Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as ...
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The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as differentially between majoritarian and proportional representation systems in terms of questions related to party politics and electoral participation, referenda and citizen activism, trust in government, identity and class between majoritarian and proportional representation systems. This is followed by a more detailed consideration of the EU’s effects in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. While Europeanization has been equally problematic for the polarized, majoritarian politics of France and Britain, Britain has been more politically polarized for much longer around the issue of Europe than France, despite the fact that it has shielded itself more from EU encroachments on national policies. Europeanization has been least disruptive to Germany’s consensus-oriented, proportional representation system and most salutary to Italy’s more conflictual, mixed system of representation.Less
The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as differentially between majoritarian and proportional representation systems in terms of questions related to party politics and electoral participation, referenda and citizen activism, trust in government, identity and class between majoritarian and proportional representation systems. This is followed by a more detailed consideration of the EU’s effects in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. While Europeanization has been equally problematic for the polarized, majoritarian politics of France and Britain, Britain has been more politically polarized for much longer around the issue of Europe than France, despite the fact that it has shielded itself more from EU encroachments on national policies. Europeanization has been least disruptive to Germany’s consensus-oriented, proportional representation system and most salutary to Italy’s more conflictual, mixed system of representation.
André Blais (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199539390
- eISBN:
- 9780191715761
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539390.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
The book addresses the following questions: What fosters or hinders reform of first past the post? When and why does reform emerge on the political agenda? Who proposes and who opposes reform? When ...
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The book addresses the following questions: What fosters or hinders reform of first past the post? When and why does reform emerge on the political agenda? Who proposes and who opposes reform? When and why do reform proposals succeed or fail? What kind of proposal tends to be put on the table? Are some types of proposal more likely to succeed? Why? The book offers a thorough examination of all these questions. A first chapter undertakes a comparative analysis of the conditions under which reform is initiated. The following chapters investigate in detail the politics of electoral reform in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and New Zealand, the debates that take place, the proposals that are advanced, and the strategies deployed by the actors. These analyses contribute to a rich and nuanced understanding of why first past the post is often challenged and sometimes replaced.Less
The book addresses the following questions: What fosters or hinders reform of first past the post? When and why does reform emerge on the political agenda? Who proposes and who opposes reform? When and why do reform proposals succeed or fail? What kind of proposal tends to be put on the table? Are some types of proposal more likely to succeed? Why? The book offers a thorough examination of all these questions. A first chapter undertakes a comparative analysis of the conditions under which reform is initiated. The following chapters investigate in detail the politics of electoral reform in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and New Zealand, the debates that take place, the proposals that are advanced, and the strategies deployed by the actors. These analyses contribute to a rich and nuanced understanding of why first past the post is often challenged and sometimes replaced.
Josep M. Colomer
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241835
- eISBN:
- 9780191598975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924183X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Voting rules producing a single absolute winner include unanimity, majority, and plurality rules. Multiple winners are created, in contrast, by electoral systems of proportional representation and ...
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Voting rules producing a single absolute winner include unanimity, majority, and plurality rules. Multiple winners are created, in contrast, by electoral systems of proportional representation and further multi‐party coalition formation. Different electoral rules are evaluated for the frequency with which they produce winners, corresponding to the median voter's preference.Less
Voting rules producing a single absolute winner include unanimity, majority, and plurality rules. Multiple winners are created, in contrast, by electoral systems of proportional representation and further multi‐party coalition formation. Different electoral rules are evaluated for the frequency with which they produce winners, corresponding to the median voter's preference.
Jenifer Hart
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201366
- eISBN:
- 9780191674860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201366.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as ...
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This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as Thomas Hare and John Stuart Mill. It traces the history of the early campaigns, and the progress and vicissitudes of the cause during the 20th century. A final chapter takes the account up to the present day. Based on extensive research, this study throws light on many of the questions which bedevil contemporary political commentators. The book demonstrates the inadequacy of the commonly made identification of proportional representation with liberalism, and explains the failure of its supporters to achieve its adoption in the UK, with the exception of Northern Ireland.Less
This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as Thomas Hare and John Stuart Mill. It traces the history of the early campaigns, and the progress and vicissitudes of the cause during the 20th century. A final chapter takes the account up to the present day. Based on extensive research, this study throws light on many of the questions which bedevil contemporary political commentators. The book demonstrates the inadequacy of the commonly made identification of proportional representation with liberalism, and explains the failure of its supporters to achieve its adoption in the UK, with the exception of Northern Ireland.
