Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265390
- eISBN:
- 9780191760440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0017
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as ...
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This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.Less
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.
David Manning
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195182392
- eISBN:
- 9780199851485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182392.003.0016
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
The unmusical English have taken Johann Sebastian Bach to their hearts and consider Bach the greatest of all composers. It is Bach's intense humanity that endears him to the bourgeois. The ...
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The unmusical English have taken Johann Sebastian Bach to their hearts and consider Bach the greatest of all composers. It is Bach's intense humanity that endears him to the bourgeois. The proletarians would be too much occupied with their wrongs, and the “governing classes” (if indeed they existed outside the imagination of the New Statesman) would be too much occupied in preserving their rights to have time to be human. The warm human sentiments are reserved for the bourgeois; therefore, of all Bach's works, it is those great choral expressions of his personal and anthropomorphic religion that appeal most to country and small-town folk. The expert can pass from one musical experience to another when once great music has burnt into the minds and souls, and have it for an everlasting possession.Less
The unmusical English have taken Johann Sebastian Bach to their hearts and consider Bach the greatest of all composers. It is Bach's intense humanity that endears him to the bourgeois. The proletarians would be too much occupied with their wrongs, and the “governing classes” (if indeed they existed outside the imagination of the New Statesman) would be too much occupied in preserving their rights to have time to be human. The warm human sentiments are reserved for the bourgeois; therefore, of all Bach's works, it is those great choral expressions of his personal and anthropomorphic religion that appeal most to country and small-town folk. The expert can pass from one musical experience to another when once great music has burnt into the minds and souls, and have it for an everlasting possession.
Phil Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719078736
- eISBN:
- 9781781702192
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719078736.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In the mid-1970s, a wave of contentious radicalism swept through Italy. Groups and movements such as ‘Proletarian youth’, ‘metropolitan Indians’ and ‘the area of Autonomy’ practised new forms of ...
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In the mid-1970s, a wave of contentious radicalism swept through Italy. Groups and movements such as ‘Proletarian youth’, ‘metropolitan Indians’ and ‘the area of Autonomy’ practised new forms of activism, which were confrontational and often violent. Creative and brutal, intransigent and playful, the movements flourished briefly before being suppressed through heavy policing and political exclusion. This is a full-length study of these movements. Building on Sidney Tarrow's ‘cycle of contention’ model and drawing on a wide range of Italian materials, it tells the story of a unique group of political movements, and of their disastrous engagement with the mainstream Left. As well as shedding light on a neglected period of twentieth century history, this book offers lessons for understanding today's contentious movements (‘No Global’, ‘Black Bloc’) and today's ‘armed struggle’ groups.Less
In the mid-1970s, a wave of contentious radicalism swept through Italy. Groups and movements such as ‘Proletarian youth’, ‘metropolitan Indians’ and ‘the area of Autonomy’ practised new forms of activism, which were confrontational and often violent. Creative and brutal, intransigent and playful, the movements flourished briefly before being suppressed through heavy policing and political exclusion. This is a full-length study of these movements. Building on Sidney Tarrow's ‘cycle of contention’ model and drawing on a wide range of Italian materials, it tells the story of a unique group of political movements, and of their disastrous engagement with the mainstream Left. As well as shedding light on a neglected period of twentieth century history, this book offers lessons for understanding today's contentious movements (‘No Global’, ‘Black Bloc’) and today's ‘armed struggle’ groups.
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter explores how proletarian or revolutionary children's literature produced under the aegis of the Communist Party set precedents for popular children's literature produced in the 1940s and ...
