Marc Stears
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199291632
- eISBN:
- 9780191700668
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199291632.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Looking on into Britain in 1914, Herbert Croly, Walter Lippmann, and Walter Weyl paid relatively little attention to the early pluralist stirrings of G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski. During the early ...
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Looking on into Britain in 1914, Herbert Croly, Walter Lippmann, and Walter Weyl paid relatively little attention to the early pluralist stirrings of G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski. During the early years of the war, it was the theorists of the Fabian Society and their allies on the left of the New Liberal movement who provided the most enticing conceptual and political agenda overseas. These British thinkers, Croly and colleagues believed, shared essentially the same view of liberty and of community as the nationalist progressives. Croly was certain, as were his colleagues, that the war's greatest intellectual legacy should not be the abandonment of progressive ideals but a thoroughgoing ‘reconsideration of former assumptions’. This chapter examines this reconsideration. It argues, in particular, that throughout these years academic and practical developments in Britain continued to offer hope for American nationalist reformers even in the aftermath of the First World War. What changed was the nature and focus of the nationalist progressives' interest.Less
Looking on into Britain in 1914, Herbert Croly, Walter Lippmann, and Walter Weyl paid relatively little attention to the early pluralist stirrings of G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski. During the early years of the war, it was the theorists of the Fabian Society and their allies on the left of the New Liberal movement who provided the most enticing conceptual and political agenda overseas. These British thinkers, Croly and colleagues believed, shared essentially the same view of liberty and of community as the nationalist progressives. Croly was certain, as were his colleagues, that the war's greatest intellectual legacy should not be the abandonment of progressive ideals but a thoroughgoing ‘reconsideration of former assumptions’. This chapter examines this reconsideration. It argues, in particular, that throughout these years academic and practical developments in Britain continued to offer hope for American nationalist reformers even in the aftermath of the First World War. What changed was the nature and focus of the nationalist progressives' interest.
Paul A. Boghossian
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199287185
- eISBN:
- 9780191713569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287185.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology, General
This concluding chapter explains why a constructivist view of knowledge is neither good philosophy, nor good progressive politics (as many of its proponents appear to believe it to be).
This concluding chapter explains why a constructivist view of knowledge is neither good philosophy, nor good progressive politics (as many of its proponents appear to believe it to be).
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was ...
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The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.Less
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.
Benjamin C. Waterhouse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149165
- eISBN:
- 9781400848171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149165.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This introductory chapter argues that the decline of liberal and progressive politics and the ascent of a business-oriented, neoliberal political culture did not emerge naturally from the exigencies ...
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This introductory chapter argues that the decline of liberal and progressive politics and the ascent of a business-oriented, neoliberal political culture did not emerge naturally from the exigencies of economic crisis or the inexorable logic of political traditions, but rather as the result of specific efforts by a diverse set of conservative activists. Although their organizational cohesion did not endure, organized American business leaders nonetheless established a vital legacy that continues to shape politics into the twenty-first century. Through their political mobilization, these workhorses of the industrial economy helped establish the political preconditions for the success of conservative politics, electorally and in policymaking. By successfully parlaying their economic clout into a broad-reaching movement, they cemented a conservative and market-oriented political vision whose legacy lingers today.Less
This introductory chapter argues that the decline of liberal and progressive politics and the ascent of a business-oriented, neoliberal political culture did not emerge naturally from the exigencies of economic crisis or the inexorable logic of political traditions, but rather as the result of specific efforts by a diverse set of conservative activists. Although their organizational cohesion did not endure, organized American business leaders nonetheless established a vital legacy that continues to shape politics into the twenty-first century. Through their political mobilization, these workhorses of the industrial economy helped establish the political preconditions for the success of conservative politics, electorally and in policymaking. By successfully parlaying their economic clout into a broad-reaching movement, they cemented a conservative and market-oriented political vision whose legacy lingers today.