Alberto Alesina and Edward Glaeser
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267668
- eISBN:
- 9780191602153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267669.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter explores the history of American and European political institutions to gain insight on the reasons behind the differences in their welfare policies. It focuses on the history of ...
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This chapter explores the history of American and European political institutions to gain insight on the reasons behind the differences in their welfare policies. It focuses on the history of proportional representation, the rise of socialist parties, and the US Supreme Court. It identifies a general relationship between the age of institutions and social welfare spending.Less
This chapter explores the history of American and European political institutions to gain insight on the reasons behind the differences in their welfare policies. It focuses on the history of proportional representation, the rise of socialist parties, and the US Supreme Court. It identifies a general relationship between the age of institutions and social welfare spending.
René Antonio Mayorga
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In 1994, Bolivia undertook a major constitutional and electoral reform, in which a closed‐list proportional representation (PR) system for the Lower House of the Congress was replaced by a ...
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In 1994, Bolivia undertook a major constitutional and electoral reform, in which a closed‐list proportional representation (PR) system for the Lower House of the Congress was replaced by a mixed‐member proportional (MMP) system. Article 60 of the reformed constitution establishes that 68 deputies out of a constitutionally fixed number of 130 will be chosen by plurality rule in single‐seat districts, while the remaining 62 will be chosen by party‐list voting according to proportional representation in nine regional multi‐seat districts. This new electoral system establishes seats linkage between the two tiers such that the overall allocation of seats is determined proportionally according to list votes at the level of each multi‐seat district. In analyzing the underlying causes of the electoral reform in 1994, Mayorga first deals with the widely perceived fundamental problems and flaws of the traditional PR system and, second, addresses the main causes leading to the adoption of an MMP system, focusing on the context in which the politics of electoral reform was carried out.Less
In 1994, Bolivia undertook a major constitutional and electoral reform, in which a closed‐list proportional representation (PR) system for the Lower House of the Congress was replaced by a mixed‐member proportional (MMP) system. Article 60 of the reformed constitution establishes that 68 deputies out of a constitutionally fixed number of 130 will be chosen by plurality rule in single‐seat districts, while the remaining 62 will be chosen by party‐list voting according to proportional representation in nine regional multi‐seat districts. This new electoral system establishes seats linkage between the two tiers such that the overall allocation of seats is determined proportionally according to list votes at the level of each multi‐seat district. In analyzing the underlying causes of the electoral reform in 1994, Mayorga first deals with the widely perceived fundamental problems and flaws of the traditional PR system and, second, addresses the main causes leading to the adoption of an MMP system, focusing on the context in which the politics of electoral reform was carried out.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246465
- eISBN:
- 9780191600135
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246467.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Summarizes the key assumptions in consociational theories of democracy, enumerates the key propositions to be explored, and describes the data and research methods to be employed. It then compares ...
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Summarizes the key assumptions in consociational theories of democracy, enumerates the key propositions to be explored, and describes the data and research methods to be employed. It then compares political attitudes and behaviour among a diverse range of ethnic minorities from countries with various levels of democratic and socio‐economic development—three countries with majoritarian electoral systems (the USA, Great Britain, Australia), three countries with ‘mixed’ or parallel electoral systems (Taiwan, Ukraine, Lithuania), and six countries with PR (proportional representation) systems (Poland, Romania, Czech Republic, Spain, New Zealand, Israel). The results of the analysis suggest that there is no simple relationship between the type of electoral system and majority–minority differences in political support. In particular, it finds no evidence for the proposition that PR party‐list systems are directly associated with higher levels of support for the political system among ethnic minorities.Less
Summarizes the key assumptions in consociational theories of democracy, enumerates the key propositions to be explored, and describes the data and research methods to be employed. It then compares political attitudes and behaviour among a diverse range of ethnic minorities from countries with various levels of democratic and socio‐economic development—three countries with majoritarian electoral systems (the USA, Great Britain, Australia), three countries with ‘mixed’ or parallel electoral systems (Taiwan, Ukraine, Lithuania), and six countries with PR (proportional representation) systems (Poland, Romania, Czech Republic, Spain, New Zealand, Israel). The results of the analysis suggest that there is no simple relationship between the type of electoral system and majority–minority differences in political support. In particular, it finds no evidence for the proposition that PR party‐list systems are directly associated with higher levels of support for the political system among ethnic minorities.
Jeffrey A. Weldon
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other ...