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This chapter explores how proletarian or revolutionary children's literature produced under the aegis of the Communist Party set precedents for popular children's literature produced in the 1940s and later by leftists. Building on models imported from the Soviet Union and Europe, as well as literature written early in the 20th century for Socialist Sunday Schools and often incorporating themes, principles, and aesthetics from progressive education, proletarian children's literature was limited in its audience because of its sectarian tone. However, it represents a conscious attempt to make children's literature part of a radical party program, and it often foregrounded scientific, historical, and anti-racist themes that would recur in later, more mainstream work by radicals. The chapter gives particular attention to the magazine of the Communist Young Pioneers, the New Pioneer, which published the work of several individuals who would later become writers or illustrators of popular books for children, among them Syd Hoff (writing here as A. Redfield), Helen Kay, Ben Appel, William Gropper, Myra Page, and Ernest Crichlow. The chapter concludes with a discussion of Popo and Fifina, Children of Haiti, by Langston Hughes and Arna Bontemps, a book that was arguably proletarian in its subject matter but written for a popular audience.Less
This chapter explores how proletarian or revolutionary children's literature produced under the aegis of the Communist Party set precedents for popular children's literature produced in the 1940s and later by leftists. Building on models imported from the Soviet Union and Europe, as well as literature written early in the 20th century for Socialist Sunday Schools and often incorporating themes, principles, and aesthetics from progressive education, proletarian children's literature was limited in its audience because of its sectarian tone. However, it represents a conscious attempt to make children's literature part of a radical party program, and it often foregrounded scientific, historical, and anti-racist themes that would recur in later, more mainstream work by radicals. The chapter gives particular attention to the magazine of the Communist Young Pioneers, the New Pioneer, which published the work of several individuals who would later become writers or illustrators of popular books for children, among them Syd Hoff (writing here as A. Redfield), Helen Kay, Ben Appel, William Gropper, Myra Page, and Ernest Crichlow. The chapter concludes with a discussion of Popo and Fifina, Children of Haiti, by Langston Hughes and Arna Bontemps, a book that was arguably proletarian in its subject matter but written for a popular audience.
G. A. Cohen
Jonathan Wolff (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149004
- eISBN:
- 9781400848713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149004.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter explores the question of the nature of the alienation of the bourgeoisie under capitalism. In particular, it considers the distinction made by Karl Marx in The Holy Family between the ...
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This chapter explores the question of the nature of the alienation of the bourgeoisie under capitalism. In particular, it considers the distinction made by Karl Marx in The Holy Family between the alienation endured by the worker and the alienation endured by the capitalist in bourgeois society. According to Marx: “The possessing classes and the class of the proletariat present pictures of the same human self-estrangement. But the former class feels at home in and confirmed by this self-estrangement.” The chapter analyzes the meaning of this passage by focusing on a characterization of the human essence in The German Ideology and on the doctrine of alienation articulated in the Paris Manuscripts. It also discusses the worker's alienation in his relation to the machine, and the capitalist's alienation in his relation to money, as well as the latter's relation to his capital. Finally, it restates the contrast between bourgeois and proletarian.Less
This chapter explores the question of the nature of the alienation of the bourgeoisie under capitalism. In particular, it considers the distinction made by Karl Marx in The Holy Family between the alienation endured by the worker and the alienation endured by the capitalist in bourgeois society. According to Marx: “The possessing classes and the class of the proletariat present pictures of the same human self-estrangement. But the former class feels at home in and confirmed by this self-estrangement.” The chapter analyzes the meaning of this passage by focusing on a characterization of the human essence in The German Ideology and on the doctrine of alienation articulated in the Paris Manuscripts. It also discusses the worker's alienation in his relation to the machine, and the capitalist's alienation in his relation to money, as well as the latter's relation to his capital. Finally, it restates the contrast between bourgeois and proletarian.
Gennady Estraikh
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198184799
- eISBN:
- 9780191674365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198184799.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
In the 1920s, Yiddish gained in the Soviet Union a functional diversity of usage which has no precedents in the history of the language. Correspondingly, the vocabulary of Yiddish was modernized to ...