Todd May
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639823
- eISBN:
- 9780748671724
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639823.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book shows how democratic progressive politics can happen and how it is happening in very different arenas. The author takes an intensive look at a range of contemporary political movements and ...
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This book shows how democratic progressive politics can happen and how it is happening in very different arenas. The author takes an intensive look at a range of contemporary political movements and shows how, to one degree or another, they exemplify the political thought of Jacques Rancière. Following an overview of Rancière's thought, the author considers the following groups: the Algerian refugee movement in Montreal for citizenship, the first Palestinian intifada, the politics of equality and identity politics in relation to the Zapatista movement, a local food co-op in South Carolina and an anarchist press in Oakland. Essentially, the book shows how political theory and practice can enlighten one another, and in an age of cynicism, fear and despair, the author suggests that there is hope for the possibility of progressive democratic action.Less
This book shows how democratic progressive politics can happen and how it is happening in very different arenas. The author takes an intensive look at a range of contemporary political movements and shows how, to one degree or another, they exemplify the political thought of Jacques Rancière. Following an overview of Rancière's thought, the author considers the following groups: the Algerian refugee movement in Montreal for citizenship, the first Palestinian intifada, the politics of equality and identity politics in relation to the Zapatista movement, a local food co-op in South Carolina and an anarchist press in Oakland. Essentially, the book shows how political theory and practice can enlighten one another, and in an age of cynicism, fear and despair, the author suggests that there is hope for the possibility of progressive democratic action.
Derrida Levinas and Nancy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748685134
- eISBN:
- 9780748695119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748685134.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 1 traces the debate between ‘poststructuralist’ ethics and its critics in IR and Politics, in which poststructuralist approaches are accused of ‘leading nowhere’. In response to the ...
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Chapter 1 traces the debate between ‘poststructuralist’ ethics and its critics in IR and Politics, in which poststructuralist approaches are accused of ‘leading nowhere’. In response to the accusation that these approaches to ethics encounter their limits when pushed to account for their political implications it asks what assumptions inform the construction of the question of progressive politics as problematic for poststructuralism. The chapter offers an outline of the ways in which poststructural work calls into question foundational theoretical approaches to ethics through the concept of relationality. It then discusses the tensions which emerge when the challenge of making ethics ‘politically useful’ is taken up by poststructuralist authors, with particular focus on the concepts of alterity and difference in the work of David Campbell and Simon Critchley. Finally, it outlines alternative approaches which provide resources for thinking about ethics and politics without reproducing the limits put in place by this dominant context.Less
Chapter 1 traces the debate between ‘poststructuralist’ ethics and its critics in IR and Politics, in which poststructuralist approaches are accused of ‘leading nowhere’. In response to the accusation that these approaches to ethics encounter their limits when pushed to account for their political implications it asks what assumptions inform the construction of the question of progressive politics as problematic for poststructuralism. The chapter offers an outline of the ways in which poststructural work calls into question foundational theoretical approaches to ethics through the concept of relationality. It then discusses the tensions which emerge when the challenge of making ethics ‘politically useful’ is taken up by poststructuralist authors, with particular focus on the concepts of alterity and difference in the work of David Campbell and Simon Critchley. Finally, it outlines alternative approaches which provide resources for thinking about ethics and politics without reproducing the limits put in place by this dominant context.
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226318172
- eISBN:
- 9780226318196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226318196.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter aims to examine differences in the cultural dimension of politics—and especially progressive politics. Some of the problems of progressive politics lie in its cultural work. To diagnose ...
