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This chapter explains how the account of norms for success in practical reason underwrite a conception of the metaphysics of value properties as response-dependent, along the lines suggested by John McDowell and David Wiggins. It considers the relation between reasons, ends, and values, and consider how response-dependent views of value properties have been developed by McDowell, Wiggins, and others before setting out a schema for understanding value as response-dependent given the account of practical rationality offered in this book.

This chapter evaluates the outcomes that were of such grave concern to local residents and township officials prior to the project's construction, using publicly available data to determine the effects it had on crime rates, tax burdens, and property values. It reveals that white suburban residents generally oppose the location of affordable housing developments within their communities, at least those intended for poor families as opposed to the elderly, and that such opposition is at least partially rooted in racial and class prejudice. Apart from prejudice, however, the chapter also argues that suburbanites have legitimate practical reasons to be skeptical about the influence of “public housing” on their communities, given the lamentable record of the projects built throughout the country during the 1950s and 1960s. Both skepticism and prejudice were evident in the rhetoric employed by Mount Laurel residents in opposing the construction of the Ethel Lawrence Homes in their township. Although it is doubtful that many of these local critics were well grounded in the social science literature, there are nonetheless defensible theoretical and substantive reasons to expect social problems to follow from the insertion of a 100% affordable housing project into a white, affluent suburban setting.

Situated mainly in New York City’s Harlem neighborhood, this chapter examines “green gentrification”—the correlation between environmental improvements and high-end real estate development. Taking an historic look at urban parks and property values, this chapter begins with nineteenth-century discourses about nature, social uplift, and morality. The symbolic value attached to green space soon correlated with material value, as parks boosted nearby property values. Despite their public status, parks became spaces of subtle racial and class-based exclusion. As sustainability gained popularity in the early 2000s and the real estate market boomed, new green spaces became an amenity that drew affluent residents to gentrifying areas. Environmental justice activists in these neighborhoods thus found that the very improvements for which they had been fighting now facilitated gentrification and threatened to displace low-income residents and communities of color.

The term “brown gentrification” describes the selective remediation and repurposing of toxic properties for profit. This chapter focuses on brownfield cleanup programs, which incentivize private developers to clean up and repurpose contaminated properties, especially those located in disadvantaged neighborhoods. Such programs initially appeared to address some of the most pernicious environmental problems facing communities of color. However, because cleanups were predicated on private investment, they inevitably favored neighborhoods where property values were set to rise. Conversely, hitching toxic cleanup to real estate development left non-gentrifying neighborhoods with no mechanism for remediating contaminated properties. By outsourcing the cleanup of contaminated properties to private investors, brown gentrification thus subordinated public health to property values. Moreover, it redistributed environmental burdens in a way that further concentrated them in low-income neighborhoods and communities of color.

By the early twentieth century, in the space that Chicago developer Samuel Eberly Gross had advertised as “the working man’s reward,” residents recognized that the reward of upward mobility through homeownership had eluded many of them. They felt their property values threatened, they blamed African Americans, and, in July 1919, they rioted. Chicago’s week-long riots were a contest over the mortgages of whiteness, reinforcing the idea of binary race relations within twentieth-century assumptions of property values.

Chapter 9 argues that there is a distinctive kind of phenomenological content associated with emotional experiences, which the author calls ‘evaluative phenomenology’. The term is apt because, the author argues, emotional experiences are essentially experiences of value or as of value, or what she will sometimes call ‘value experiences’. It is not uncommon for theorists to link emotion and value. One thing that distinguishes the view of emotions defended in this chapter is that it ties an emotion’s evaluative phenomenology inextricably to its intentionality, and in particular to how it represents the value properties of objects and states of affairs. This chapter ends with a discussion of the fine-grainedness of evaluative-phenomenological content and argues that it is fine-grained along various dimensions.

This chapter rescales the analysis to the level of the community to ask about the way homeowners reshape the places where they live. Deepening current theories of NIMBY politics, it argues that homeowners often steer local political discussions as they work to protect their property values. Contrary to classic accounts of community engagement, which highlight the benefits to communities from high levels of civic participation, this chapter shows that homeowners often participate in a politics of exclusion. Their involvement narrows the opportunity for meaningful political dialogue and prioritizes property values over other community interests. Homeowners’ participation keeps people from accessing high-opportunity neighborhoods and reinforces symbolic boundaries between homeowners and renters.

Higher land and property values are seen as an indicator of success of leverage planning. However, they drive lower income households and businesses out of areas and result in a different range of services for local communities. This chapter explores how a planning system could protect lower value land uses through zoning and other means. It covers: affordable housing; secondary and tertiary retail outlets (a largely ignored issue); SME workplaces and start-up space and the use of empty properties, including the empty public estate.

This chapter introduces harmonic functions and discussing some of their basic properties, including the mean-value property, strong and weak maximum principles, uniqueness of solutions to the classical Dirichlet problem in bounded domains. It also presents Harnack inequality and its consequences and Weyl’s lemma.

Tyson-Lord Gray discusses the landscape effects of windfarms. Gray begins his chapter by looking at declining wind turbine sales during the years 2007-2010. In an attempt to locate a reason for this decline, he evaluates two claims: (1) that windfarms reduce property value and (2) that windfarms ruin the beauty of nature. For the first claim, he looks at three studies conducted on residential property sales located near wind farms. For the second claim, he engages in a comparison of Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Judgment which defends purely emotional aesthetic evaluations and John Dewey’s Art as Experience which provides an understanding that views beauty as an integration of both emotional and cognitive judgments. According to Gray, Dewey’s aesthetic can help to push the conversation beyond the purely emotional response of many windfarm opponents.

This chapter analyzes the diaspora of the Camisard prophets that led to the memoirs and accounts that are so important to the book, including the dramatic escape by Abraham Mazel from the Tower of Constance and his exile, but points out that the adventures of what came to be called the “French Prophets” in England largely lie outside the scope of this book. It then details the brief revival of the war by Mazel in the Vivarais and his defeat and death, noting that the Camisard discourse remained remarkably the same from beginning to end, but also arguing that the quick response of the royal authorities showed they had learned important lessons from their earlier experience. The chapter finishes by analyzing the costs of the war, estimating the numbers of those killed, the value of property lost, the number of churches destroyed, and the amount of tax revenue lost to the crown