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Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other country. The purpose behind the electoral reforms has always been the same: to open up the system enough to satisfy political demands, but not so much that the hegemonic party loses control. Although the latter could to a large extent be controlled by electoral fraud, the former objective still had to be addressed, and over the last 35 years Mexico has seen a gradual but consistent expansion of proportional representation, so that by 1997, the electoral laws, together with electoral preferences and the general democratization of the country, had led to the end of majority control by the official party in the Chamber of Deputies, and Mexico now has a strong two‐ or three‐party system. However, there have been seven fundamentally different electoral systems in Mexico this century, with a different electoral system for each of the last five elections, which makes it impossible to distinguish the effects of electoral rules from those of voter preference; furthermore, most of the reforms are highly endogenous with the party system. Discusses reforms from 1964 onwards, and is arranged as follows: it first describes the party (minority) deputy system that operated under single‐seat district plurality rules in the period 1964–1976, and then the minority representation system of 1979–1985 (mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) rules were introduced for the 1979 election); next it gives accounts of the 1988, 1991, 1994 and 1997 mixed‐member electoral laws, and details of the senate formulas for the period 1994–2000; it then discusses the consequences of the four mixed‐member electoral laws (effects on party competition and Duvergerian effects), the effects of the change to an MMM system on legislative behavior, and the prospects for future electoral reform.Less
Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other country. The purpose behind the electoral reforms has always been the same: to open up the system enough to satisfy political demands, but not so much that the hegemonic party loses control. Although the latter could to a large extent be controlled by electoral fraud, the former objective still had to be addressed, and over the last 35 years Mexico has seen a gradual but consistent expansion of proportional representation, so that by 1997, the electoral laws, together with electoral preferences and the general democratization of the country, had led to the end of majority control by the official party in the Chamber of Deputies, and Mexico now has a strong two‐ or three‐party system. However, there have been seven fundamentally different electoral systems in Mexico this century, with a different electoral system for each of the last five elections, which makes it impossible to distinguish the effects of electoral rules from those of voter preference; furthermore, most of the reforms are highly endogenous with the party system. Discusses reforms from 1964 onwards, and is arranged as follows: it first describes the party (minority) deputy system that operated under single‐seat district plurality rules in the period 1964–1976, and then the minority representation system of 1979–1985 (mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) rules were introduced for the 1979 election); next it gives accounts of the 1988, 1991, 1994 and 1997 mixed‐member electoral laws, and details of the senate formulas for the period 1994–2000; it then discusses the consequences of the four mixed‐member electoral laws (effects on party competition and Duvergerian effects), the effects of the change to an MMM system on legislative behavior, and the prospects for future electoral reform.
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to ...
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Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to give greater representation to the two parties that receive the most votes; and proportional systems, which have multi‐seat districts, usually with party lists, and typically produce parliamentary representation that largely mirrors the vote shares of multiple parties. In the prototype mixed‐member system, half the seats in a legislative chamber (the nominal tier) are elected in single‐seat districts and the other half (the list tier) are elected from party lists allocated by proportional representation; such systems come in a wide variety of options, with the most important choices involved being those of how seats and/or votes are linked between the two tiers. Defines mixed‐member electoral systems as a subset of the broader category of multiple‐tier electoral systems. The typology of systems outlined is arranged in three main sections: Mixed‐Member Systems as Variants of Multiple‐Tier Electoral Systems; Majoritarian or Proportional: Linkage Between Nominal and Tier Lists—mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed‐member proportional (MMP) systems; and How MMM and MMP Systems Work: Simple Systems and Additional Variables—this section includes a table of mixed‐member systems in use around the world in 1999.Less
Mixed‐member electoral systems are described as a mixture of two principles of electoral system design: majoritarian systems, which usually have single‐seat districts with plurality rule and tend to give greater representation to the two parties that receive the most votes; and proportional systems, which have multi‐seat districts, usually with party lists, and typically produce parliamentary representation that largely mirrors the vote shares of multiple parties. In the prototype mixed‐member system, half the seats in a legislative chamber (the nominal tier) are elected in single‐seat districts and the other half (the list tier) are elected from party lists allocated by proportional representation; such systems come in a wide variety of options, with the most important choices involved being those of how seats and/or votes are linked between the two tiers. Defines mixed‐member electoral systems as a subset of the broader category of multiple‐tier electoral systems. The typology of systems outlined is arranged in three main sections: Mixed‐Member Systems as Variants of Multiple‐Tier Electoral Systems; Majoritarian or Proportional: Linkage Between Nominal and Tier Lists—mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed‐member proportional (MMP) systems; and How MMM and MMP Systems Work: Simple Systems and Additional Variables—this section includes a table of mixed‐member systems in use around the world in 1999.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung ...
