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This chapter introduces various ways in which rulers in England and the Netherlands were assuming greater powers over their subjects, and the role of war in such developments. Princely ambition was evident in the wider provision of justice and in the regulation of religion in the Reformation and Counter-Reformation; in the use of propaganda to shape public opinion and national identity; and the development of economic and social policy. Some of these trends were more closely related to war than others, but all interacted with it in shaping the relationship between princes and subjects.

This chapter focuses on the financial difficulties of Webb's mission and his final years. Webb's participation in the Parliament of Religions was the high point of his American Islamic Propaganda. He returned to Manhattan for the October 6 grand opening of the mission's new headquarters on Twentieth Street. However, only months later the mission was in financial trouble due to a lack of support from abroad. During his later years, Webb returned to mainstream journalism. He was also elected to the Rutherford Board of Education in 1902 and served a three-year term until 1905. During the same period, from 1903 until 1904, he served simultaneously as Rutherford district clerk. Webb suffered from diabetes for many years and died of the disease at his home on Sunday, October 1, 1916, at the age of seventy.

This chapter focuses on the Bhats’ tactical narration of their religious history, and specifically the manner in which they present themselves as alternately Hindu or Muslim in order to gain employment as political propagandists for both India’s secular Congress Party and Hindu-nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (B.J.P.). The chapter also examines how Bhats “cast” traditional Rajasthan in a puppet drama sponsored by a state-run bank meant to teach Indians an ethic of saving their money and planning for the future. Bhats are not entirely serious about the claim explored throughout the book that they are the former bards of kings. Instead, claims of royal ancestry are just one tool in a repertoire of tricks that Bhats use to advance in contemporary India. Bhat speech about kings, then, is less representative of true claims to royalty and more indicative of a bardic cleverness which forms a deeper basis of Bhat identity claims in contemporary Rajasthan.

This chapter focuses on Webb's efforts to get the word out about Islam. He welcomed direct discourse with the public in parlor talks, public speeches, question-and-answer sessions, or informal meetings. But he regarded the printed word to be his propaganda's principal and indispensable vehicle. In emphasizing the printed word, Webb based his mission on tasks that he, as a professional journalist, was well trained at performing. He produced a number of publications — printed lectures, journals, and books — and offered for sale a wide variety of books on Islam and religious topics, some of which were also available in the mission's reading room and study circles.

This book has looked at women belonging to and living under medieval Islamic dynasties by comprehensively covering women under the Fatimid dynasty. To this dynasty were linked those women who, on account of the power they commanded, were to become among the most famous female personalities of the medieval Islamic world: Sitt al-Mulk, the Sulayhid queens of the Yemen and the mother of the imam-caliph al-Mustansir. Court women marked their status and influence by way of grand-scale architectural patronage for the use of propaganda. The Fatimids were forerunners in the practice of frequently appointing heirs as children born of concubines rather than those born of wives. Being culturally and doctrinally ‘foreigners’ themselves in the regions they ruled, the imam-caliphs encouraged diversity when, for instance, appointing Berbers and Turks, Christians and Jews as their viziers, secretaries and military commanders. Another focus of this book has been the interconnectedness between Fatimids, women and trade.

This chapter explores how young Islamists relate to the authority of the state. The dawn of the twenty-first century brought new opportunities for Islamist activists, especially ones from illegal movements, to resist authority and to flourish. To begin with, their funding sources cannot easily be cut off. In addition, their overall ability to communicate is less easily disrupted. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, combating the dissemination of propaganda and publicity is nowhere near as straightforward as it once was. Authorities can outlaw the publication of materials or even confiscate books or clamp down on frightened booksellers, but banned movements can simply print more—and elsewhere.