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This chapter aims to examine differences in the cultural dimension of politics—and especially progressive politics. Some of the problems of progressive politics lie in its cultural work. To diagnose or address these problems one needs to examine the modes of discourse progressives use, the cultural bases they implicitly or explicitly draw upon, and how these can be claimed more effectively. The chapter intends to show how progressive politics often uses modes of discourse that are cautious and constrained to the point of being anemic, and argues that recovering the capacity to express moral outrage, universal claims of justice, and visions of a better society is essential if progressive political initiatives are to prosper—or deserve to prosper. The chapter presents a set of examples showing how styles of discourse vary independently of the political content of the discourse. After these examples, it examines the nature of variations in modes of discourse and argues briefly that such variations are important for understanding American politics and the problems of progressive politics.Less
This chapter aims to examine differences in the cultural dimension of politics—and especially progressive politics. Some of the problems of progressive politics lie in its cultural work. To diagnose or address these problems one needs to examine the modes of discourse progressives use, the cultural bases they implicitly or explicitly draw upon, and how these can be claimed more effectively. The chapter intends to show how progressive politics often uses modes of discourse that are cautious and constrained to the point of being anemic, and argues that recovering the capacity to express moral outrage, universal claims of justice, and visions of a better society is essential if progressive political initiatives are to prosper—or deserve to prosper. The chapter presents a set of examples showing how styles of discourse vary independently of the political content of the discourse. After these examples, it examines the nature of variations in modes of discourse and argues briefly that such variations are important for understanding American politics and the problems of progressive politics.
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226318172
- eISBN:
- 9780226318196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226318196.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
What kind of relationships between culture and progressive politics are possible and desirable? This chapter first clarifies this question by examining its context—the increased salience of cultural ...
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What kind of relationships between culture and progressive politics are possible and desirable? This chapter first clarifies this question by examining its context—the increased salience of cultural themes within late twentieth-century American politics—and distinguishing between two different senses in which politics can be cultural. Then it presents some suggestions for how the cultural dimension of progressive politics could be enriched. As the data indicate, progressives can choose their issues and modes of discourse independently. A focus on economic issues need not imply a culturally anemic way of doing politics. In fact, the importance of expansive discourse and lively cultural practices is arguably greater in the economic realm.Less
What kind of relationships between culture and progressive politics are possible and desirable? This chapter first clarifies this question by examining its context—the increased salience of cultural themes within late twentieth-century American politics—and distinguishing between two different senses in which politics can be cultural. Then it presents some suggestions for how the cultural dimension of progressive politics could be enriched. As the data indicate, progressives can choose their issues and modes of discourse independently. A focus on economic issues need not imply a culturally anemic way of doing politics. In fact, the importance of expansive discourse and lively cultural practices is arguably greater in the economic realm.
DOUGLAS NEWTON
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203148
- eISBN:
- 9780191675744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203148.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
This chapter talks about a series of revolutions that raged throughout much of Central and Eastern Europe after the Great War, especially in Germany, where the revolution of November 1918 was led by ...
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This chapter talks about a series of revolutions that raged throughout much of Central and Eastern Europe after the Great War, especially in Germany, where the revolution of November 1918 was led by various elements of the socialist movement. This movement in Germany led to the collapse of German Empire, which was later replaced by the first German republic, generally known as the ‘Weimar Republic’. The British government showed virtually no concern with nourishing the new German democracy during the period 1918–19 and policies that might have led to the consolidation of progressive politics in Germany were rarely considered. These policies had catastrophic consequences for post-war German politics.Less
This chapter talks about a series of revolutions that raged throughout much of Central and Eastern Europe after the Great War, especially in Germany, where the revolution of November 1918 was led by various elements of the socialist movement. This movement in Germany led to the collapse of German Empire, which was later replaced by the first German republic, generally known as the ‘Weimar Republic’. The British government showed virtually no concern with nourishing the new German democracy during the period 1918–19 and policies that might have led to the consolidation of progressive politics in Germany were rarely considered. These policies had catastrophic consequences for post-war German politics.
James A. Beeby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604730012
- eISBN:
- 9781604733242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604730012.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political ...
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During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.Less
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226318172
- eISBN:
- 9780226318196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226318196.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
How do the case studies and the way of thinking about public discourse speak to contemporary debates about the American cultural scene—the ideologies, religions, and views of the world—and about the ...
