protest parties pushed the incumbent leaders to be more responsive. Fourth, we distinguish between a revendicative populism (leftist or inclusionary) and an identitarian populism (rightist or exclusionary). Identitarian populism mainly prevailed in Poland—but has a specific salience also in other countries: from France, with the Front National, to Italy with the League of Salvini, the United Kingdom with UKIP and also with Boris Johnson, and, to a more limited extent, Germany with AfD, and lastly Spain with Vox. Revendicative populism became politically and electorally relevant where the economic crisis was felt most, as Southern European democracies. Fifth, the relationship between the vote of the left parties (moderate and radical) and the trend of inequality shows a rather random connection. It is possible to identify a few patterns in the six countries. Finally, the connection between protest movements and the related institutionalization is different from case to case, with Germany, the United Kingdom, and Poland, where there are no relevant social movements.Less
The most salient empirical results can be summed up in a few points. First, despite the complexities and necessary distinctions, the consensual democracies with coordinated economies tend to have redistributive policy solutions and to correct inequalities. Second, the salience of the migration issue derives either from the consequences of the economic crisis (Italy, Spain, and France) or from basic ideological orientations (Poland). Third, with the Great Recession, the presence of new parties and populist parties became a distinguishing aspect of our six countries. Greater dissatisfaction and the growth of the new protest parties pushed the incumbent leaders to be more responsive. Fourth, we distinguish between a revendicative populism (leftist or inclusionary) and an identitarian populism (rightist or exclusionary). Identitarian populism mainly prevailed in Poland—but has a specific salience also in other countries: from France, with the Front National, to Italy with the League of Salvini, the United Kingdom with UKIP and also with Boris Johnson, and, to a more limited extent, Germany with AfD, and lastly Spain with Vox. Revendicative populism became politically and electorally relevant where the economic crisis was felt most, as Southern European democracies. Fifth, the relationship between the vote of the left parties (moderate and radical) and the trend of inequality shows a rather random connection. It is possible to identify a few patterns in the six countries. Finally, the connection between protest movements and the related institutionalization is different from case to case, with Germany, the United Kingdom, and Poland, where there are no relevant social movements.
Doug Rossinow
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748698936
- eISBN:
- 9781474445160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698936.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both ...
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1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.Less
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.
Bruce Dancis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452420
- eISBN:
- 9780801470417
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452420.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The author of this book arrived at Cornell University in 1965 as a youth who was no stranger to political action. He grew up in a radical household and took part in the 1963 March on Washington as a ...
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The author of this book arrived at Cornell University in 1965 as a youth who was no stranger to political action. He grew up in a radical household and took part in the 1963 March on Washington as a fifteen-year-old. He became the first student at Cornell to defy the draft by tearing up his draft card and soon became a leader of the draft resistance movement. He also turned down a student deferment and refused induction into the armed services. He was the principal organizer of the first mass draft card burning during the Vietnam War, an activist in the Resistance (a nationwide organization against the draft), and a cofounder and president of the Cornell chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). He spent nineteen months in federal prison in Ashland, Kentucky, for his actions against the draft. This book gives readers an insider’s account of the antiwar and student protest movements of the 1960s and also provides a rare look at the prison experiences of Vietnam-era draft resisters. The book offers a first-hand account of some of the era’s most iconic events, including the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, the Abbie Hoffman-led “hippie invasion” of the New York Stock Exchange, the antiwar confrontation at the Pentagon in 1967, and the dangerous controversy that erupted at Cornell in 1969 involving black students, their SDS allies, and the administration and faculty.Less
The author of this book arrived at Cornell University in 1965 as a youth who was no stranger to political action. He grew up in a radical household and took part in the 1963 March on Washington as a fifteen-year-old. He became the first student at Cornell to defy the draft by tearing up his draft card and soon became a leader of the draft resistance movement. He also turned down a student deferment and refused induction into the armed services. He was the principal organizer of the first mass draft card burning during the Vietnam War, an activist in the Resistance (a nationwide organization against the draft), and a cofounder and president of the Cornell chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). He spent nineteen months in federal prison in Ashland, Kentucky, for his actions against the draft. This book gives readers an insider’s account of the antiwar and student protest movements of the 1960s and also provides a rare look at the prison experiences of Vietnam-era draft resisters. The book offers a first-hand account of some of the era’s most iconic events, including the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, the Abbie Hoffman-led “hippie invasion” of the New York Stock Exchange, the antiwar confrontation at the Pentagon in 1967, and the dangerous controversy that erupted at Cornell in 1969 involving black students, their SDS allies, and the administration and faculty.
Holger Nehring
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199681228
- eISBN:
- 9780191761188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681228.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
Behind the movements’ clear agendas lurked a more complicated set of policy proposals that were deeply ingrained in nationally specific experiences and in specific ways of framing the role of their ...