John Foster Dulles’ thinking over the issue of nuclear weapons was inconsistent. He registered strong disapproval on moral grounds of the atomic bombing of Japan and warned of the dangerous precedent the US was setting in using nuclear weapons. Yet, for some years he was an ardent proponent of massive retaliation, which threatened a possible thermonuclear strike in response to conventional aggression. Dulles strove to break down the false distinction between the atom bomb and conventional weapons that was working, he believed, to the Soviets’ military and propaganda advantage. Dulles’ initial legalistic‐moralistic thinking on nuclear weapons clashed sharply with the more bellicose, pessimistic, amoral perspectives he developed in the wake of the Korean invasion. The result was an unwieldy grafting together of the two that contributed significantly to his public and private policy oscillations.

All parasites need to evade host defences to be successful. Social parasites, however, face unique challenges and opportunities. Their hosts are particularly well defended against intruders, but their social communication systems provide an alternative means of exploitation, if social parasites can evolve ways to subvert this system for their own ends. This chapter briefly reviews the range of tactics used by social parasites to exploit their hosts, and the communication channels and strategies used. Detailed analysis is presented of a few key systems that have been particularly well studied (Maculinea butterflies, Microdon flies, and slave-making and inquiline ants). The chapter examines general patterns of how social parasites use communication with their hosts to enhance their success, and the consequences that this has for the coevolutionary interaction between social parasites and their hosts.

The chapter begins with a chronicle of the breakup of Prokofiev's marriage to Lina Codina, his estrangement from his children, and his affair with the literary student and translator Mira Mendelson. The core of the chapter concerns Prokofiev's wartime evacuation from Moscow to the Northern Caucuses (Nalchik and Tbilisi), the conception of the first version of the opera War and Peace, and Prokofiev's arch-propagandistic work for Soviet cinema. The chapter describes the composer's earnest efforts to support his wife and children, who remained in Moscow during the war, as well as his relationship with Mikhaíl Khrapchenko, the Chairman of the Committee on Arts Affairs from 1939-48. Khrapchenko ordered the rewriting of War and Peace in an effort to make it more relevant to the Soviet struggle against Hitler.

This chapter focuses on Morison's polemical tracts against the Pilgrimage of Grace (the Remedy for Sedition and Lamentation) and three tracts aimed at an international audience (the Apomaxis and the General Council tracts). Previous studies of Morison's propaganda tracts have considered them primarily as obedience literature. In contrast, this study contextualizes the tracts and explores their rhetoric, demonstrating that while obedience was a central theme in Henry VIII's propaganda, the tracts' message was rarely unilateral. Morison's defence of Henry's marital and ecclesiastical policies and justification of the king's treatment of opponents in the relatively neglected Apomaxis is analysed. Morison is established as the author of two official tracts written against a General Council summoned by the pope, which Henry believed would condemn him and his church. These tracts are discussed in the context of English foreign policy, particularly relations with the Schmalkaldic League, and situated within the broader polemical campaign.

This chapter discusses three major polemical works by Morison. It provides the first sustained discussion of the Comfortable Consolation, which was written to celebrate the birth of Prince Edward, and sheds new light on the Invective against treason (1539) and Exhortation (1539). All three tracts were suffused with evangelical sentiments and providentialist rhetoric that had important implications for contemporary views of Henry's kingship. Morison consistently advocated evangelical initiatives ahead of official policy, offering hope to other evangelicals. 1538–9 was a time of crisis for Henry VIII; this chapter situates the Invective and Exhortation against the internal and external threats to Henry's rule and examines the evidentiary basis of the Invective. Also discussed is the place of Morison's 1539 translation of Frontinus' Stratagems in the polemical campaign.

This chapter concentrates on the themes chosen for the earlier pantomimes performed in Rome at the time of Augustus' public endorsement of the medium. It suggests that the literary sources can be usefully supplemented by thinking about two aspects of Augustus' relationship with pantomime that have hitherto received little attention. The first is the particular myths and symbols that Augustan propaganda utilised in Public Relations activities, such as the Roman Games, and architectural decoration (Apollo, Mars and Venus, the Danaids and the Niobids); the second is the incorporation of pantomime in festivals held in his honour, such as the Augustalia and the Sebasta Games held in Naples.