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In the 1920s, Yiddish gained in the Soviet Union a functional diversity of usage which has no precedents in the history of the language. Correspondingly, the vocabulary of Yiddish was modernized to enable new political, scientific, legal, and other terminologies to be used in a consistent way. Discrepancies between the Bolshevik slogans ‘Proletarians of all countries, unite!’ and ‘The right of nations to self-determination’ led to two extremes in language planning. The most radical part of Soviet Yiddish bureaucrats and literati demanded ‘internationalization’ (or, in fact, Russification) of the literary language, while their opponents advocated a ‘national’, or more conservative and puristic, model of Soviet Yiddish construction. This chapter shows that the Ukrainian and Belorussian languages had a minimal direct influence on Soviet literary Yiddish. It examines the consequences of acculturation on Yiddish language retention, focusing on the language-related statistics concerning the Ukrainian Jews. Yiddish proletarian literature as a sociolinguistic source is also discussed, along with Ukrainianisms and Belorussianisms as well as Lejzer Vilenkin's two case studies on the lexical peculiarities of the Yiddish urban vernacular.Less
In the 1920s, Yiddish gained in the Soviet Union a functional diversity of usage which has no precedents in the history of the language. Correspondingly, the vocabulary of Yiddish was modernized to enable new political, scientific, legal, and other terminologies to be used in a consistent way. Discrepancies between the Bolshevik slogans ‘Proletarians of all countries, unite!’ and ‘The right of nations to self-determination’ led to two extremes in language planning. The most radical part of Soviet Yiddish bureaucrats and literati demanded ‘internationalization’ (or, in fact, Russification) of the literary language, while their opponents advocated a ‘national’, or more conservative and puristic, model of Soviet Yiddish construction. This chapter shows that the Ukrainian and Belorussian languages had a minimal direct influence on Soviet literary Yiddish. It examines the consequences of acculturation on Yiddish language retention, focusing on the language-related statistics concerning the Ukrainian Jews. Yiddish proletarian literature as a sociolinguistic source is also discussed, along with Ukrainianisms and Belorussianisms as well as Lejzer Vilenkin's two case studies on the lexical peculiarities of the Yiddish urban vernacular.
FRANK KERMODE
- Published in print:
- 1989
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198122241
- eISBN:
- 9780191671388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198122241.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
The use of ‘bourgeois’ in the title may look a bit odd, but it is accurate. Most of the literature is bourgeois without the feeling a need to keep calling it that, but the Thirties was a brief period ...
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The use of ‘bourgeois’ in the title may look a bit odd, but it is accurate. Most of the literature is bourgeois without the feeling a need to keep calling it that, but the Thirties was a brief period during which politics so polarized books and their writers – it demanded so close an attention to questions of class – that one can hardly discuss that bit of literary history without frequent use of the term and its partner ‘proletarian’. This chapter begins by talking about a book almost certainly unread by anybody. It asks how it came about that this ostensibly serious book was condemned to neglect, but also to point out some of the differences between its silent condemnation and the condemnation by critical myth of other work which it cannot so easily afford to lose. In addition, it explains how the author came to read it in the first place, and why he has read it again of late.Less
The use of ‘bourgeois’ in the title may look a bit odd, but it is accurate. Most of the literature is bourgeois without the feeling a need to keep calling it that, but the Thirties was a brief period during which politics so polarized books and their writers – it demanded so close an attention to questions of class – that one can hardly discuss that bit of literary history without frequent use of the term and its partner ‘proletarian’. This chapter begins by talking about a book almost certainly unread by anybody. It asks how it came about that this ostensibly serious book was condemned to neglect, but also to point out some of the differences between its silent condemnation and the condemnation by critical myth of other work which it cannot so easily afford to lose. In addition, it explains how the author came to read it in the first place, and why he has read it again of late.
FRANK KERMODE
- Published in print:
- 1989
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198122241
- eISBN:
- 9780191671388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198122241.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
One of the chief difficulties of writers compelled by conscience or desire to cross the frontier of class was simply a habit, an attachment to their own way of life. Goronwy Rees is a figure of some ...
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One of the chief difficulties of writers compelled by conscience or desire to cross the frontier of class was simply a habit, an attachment to their own way of life. Goronwy Rees is a figure of some interest to students of bourgeois life and love, and also Oxford, in the Thirties. There was a change of moral climate as the Twenties turned into the Thirties. Auden declared for bourgeois liberty. Auden's more substantial contribution to the myth of his own early failure was his wilful and imperceptive renunciation of his own work. The more celebrated instances of his meddlings and recantations featured in the ‘Prologue’ to Look, Stranger!. In general, this chapter began with some words on a minor figure, Goronwy Rees, who was part of the network of acquaintance that included both the poets and the spies who trafficked more or less lovingly between upper-class life and the politics of proletarian revolution, and it ends by discussing a major poet who belonged to the same connection.Less
One of the chief difficulties of writers compelled by conscience or desire to cross the frontier of class was simply a habit, an attachment to their own way of life. Goronwy Rees is a figure of some interest to students of bourgeois life and love, and also Oxford, in the Thirties. There was a change of moral climate as the Twenties turned into the Thirties. Auden declared for bourgeois liberty. Auden's more substantial contribution to the myth of his own early failure was his wilful and imperceptive renunciation of his own work. The more celebrated instances of his meddlings and recantations featured in the ‘Prologue’ to Look, Stranger!. In general, this chapter began with some words on a minor figure, Goronwy Rees, who was part of the network of acquaintance that included both the poets and the spies who trafficked more or less lovingly between upper-class life and the politics of proletarian revolution, and it ends by discussing a major poet who belonged to the same connection.