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Behind the movements’ clear agendas lurked a more complicated set of policy proposals that were deeply ingrained in nationally specific experiences and in specific ways of framing the role of their respective nation in world affairs. While the British and West German activists brought with them a multiplicity of views about international relations, we can nevertheless see nationally specific ways of framing the issue of nuclear armaments. At the core of this convergence around nationally specific issues were the activists’ severe misgivings about a real and substantial defence policy problem, which arose out of the nuclearization of the strategies of the NATO countries since the mid-1950s.Less
Behind the movements’ clear agendas lurked a more complicated set of policy proposals that were deeply ingrained in nationally specific experiences and in specific ways of framing the role of their respective nation in world affairs. While the British and West German activists brought with them a multiplicity of views about international relations, we can nevertheless see nationally specific ways of framing the issue of nuclear armaments. At the core of this convergence around nationally specific issues were the activists’ severe misgivings about a real and substantial defence policy problem, which arose out of the nuclearization of the strategies of the NATO countries since the mid-1950s.
Jordan Sand
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520275669
- eISBN:
- 9780520956988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520275669.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Chapter 2 focuses on a turning point in perceptions of public space in Tokyo: the occupation of Shinjuku Station by anti–Vietnam War protesters in the summer of 1969. The protesters sought to ...
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Chapter 2 focuses on a turning point in perceptions of public space in Tokyo: the occupation of Shinjuku Station by anti–Vietnam War protesters in the summer of 1969. The protesters sought to transform the exit plaza at one of the busiest commuter hubs in the world into a place of encounter and free political engagement among citizens. When riot police cleared the station, it became clear that the possibilities for spontaneous use of public space were circumscribed by the needs of an emerging postindustrial capitalist system. Activists and theorists of the city turned toward localism and the legacies of the past in search of new sources of identity for urban citizenship.Less
Chapter 2 focuses on a turning point in perceptions of public space in Tokyo: the occupation of Shinjuku Station by anti–Vietnam War protesters in the summer of 1969. The protesters sought to transform the exit plaza at one of the busiest commuter hubs in the world into a place of encounter and free political engagement among citizens. When riot police cleared the station, it became clear that the possibilities for spontaneous use of public space were circumscribed by the needs of an emerging postindustrial capitalist system. Activists and theorists of the city turned toward localism and the legacies of the past in search of new sources of identity for urban citizenship.
Nabil Abdel Fattah
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774162015
- eISBN:
- 9781617970993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162015.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The debate around the role of the Egyptian judiciary was a main axis of the political, constitutional, and legal discourses of the government, the opposition, and the new protest movements, such as ...
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The debate around the role of the Egyptian judiciary was a main axis of the political, constitutional, and legal discourses of the government, the opposition, and the new protest movements, such as Kifaya, from 2004 until the 2005 presidential and parliamentary elections. The political role of judges in political and constitutional discourses is one of the characteristics of Egyptian politics. It also is recurrent in the history of the authoritarian political system that was established after the 1952 Revolution. This can be attributed to several factors. This chapter discusses the political role of the Egyptian judiciary by presenting the different meanings of a political role for judges. It also discusses the effectiveness of, reasons for, and actors in such a role.Less
The debate around the role of the Egyptian judiciary was a main axis of the political, constitutional, and legal discourses of the government, the opposition, and the new protest movements, such as Kifaya, from 2004 until the 2005 presidential and parliamentary elections. The political role of judges in political and constitutional discourses is one of the characteristics of Egyptian politics. It also is recurrent in the history of the authoritarian political system that was established after the 1952 Revolution. This can be attributed to several factors. This chapter discusses the political role of the Egyptian judiciary by presenting the different meanings of a political role for judges. It also discusses the effectiveness of, reasons for, and actors in such a role.
Maaris Raudsepp, Mati Heidmets, and Jüri Kruusvall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262012669
- eISBN:
- 9780262255493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262012669.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This chapter examines sustainability movement and environmental injustice in post-Soviet Estonia. It describes the political, economic and social changes in Estonia and the transformation of natural ...
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This chapter examines sustainability movement and environmental injustice in post-Soviet Estonia. It describes the political, economic and social changes in Estonia and the transformation of natural environments in this Baltic republic. It highlights environmental degradation and harmful living conditions in the Ida-Virumaa area and the low level of participation protest movements. This chapter also explains the rationale behind Estonia’s national strategy of sustainable development called “Sustainable Estonia 21” which is geared towards increasing social and environmental justice and public participation.Less
This chapter examines sustainability movement and environmental injustice in post-Soviet Estonia. It describes the political, economic and social changes in Estonia and the transformation of natural environments in this Baltic republic. It highlights environmental degradation and harmful living conditions in the Ida-Virumaa area and the low level of participation protest movements. This chapter also explains the rationale behind Estonia’s national strategy of sustainable development called “Sustainable Estonia 21” which is geared towards increasing social and environmental justice and public participation.
Simone Castaldi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737493
- eISBN:
- 9781604737776
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737493.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
This chapter focuses on the second generation of adult comics that was born in the midst of the 1977 student protest movement. This generation was deeply influenced by, and, in turn, influenced the ...