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Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.Less
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral ...
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This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral reformers, its subject, mixed‐member electoral systems, offers the best of both the traditional British single‐seat district system and proportional representation (PR) systems. The book seeks to evaluate why mixed‐member systems have recently appealed to many countries with diverse electoral histories, and how well expectations for these systems have been met. Consequently, each major country that has adopted a mixed system has two chapters, one on origins and one on consequences. The countries included are Germany, New Zealand, Italy, Israel, Japan, Venezuela, Bolivia, Mexico, Hungary, and Russia. In addition, there are also chapters on the prospects for a mixed‐member system being adopted in Britain and Canada, respectively. The material presented suggests that mixed‐member systems have been largely successful thus far; they appear to be more likely than most other electoral systems to generate two‐bloc party systems, without in the process reducing minor parties to insignificance, and in addition, are more likely than any other class of electoral system simultaneously to generate local accountability and a nationally oriented party system. Mixed‐member electoral systems have now joined majoritarian and proportional systems as basic options to be considered whenever electoral systems are designed or redesigned. This development represents a fundamental change in thinking about electoral systems around the world. The 25 chapters of the book, most of which were originally presented at a conference held in Newport Beach, California, in December 1998, are arranged in four parts: I. Placing Mixed‐Member Systems in the World of Electoral Systems (Chapters 1–2); II. Origins of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 3–12); III. Consequences of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 13–22); and IV. Prospects for Reform in Other Countries (Chapters 23–25); a short glossary is included.Less
This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral reformers, its subject, mixed‐member electoral systems, offers the best of both the traditional British single‐seat district system and proportional representation (PR) systems. The book seeks to evaluate why mixed‐member systems have recently appealed to many countries with diverse electoral histories, and how well expectations for these systems have been met. Consequently, each major country that has adopted a mixed system has two chapters, one on origins and one on consequences. The countries included are Germany, New Zealand, Italy, Israel, Japan, Venezuela, Bolivia, Mexico, Hungary, and Russia. In addition, there are also chapters on the prospects for a mixed‐member system being adopted in Britain and Canada, respectively. The material presented suggests that mixed‐member systems have been largely successful thus far; they appear to be more likely than most other electoral systems to generate two‐bloc party systems, without in the process reducing minor parties to insignificance, and in addition, are more likely than any other class of electoral system simultaneously to generate local accountability and a nationally oriented party system. Mixed‐member electoral systems have now joined majoritarian and proportional systems as basic options to be considered whenever electoral systems are designed or redesigned. This development represents a fundamental change in thinking about electoral systems around the world. The 25 chapters of the book, most of which were originally presented at a conference held in Newport Beach, California, in December 1998, are arranged in four parts: I. Placing Mixed‐Member Systems in the World of Electoral Systems (Chapters 1–2); II. Origins of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 3–12); III. Consequences of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 13–22); and IV. Prospects for Reform in Other Countries (Chapters 23–25); a short glossary is included.
Matthew Søberg Shugart
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199539390
- eISBN:
- 9780191715761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539390.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Electoral reform may be explained through a model that incorporates both inherent and contingent factors. An electoral system has an inherent tendency towards “systemic failure,” understood as ...
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Electoral reform may be explained through a model that incorporates both inherent and contingent factors. An electoral system has an inherent tendency towards “systemic failure,” understood as outcomes that are inconsistent with the normative model of democracy with which it is associated. In the case of first past the post, anomalies such as plurality reversals (the largest party in votes does not win the most seats) and lopsided majorities (when the opposition wins few seats) may generate interest in replacing the system. However, processes that might lead to a change in the electoral system also require contingent factors: the coming to power of a previously disadvantaged party (“outcome contingency”) and a pro-reform vote to be cultivated (“act contingency”). This model of electoral reform is analyzed based on 191 elections in nineteen jurisdictions using first past the post.Less
Electoral reform may be explained through a model that incorporates both inherent and contingent factors. An electoral system has an inherent tendency towards “systemic failure,” understood as outcomes that are inconsistent with the normative model of democracy with which it is associated. In the case of first past the post, anomalies such as plurality reversals (the largest party in votes does not win the most seats) and lopsided majorities (when the opposition wins few seats) may generate interest in replacing the system. However, processes that might lead to a change in the electoral system also require contingent factors: the coming to power of a previously disadvantaged party (“outcome contingency”) and a pro-reform vote to be cultivated (“act contingency”). This model of electoral reform is analyzed based on 191 elections in nineteen jurisdictions using first past the post.