Samuel Perry
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824838935
- eISBN:
- 9780824869557
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824838935.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This book turns a critical eye on the influential proletarian cultural movement that flourished in 1920s and 1930s Japan. This was a diverse, cosmopolitan, and highly contested moment in Japanese ...
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This book turns a critical eye on the influential proletarian cultural movement that flourished in 1920s and 1930s Japan. This was a diverse, cosmopolitan, and highly contested moment in Japanese history when notions of political egalitarianism were being translated into cultural practices specific to the Japanese experience. The book offers an account of the passions—and antinomies—that animated one of the most admirable intellectual and cultural movements of Japan's twentieth century, and argues that proletarian literature, cultural workers, and institutions fundamentally enrich our understanding of Japanese culture. What sustained the proletarian movement's faith in the idea that art and literature were indispensable to the task of revolution? How did the movement manage to enlist artists, teachers, and scientist into its ranks, and what sorts of contradictions arose in the merging of working-class and bourgeois cultures? The book asks these and other questions as it historicizes proletarian Japan at the intersection of bourgeois aesthetics, radical politics, and a flourishing modern print culture. The book details how cultural activists “recast” forms of modern culture into practices commensurate with the goals of revolution. It offers a new approach to studying revolutionary culture. By examining the margins of the proletarian cultural movement, the book redefines its center as it historicizes proletarian children's culture, avant-garde “wall fiction,” and a literature that bears witness to Japan's fraught relationship with its Korean colony. Along the way, the book shows how proletarian culture opened up new critical spaces in the intersections of class, popular culture, childhood, gender, and ethnicity.Less
This book turns a critical eye on the influential proletarian cultural movement that flourished in 1920s and 1930s Japan. This was a diverse, cosmopolitan, and highly contested moment in Japanese history when notions of political egalitarianism were being translated into cultural practices specific to the Japanese experience. The book offers an account of the passions—and antinomies—that animated one of the most admirable intellectual and cultural movements of Japan's twentieth century, and argues that proletarian literature, cultural workers, and institutions fundamentally enrich our understanding of Japanese culture. What sustained the proletarian movement's faith in the idea that art and literature were indispensable to the task of revolution? How did the movement manage to enlist artists, teachers, and scientist into its ranks, and what sorts of contradictions arose in the merging of working-class and bourgeois cultures? The book asks these and other questions as it historicizes proletarian Japan at the intersection of bourgeois aesthetics, radical politics, and a flourishing modern print culture. The book details how cultural activists “recast” forms of modern culture into practices commensurate with the goals of revolution. It offers a new approach to studying revolutionary culture. By examining the margins of the proletarian cultural movement, the book redefines its center as it historicizes proletarian children's culture, avant-garde “wall fiction,” and a literature that bears witness to Japan's fraught relationship with its Korean colony. Along the way, the book shows how proletarian culture opened up new critical spaces in the intersections of class, popular culture, childhood, gender, and ethnicity.
Joseph V. Femia
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198275435
- eISBN:
- 9780191684128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198275435.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter describes Antonio Gramsci's theory of the revolutionary party, the agency entrusted with the task of formulating and building the new proletarian hegemony. It also considers the ...