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This chapter focuses on the second generation of adult comics that was born in the midst of the 1977 student protest movement. This generation was deeply influenced by, and, in turn, influenced the concomitant explosion of new counterculture media. The disillusionment with the outcomes of 1968 and the development of new social and economic assets were giving shape to a different audience of adult comics and counterculture in general, a new entity the puzzled sociologists of the times called the new social subject. It is important to scrutinize carefully the factors that brought about the existence of this emerging social stratum, since it provided the audience and the breeding ground from which the authors of the new adult comics would spring.Less
This chapter focuses on the second generation of adult comics that was born in the midst of the 1977 student protest movement. This generation was deeply influenced by, and, in turn, influenced the concomitant explosion of new counterculture media. The disillusionment with the outcomes of 1968 and the development of new social and economic assets were giving shape to a different audience of adult comics and counterculture in general, a new entity the puzzled sociologists of the times called the new social subject. It is important to scrutinize carefully the factors that brought about the existence of this emerging social stratum, since it provided the audience and the breeding ground from which the authors of the new adult comics would spring.
Julia M. Eckert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195660449
- eISBN:
- 9780199082001
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195660449.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter investigates the contradictions facing the Shiv Sena in combining exercising elected power with that of being a protest movement. When the Shiv Sena/BJP alliance came to power in 1995, ...
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This chapter investigates the contradictions facing the Shiv Sena in combining exercising elected power with that of being a protest movement. When the Shiv Sena/BJP alliance came to power in 1995, it was presented with various contradictions The earlier vision of the concept of swadeshi had advocated opposition to multinational investment in India; however, once in power, the alliance articulated a more modified version of swadeshi which took a more liberal view of multinational investment (such as of Enron) in India. Other promises included the providing of roti, kapda and makan to everyone. However, the various schemes ate up the budget of the State which got into debt. In the 1998 elections, it lost two third of its seats. Bal Thackeray played the moral conscience of the party, and blamed the Chief Minister. Voicing his will through Saamna, he ordered a cabinet reshuffle to punish those he held responsible for the debacle and re-establish a clear line of command. The chapter concludes by discussing the dilemma faced by the Shiv Sena in trying to resolve the contradiction between being a protest movement and a governing party, between its organizational roles and its ideological stances.Less
This chapter investigates the contradictions facing the Shiv Sena in combining exercising elected power with that of being a protest movement. When the Shiv Sena/BJP alliance came to power in 1995, it was presented with various contradictions The earlier vision of the concept of swadeshi had advocated opposition to multinational investment in India; however, once in power, the alliance articulated a more modified version of swadeshi which took a more liberal view of multinational investment (such as of Enron) in India. Other promises included the providing of roti, kapda and makan to everyone. However, the various schemes ate up the budget of the State which got into debt. In the 1998 elections, it lost two third of its seats. Bal Thackeray played the moral conscience of the party, and blamed the Chief Minister. Voicing his will through Saamna, he ordered a cabinet reshuffle to punish those he held responsible for the debacle and re-establish a clear line of command. The chapter concludes by discussing the dilemma faced by the Shiv Sena in trying to resolve the contradiction between being a protest movement and a governing party, between its organizational roles and its ideological stances.
Frederick Opie
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231149402
- eISBN:
- 9780231520355
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231149402.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The book surveys the history of black-Latino coalitions in New York City from 1959 to 1989. In those years, African American and Latino Progressives organized, mobilized, and transformed ...
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The book surveys the history of black-Latino coalitions in New York City from 1959 to 1989. In those years, African American and Latino Progressives organized, mobilized, and transformed neighborhoods, workplaces, university campuses, and representative government in the nation’s urban capital. The book contributes to our understanding of protest movements and strikes in the 1960s and 1970s, and reveals the little-known role of left-of-center organizations in New York City politics as well as the influence of Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns on city elections. The book provides a social history of black and Latino working-class collaboration in shared living and work spaces and exposes racist suspicion and divisive jockeying among elites in political clubs and anti-poverty programs. It ultimately offers a different interpretation of the story of the labor, student, civil rights, and Black Power movements than has been traditionally told. This work highlights both the largely unknown agents of historic change in the city and the noted politicians, political strategists, and union leaders whose careers were built on this history.Less
The book surveys the history of black-Latino coalitions in New York City from 1959 to 1989. In those years, African American and Latino Progressives organized, mobilized, and transformed neighborhoods, workplaces, university campuses, and representative government in the nation’s urban capital. The book contributes to our understanding of protest movements and strikes in the 1960s and 1970s, and reveals the little-known role of left-of-center organizations in New York City politics as well as the influence of Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns on city elections. The book provides a social history of black and Latino working-class collaboration in shared living and work spaces and exposes racist suspicion and divisive jockeying among elites in political clubs and anti-poverty programs. It ultimately offers a different interpretation of the story of the labor, student, civil rights, and Black Power movements than has been traditionally told. This work highlights both the largely unknown agents of historic change in the city and the noted politicians, political strategists, and union leaders whose careers were built on this history.