Josep M. Colomer
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241835
- eISBN:
- 9780191598975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924183X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Three types of political regimes are evaluated for their success in establishing stable and durable democracies. These are parliamentarism with majority electoral rules, parliamentarism with ...
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Three types of political regimes are evaluated for their success in establishing stable and durable democracies. These are parliamentarism with majority electoral rules, parliamentarism with proportional representation, and presidentialism. An empirical analysis of the 123 attempts to establish democratic regimes in countries with more than one million inhabitants since the nineteenth century shows that parliamentarism with proportional representations is the formula with highest rates of success. This empirical finding supports the hypothesis that pluralistic political institutions have higher capability to produce socially efficient outcomes and obtain endogenous support.Less
Three types of political regimes are evaluated for their success in establishing stable and durable democracies. These are parliamentarism with majority electoral rules, parliamentarism with proportional representation, and presidentialism. An empirical analysis of the 123 attempts to establish democratic regimes in countries with more than one million inhabitants since the nineteenth century shows that parliamentarism with proportional representations is the formula with highest rates of success. This empirical finding supports the hypothesis that pluralistic political institutions have higher capability to produce socially efficient outcomes and obtain endogenous support.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along ...
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A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.Less
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.
Juan Molinar Horcasitas and Jeffrey A. Weldon
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed ...
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Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed along two major axes: the degree of proportionality, and the composition of the electoral authority, with the parties often trading openness on one axis for closure on the other. Sometimes trade‐offs in reform negotiations followed a third dimension—the registration requirements for new parties. This chapter first describes the evolution of the Mexican electoral formulae from 1963 to today, explaining the rationale of each phase of reform either as a majority party decision or as a trade‐off between government and opposition; the phases described are the plurality party deputy system (1963–1976), the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) minority representation system (1979–1985), the governability clause of the 1988 law, the governability clause with ‘moving escalator’ of the 1991 law, and the abandonment of the governability clause in the 1994 law. The last part of the chapter focuses on the last round of electoral reforms (the 1997 law), in which the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system reintroduced in 1994 (after the earlier brief interludes of systems that combined MMM with mixed‐member proportional (MMP) arrangements under the 1988 and 1991 laws), was further reformed to result in a more proportional allocation of seats, with the dominant principle depending on the vote distribution.Less
Mexico has a long experience with highly majoritarian variants of mixed‐member systems, but has recently been made more proportional in a process of democratization. Electoral reform has developed along two major axes: the degree of proportionality, and the composition of the electoral authority, with the parties often trading openness on one axis for closure on the other. Sometimes trade‐offs in reform negotiations followed a third dimension—the registration requirements for new parties. This chapter first describes the evolution of the Mexican electoral formulae from 1963 to today, explaining the rationale of each phase of reform either as a majority party decision or as a trade‐off between government and opposition; the phases described are the plurality party deputy system (1963–1976), the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) minority representation system (1979–1985), the governability clause of the 1988 law, the governability clause with ‘moving escalator’ of the 1991 law, and the abandonment of the governability clause in the 1994 law. The last part of the chapter focuses on the last round of electoral reforms (the 1997 law), in which the mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system reintroduced in 1994 (after the earlier brief interludes of systems that combined MMM with mixed‐member proportional (MMP) arrangements under the 1988 and 1991 laws), was further reformed to result in a more proportional allocation of seats, with the dominant principle depending on the vote distribution.
Daniel O. Prosterman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195377736
- eISBN:
- 9780199979158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377736.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” ...
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Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” movement. This change occurred as a diverse coalition of political activists joined good-government groups in calling for the ouster of Tammany Hall and affiliated organizations that had long monopolized power in New York City. By the time Judge Samuel Seabury, appointed by then-governor Franklin Roosevelt, concluded his investigations of municipal corruption at the height of the Great Depression, a reform alliance had coalesced that included elite civic associations, Communists, Socialists, labor unions, anti-Tammany Democrats, Republicans, and women’s rights activists. Activists from across the city’s political spectrum saw proportional representation as the key to their quest for municipal power. This coalition campaigned to fundamentally alter the city’s balance of political power, culminating in the victories for charter reform and PR in 1936.Less
Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” movement. This change occurred as a diverse coalition of political activists joined good-government groups in calling for the ouster of Tammany Hall and affiliated organizations that had long monopolized power in New York City. By the time Judge Samuel Seabury, appointed by then-governor Franklin Roosevelt, concluded his investigations of municipal corruption at the height of the Great Depression, a reform alliance had coalesced that included elite civic associations, Communists, Socialists, labor unions, anti-Tammany Democrats, Republicans, and women’s rights activists. Activists from across the city’s political spectrum saw proportional representation as the key to their quest for municipal power. This coalition campaigned to fundamentally alter the city’s balance of political power, culminating in the victories for charter reform and PR in 1936.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical ...