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This chapter describes Antonio Gramsci's theory of the revolutionary party, the agency entrusted with the task of formulating and building the new proletarian hegemony. It also considers the following questions: How does he picture its (the party's) internal structure and operations? How does he picture its relationship with the masses? The chapter also tries to illustrate that Gramsci, even at the height of his infatuation with factory councils, always believed that a vanguard party could have a significant co-ordinative role to play, and that the abrupt end of the biennio rosso convinced him of the unsuitability and historical specificity of the consiliar theory he had so strenuously fought for. It is stated, with Davidson, that the ‘displacement of the problem of revolution in the West from the party (theory) and the masses (practice) to the relations and links between them is what constitutes Gramsci's novelty’ — at least with respect to his theory of the party. It is also stressed how this theory blends together insights from various sources. Croce's wish for cultural renewal is combined with Machiavelli's fascination for ‘the political’; Sorel's theory of spontaneous proletarian morality is combined with Lenin's practice of disciplined party leadership.Less
This chapter describes Antonio Gramsci's theory of the revolutionary party, the agency entrusted with the task of formulating and building the new proletarian hegemony. It also considers the following questions: How does he picture its (the party's) internal structure and operations? How does he picture its relationship with the masses? The chapter also tries to illustrate that Gramsci, even at the height of his infatuation with factory councils, always believed that a vanguard party could have a significant co-ordinative role to play, and that the abrupt end of the biennio rosso convinced him of the unsuitability and historical specificity of the consiliar theory he had so strenuously fought for. It is stated, with Davidson, that the ‘displacement of the problem of revolution in the West from the party (theory) and the masses (practice) to the relations and links between them is what constitutes Gramsci's novelty’ — at least with respect to his theory of the party. It is also stressed how this theory blends together insights from various sources. Croce's wish for cultural renewal is combined with Machiavelli's fascination for ‘the political’; Sorel's theory of spontaneous proletarian morality is combined with Lenin's practice of disciplined party leadership.
Joseph V. Femia
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198275435
- eISBN:
- 9780191684128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198275435.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter sets out Antonio Gramsci's rather sketchy ideas about the future of society and addresses the vexed question, prominent in the secondary literature, whether ‘hegemony’ constitutes a ...
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This chapter sets out Antonio Gramsci's rather sketchy ideas about the future of society and addresses the vexed question, prominent in the secondary literature, whether ‘hegemony’ constitutes a justification for bureaucratic collectivism and totalitarian thought control. It discusses Gramsci as Stalinist totalitarian. It also defends a ‘democratic’ interpretation of Gramsci; but, at the outset, it concedes that he was no liberal — certainly not in the 20th-century sense. In addition, it argues that the alternative to liberalism is not necessarily authoritarianism. Gramsci's lack of clarity and consistency on the question of dissent mirrors the ambiguity which resides in the concept of democratic centralism itself. He also never really cleared the problem of who would define the new world-view; nor did he manage to delineate clearly the appropriate region of human liberty. All his formulations are unsatisfactory to those who do not share his boundless faith in a dialectical interplay between a central authority and the aspirations of a mass movement.Less
This chapter sets out Antonio Gramsci's rather sketchy ideas about the future of society and addresses the vexed question, prominent in the secondary literature, whether ‘hegemony’ constitutes a justification for bureaucratic collectivism and totalitarian thought control. It discusses Gramsci as Stalinist totalitarian. It also defends a ‘democratic’ interpretation of Gramsci; but, at the outset, it concedes that he was no liberal — certainly not in the 20th-century sense. In addition, it argues that the alternative to liberalism is not necessarily authoritarianism. Gramsci's lack of clarity and consistency on the question of dissent mirrors the ambiguity which resides in the concept of democratic centralism itself. He also never really cleared the problem of who would define the new world-view; nor did he manage to delineate clearly the appropriate region of human liberty. All his formulations are unsatisfactory to those who do not share his boundless faith in a dialectical interplay between a central authority and the aspirations of a mass movement.
Roman Szporluk
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195051032
- eISBN:
- 9780199854417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195051032.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
According to Engels, Marx was a “Marxist” when he wrote the “Hegel Critique”. Marx diagnosed the anatomy, morphology, and the dynamics of German society and drew specific guidelines to be used there. ...
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According to Engels, Marx was a “Marxist” when he wrote the “Hegel Critique”. Marx diagnosed the anatomy, morphology, and the dynamics of German society and drew specific guidelines to be used there. He was able to formulate a program that would launch a new stage in the history of humanity. As per Evans, Marx wrote his critique of List in March 1845. It was only at that time that Marx began to study the problems of the political economy. The “Hegel Critique” is the first work of Marx that did not mention the Friedrich List. It was where Marx spoke of the proletarian class for the first time. He was concerned with the backwardness of Germany. He dealt with anachronism. He linked the German Revolution to the French Revolution. He was after the abolition of the state. The “Hegel Critique” was the closest amongst all his works to advancing the idea of national communism.Less
According to Engels, Marx was a “Marxist” when he wrote the “Hegel Critique”. Marx diagnosed the anatomy, morphology, and the dynamics of German society and drew specific guidelines to be used there. He was able to formulate a program that would launch a new stage in the history of humanity. As per Evans, Marx wrote his critique of List in March 1845. It was only at that time that Marx began to study the problems of the political economy. The “Hegel Critique” is the first work of Marx that did not mention the Friedrich List. It was where Marx spoke of the proletarian class for the first time. He was concerned with the backwardness of Germany. He dealt with anachronism. He linked the German Revolution to the French Revolution. He was after the abolition of the state. The “Hegel Critique” was the closest amongst all his works to advancing the idea of national communism.
Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206934
- eISBN:
- 9780191677397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206934.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass party to a party of professional revolutionary cadres. Under the exceptional circumstances of late Weimar, the KPD was unable to preserve its mass base under the Nazi regime and it was forced into an ultra-conspiratory role. After emerging from this illegality, the KPD broke off isolation and decided to become not only a proletarian mass party but a Volkspartei with national appeal.Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass party to a party of professional revolutionary cadres. Under the exceptional circumstances of late Weimar, the KPD was unable to preserve its mass base under the Nazi regime and it was forced into an ultra-conspiratory role. After emerging from this illegality, the KPD broke off isolation and decided to become not only a proletarian mass party but a Volkspartei with national appeal.
Nick Hubble
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474415828
- eISBN:
- 9781474438742
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
The Proletarian Answer to the Modernist Question argues that British proletarian literature was a politicised form of modernism which culturally transformed Britain. Critical analysis and extended ...
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The Proletarian Answer to the Modernist Question argues that British proletarian literature was a politicised form of modernism which culturally transformed Britain. Critical analysis and extended close readings of key works such as D.H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover, Naomi Mitchison’s We have Been Warned, Lewis Grassic Gibbon’s A Scots Quair and John Sommerfield’s May Day, are placed within a wider literary history of cross-class intersubjectivity stretching from early encounters between Ford Madox Ford and D.H. Lawrence, through Virginia Woolf’s association with the Women’s Co-operative Guild, and on to the activity of Mass Observation in the late 1930s and 1940s. The study analyses the way in which modernism and proletarian literature were related to an intersectional web of class and gender that took on a potent political shape following the 1926 General Strike and the Equal Franchise Act of 1928. The 1930s is revealed not as an atypical, isolated decade but as central to the literature of the twentieth century. Far from being the product of an inward-looking culture, British proletarian modernism is shown to be fundamentally concerned with relationships with the other and the intersubjective possibilities of more open, rewarding forms of social life than those afforded by capitalism and colonialism.Less
The Proletarian Answer to the Modernist Question argues that British proletarian literature was a politicised form of modernism which culturally transformed Britain. Critical analysis and extended close readings of key works such as D.H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover, Naomi Mitchison’s We have Been Warned, Lewis Grassic Gibbon’s A Scots Quair and John Sommerfield’s May Day, are placed within a wider literary history of cross-class intersubjectivity stretching from early encounters between Ford Madox Ford and D.H. Lawrence, through Virginia Woolf’s association with the Women’s Co-operative Guild, and on to the activity of Mass Observation in the late 1930s and 1940s. The study analyses the way in which modernism and proletarian literature were related to an intersectional web of class and gender that took on a potent political shape following the 1926 General Strike and the Equal Franchise Act of 1928. The 1930s is revealed not as an atypical, isolated decade but as central to the literature of the twentieth century. Far from being the product of an inward-looking culture, British proletarian modernism is shown to be fundamentally concerned with relationships with the other and the intersubjective possibilities of more open, rewarding forms of social life than those afforded by capitalism and colonialism.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0017
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
The analytical narrative of the preceding chapters is summarized. This is then examined to see how far it coheres with the idea that bourgeois liberalism tends to recede in proportion to the extent ...