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This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.Less
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.
Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
To allocate seats to candidates or parties, even a simple electoral system must specify at least the following: the total number of seats in the assembly (assembly size); the number of seats ...
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To allocate seats to candidates or parties, even a simple electoral system must specify at least the following: the total number of seats in the assembly (assembly size); the number of seats allocated in each electoral district (district magnitude); how these seats are allocated (seat allocation formula); and how a voter can express her/his preferences (ballot structure). The simplest seat allocation formulas are d'Hondt and Sainte-Laguë divisors, and Hare quota plus largest remainders. For single-seat districts, these proportional representation formulas are reduced to First-Past-The-Post, where the candidate with the most votes wins. Complex electoral systems may offer advantages, but the ability to predict the number of parties and the average proportionality of seats to votes is lost.Less
To allocate seats to candidates or parties, even a simple electoral system must specify at least the following: the total number of seats in the assembly (assembly size); the number of seats allocated in each electoral district (district magnitude); how these seats are allocated (seat allocation formula); and how a voter can express her/his preferences (ballot structure). The simplest seat allocation formulas are d'Hondt and Sainte-Laguë divisors, and Hare quota plus largest remainders. For single-seat districts, these proportional representation formulas are reduced to First-Past-The-Post, where the candidate with the most votes wins. Complex electoral systems may offer advantages, but the ability to predict the number of parties and the average proportionality of seats to votes is lost.
Daniel O. Prosterman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195377736
- eISBN:
- 9780199979158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377736.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 3 examines the immediate aftermath of the electoral reform movement’s greatest victory in the United States. Withstanding a series of legal challenges, the city conducted its first PR ...
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Chapter 3 examines the immediate aftermath of the electoral reform movement’s greatest victory in the United States. Withstanding a series of legal challenges, the city conducted its first PR elections in November 1937. New Yorkers elected the most diverse legislature in the city’s history. Less than one year after the new council members assumed office, Democrats and Republicans in the state legislature pursued a statewide ban of PR. The repeal measure failed, primarily because many viewed the referendum as a crude attempt to reassert state supremacy over municipal government. As the debate over PR evolved, party officials and civic activists on both sides strengthened the notion that the fate of voting rights in New York was fundamentally tied to broader struggles over the nature of democracy in the United States and the expansion of totalitarianism globally.Less
Chapter 3 examines the immediate aftermath of the electoral reform movement’s greatest victory in the United States. Withstanding a series of legal challenges, the city conducted its first PR elections in November 1937. New Yorkers elected the most diverse legislature in the city’s history. Less than one year after the new council members assumed office, Democrats and Republicans in the state legislature pursued a statewide ban of PR. The repeal measure failed, primarily because many viewed the referendum as a crude attempt to reassert state supremacy over municipal government. As the debate over PR evolved, party officials and civic activists on both sides strengthened the notion that the fate of voting rights in New York was fundamentally tied to broader struggles over the nature of democracy in the United States and the expansion of totalitarianism globally.
Jack Vowles
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
New Zealand experienced fundamental electoral system reform in the mid-1990s when voters, in a referendum, decided to replace the single-member plurality system by proportional representation ...
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New Zealand experienced fundamental electoral system reform in the mid-1990s when voters, in a referendum, decided to replace the single-member plurality system by proportional representation achieved through a mixed compensatory system. This has reinforced the trend towards a multi-party system, and resulted in coalition government becoming the norm. It has also produced a more socio-demographically representative parliament. Some opposition to the mixed system remains, but overall, the effects of the change are perceived as beneficial.Less
New Zealand experienced fundamental electoral system reform in the mid-1990s when voters, in a referendum, decided to replace the single-member plurality system by proportional representation achieved through a mixed compensatory system. This has reinforced the trend towards a multi-party system, and resulted in coalition government becoming the norm. It has also produced a more socio-demographically representative parliament. Some opposition to the mixed system remains, but overall, the effects of the change are perceived as beneficial.