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The analytical narrative of the preceding chapters is summarized. This is then examined to see how far it coheres with the idea that bourgeois liberalism tends to recede in proportion to the extent ‘proletarian democracy’ advances. Broadly speaking, it is held to cohere quite well, but with important qualifications. Amongst the most important are these: Will to political power was never a bourgeois characteristic; Bourgeois support for authoritarianism was not always in reaction to challenges from the left; Even as bourgeois radicalism declined, there remained many opportunities for liberal-socialist cooperation; Inter-war fascism was not merely an artefact of bourgeois disillusion with liberty; There are no modern political parties or governments that are ‘purely’ bourgeois; The bourgeoisie relates only indirectly to its ‘vanguard’; The tension between ‘bourgeois liberty’ and ‘proletarian democracy’ remains.Less
The analytical narrative of the preceding chapters is summarized. This is then examined to see how far it coheres with the idea that bourgeois liberalism tends to recede in proportion to the extent ‘proletarian democracy’ advances. Broadly speaking, it is held to cohere quite well, but with important qualifications. Amongst the most important are these: Will to political power was never a bourgeois characteristic; Bourgeois support for authoritarianism was not always in reaction to challenges from the left; Even as bourgeois radicalism declined, there remained many opportunities for liberal-socialist cooperation; Inter-war fascism was not merely an artefact of bourgeois disillusion with liberty; There are no modern political parties or governments that are ‘purely’ bourgeois; The bourgeoisie relates only indirectly to its ‘vanguard’; The tension between ‘bourgeois liberty’ and ‘proletarian democracy’ remains.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
The problematic of the book is presented: whether wherever the proletariat appeared as an independent force, the bourgeoisie shifted to the camp of the counter-revolution; whether the bolder the ...
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The problematic of the book is presented: whether wherever the proletariat appeared as an independent force, the bourgeoisie shifted to the camp of the counter-revolution; whether the bolder the struggle of the masses, the quicker the reactionary transformation of liberalism. A ‘left-wing’ version and a ‘right-wing’ version are summarised. An original social definition of the ‘bourgeoisie’ is suggested, and the ‘proletariat’ defined. The terms ‘bourgeois civil society’ and ‘proletarian democracy’ are defined. An overview of the book's contents is outlined.Less
The problematic of the book is presented: whether wherever the proletariat appeared as an independent force, the bourgeoisie shifted to the camp of the counter-revolution; whether the bolder the struggle of the masses, the quicker the reactionary transformation of liberalism. A ‘left-wing’ version and a ‘right-wing’ version are summarised. An original social definition of the ‘bourgeoisie’ is suggested, and the ‘proletariat’ defined. The terms ‘bourgeois civil society’ and ‘proletarian democracy’ are defined. An overview of the book's contents is outlined.
Edward J. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199609864
- eISBN:
- 9780191731761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199609864.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
Many of the descriptions of social-class stand-offs in A la recherche may be situated within a logic of spatial and symbolic containment. This chapter explores ways in which, at punctual moments in ...
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Many of the descriptions of social-class stand-offs in A la recherche may be situated within a logic of spatial and symbolic containment. This chapter explores ways in which, at punctual moments in the text, subaltern, bourgeois, and aristocratic figures are often consciously framed as objects of the Narrator’s gaze and as emblems of class identity. Marcel’s own position as a consumer and cultural producer does not escape the Narrator’s scrutiny. In particular, his visual curiosity in relation to working-class youth often focuses on those bodily features associated with the manual work that separates them off from their bourgeois counterparts. Gender, sexuality, and class thus come to be tightly imbricated. Speech, too, is identified by the Narrator as providing linguistic markers of class-belonging: these and other criteria allow for further investigation of the ramifications of class inscription in the novel.Less
Many of the descriptions of social-class stand-offs in A la recherche may be situated within a logic of spatial and symbolic containment. This chapter explores ways in which, at punctual moments in the text, subaltern, bourgeois, and aristocratic figures are often consciously framed as objects of the Narrator’s gaze and as emblems of class identity. Marcel’s own position as a consumer and cultural producer does not escape the Narrator’s scrutiny. In particular, his visual curiosity in relation to working-class youth often focuses on those bodily features associated with the manual work that separates them off from their bourgeois counterparts. Gender, sexuality, and class thus come to be tightly imbricated. Speech, too, is identified by the Narrator as providing linguistic markers of class-belonging: these and other criteria allow for further investigation of the ramifications of class inscription in the novel.
Nick Hubble
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474415828
- eISBN:
- 9781474438742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
The conclusion considers the various legacies of proletarian modernism and the structures of feeling it supported, including the equalities legislation of the 1960s and 1970s, and the promotion of ...
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The conclusion considers the various legacies of proletarian modernism and the structures of feeling it supported, including the equalities legislation of the 1960s and 1970s, and the promotion of self-reflexivity in the private sphere. It is argued that focusing on this kind of intersectional proletarian literature might provide a good direction for the future of modernist studies and a means for preserving and channelling the energy and radical analyses which have given the New Modernist Studies momentum over the last fifteen years or so into a wider-ranging, democratic and more global public engagement with everyday culture. It is argued that the possible futures imagined by the modernist-proletarian texts considered in this book far exceed the capacity of state infrastructure and mainstream political imagination. The conclusion also calls for a reinterpretation of literary history to focus on subjectivity, intersubjectivity and desire in relation to everyday life, which would have real-world consequences through its relevance to an intersectional approach to politics.Less
The conclusion considers the various legacies of proletarian modernism and the structures of feeling it supported, including the equalities legislation of the 1960s and 1970s, and the promotion of self-reflexivity in the private sphere. It is argued that focusing on this kind of intersectional proletarian literature might provide a good direction for the future of modernist studies and a means for preserving and channelling the energy and radical analyses which have given the New Modernist Studies momentum over the last fifteen years or so into a wider-ranging, democratic and more global public engagement with everyday culture. It is argued that the possible futures imagined by the modernist-proletarian texts considered in this book far exceed the capacity of state infrastructure and mainstream political imagination. The conclusion also calls for a reinterpretation of literary history to focus on subjectivity, intersubjectivity and desire in relation to everyday life, which would have real-world consequences through its relevance to an intersectional approach to politics.
Anne E. Gorsuch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199609949
- eISBN:
- 9780191731853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199609949.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This extensive introduction includes a discussion of the history of Soviet domestic tourism, the origins and history of international tourism under Khrushchev, and a discussion of sources including ...
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This extensive introduction includes a discussion of the history of Soviet domestic tourism, the origins and history of international tourism under Khrushchev, and a discussion of sources including trip reports, travel accounts, and memoirs. Sources include archival materials from Russia, Estonia, Hungary, Great Britain, and the United. The theoretical underpinnings of the project are wide-ranging, interdisciplinary, and comparative including history, tourism studies, anthropology, literature, and film.Less
This extensive introduction includes a discussion of the history of Soviet domestic tourism, the origins and history of international tourism under Khrushchev, and a discussion of sources including trip reports, travel accounts, and memoirs. Sources include archival materials from Russia, Estonia, Hungary, Great Britain, and the United. The theoretical underpinnings of the project are wide-ranging, interdisciplinary, and comparative including history, tourism studies, anthropology, literature, and film.
Christine Loh
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028948
- eISBN:
- 9789882207653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028948.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter explores the 1967 riots and the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Hong Kong. It also shows that by the end of the riots, the CCP's apparatus in Hong Kong was almost ...
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This chapter explores the 1967 riots and the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Hong Kong. It also shows that by the end of the riots, the CCP's apparatus in Hong Kong was almost completely destroyed with the Hong Kong community turning away from Marxism partially—Maoism totally. It starts by presenting the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Eight months of disturbances had caused anxiety, distress, inconvenience, and economic loss to the Hong Kong community. During 1967, there was a net decrease in total bank deposits amounting to HK$243 million. The succeeding five years after the riots was a time when political, social, and economic conditions in Hong Kong had to be re-evaluated and the riots strengthened the hand of those who called for reform, which included professionals in social, medical, and educational work. Additionally, the riots of 1967 made the Hong Kong community reflect upon their sense of identity. Furthermore, the impact of the Riots on the local CCP is illustrated. Finally, the resolution on CCP history is given.Less
This chapter explores the 1967 riots and the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Hong Kong. It also shows that by the end of the riots, the CCP's apparatus in Hong Kong was almost completely destroyed with the Hong Kong community turning away from Marxism partially—Maoism totally. It starts by presenting the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Eight months of disturbances had caused anxiety, distress, inconvenience, and economic loss to the Hong Kong community. During 1967, there was a net decrease in total bank deposits amounting to HK$243 million. The succeeding five years after the riots was a time when political, social, and economic conditions in Hong Kong had to be re-evaluated and the riots strengthened the hand of those who called for reform, which included professionals in social, medical, and educational work. Additionally, the riots of 1967 made the Hong Kong community reflect upon their sense of identity. Furthermore, the impact of the Riots on the local CCP is illustrated. Finally, the resolution on CCP history is given.