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How do the case studies and the way of thinking about public discourse speak to contemporary debates about the American cultural scene—the ideologies, religions, and views of the world—and about the impact of these cultural forms on the potentials for progressive politics? This chapter addresses this topic by considering the views of various social critics (along with scholars and journalists) and comparing them to what one sees when one observes activist groups. The chapter discusses the problems and possibilities of individualism and civil society in America. It argues that progressives actually need individualism, but of a particular kind: an individualism that seeks justice and liberty equally, that neither rejects rights language nor accepts it uncritically, and that does not assume that liberty or the individual are “natural” phenomena. The chapter also shows how elements of such an individualism can be found in contemporary activism.Less
How do the case studies and the way of thinking about public discourse speak to contemporary debates about the American cultural scene—the ideologies, religions, and views of the world—and about the impact of these cultural forms on the potentials for progressive politics? This chapter addresses this topic by considering the views of various social critics (along with scholars and journalists) and comparing them to what one sees when one observes activist groups. The chapter discusses the problems and possibilities of individualism and civil society in America. It argues that progressives actually need individualism, but of a particular kind: an individualism that seeks justice and liberty equally, that neither rejects rights language nor accepts it uncritically, and that does not assume that liberty or the individual are “natural” phenomena. The chapter also shows how elements of such an individualism can be found in contemporary activism.
DOUGLAS NEWTON
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203148
- eISBN:
- 9780191675744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203148.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing ...
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The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing economic blockade and by the diplomatic isolation of the new regime. The chapter reviews the struggle that was required to bring this to the attention of the British government, and the political quarrel that erupted when this evidence was used for advocating a moderation of British policy towards Germany. The chapter also reveals that British leaders lurched from their previous conviction that the German revolution was all a charade, to a dread that Germany was probably on the edge of an irresistible Bolshevik revolution.Less
The chapter aims to show evidence for the experience of the British army officers who reported that great damage was being done to the cause of moderate and progressive politics by the continuing economic blockade and by the diplomatic isolation of the new regime. The chapter reviews the struggle that was required to bring this to the attention of the British government, and the political quarrel that erupted when this evidence was used for advocating a moderation of British policy towards Germany. The chapter also reveals that British leaders lurched from their previous conviction that the German revolution was all a charade, to a dread that Germany was probably on the edge of an irresistible Bolshevik revolution.
Thomas D. Beamish
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804784429
- eISBN:
- 9780804794657
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804784429.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Organization Studies
Chapter 3 empirically examines the risk dispute that erupted in Davis, California, and how the community’s style of home rule civics and discourse shaped local deliberations regarding the University ...
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Chapter 3 empirically examines the risk dispute that erupted in Davis, California, and how the community’s style of home rule civics and discourse shaped local deliberations regarding the University of California–Davis’s (UCD) biodefense plans. The chapter develops the role that Davis’s civic and political history has played in generating a field of political relations and set of value claims that heavily influenced civic dynamics in town. The chapter specifically focuses on the political-cultural resources mobilized to justify local opposition in the risk dispute surrounding UCD’s biodefense ambitions, while also addressing the counterclaims of those who supported the university and its plans. Chapter 3 demonstrates that the claims levied in the risk dispute emerged from a specific civic and political legacy; they were not new, although they targeted a new technology and risk management plan.Less
Chapter 3 empirically examines the risk dispute that erupted in Davis, California, and how the community’s style of home rule civics and discourse shaped local deliberations regarding the University of California–Davis’s (UCD) biodefense plans. The chapter develops the role that Davis’s civic and political history has played in generating a field of political relations and set of value claims that heavily influenced civic dynamics in town. The chapter specifically focuses on the political-cultural resources mobilized to justify local opposition in the risk dispute surrounding UCD’s biodefense ambitions, while also addressing the counterclaims of those who supported the university and its plans. Chapter 3 demonstrates that the claims levied in the risk dispute emerged from a specific civic and political legacy; they were not new, although they targeted a new technology and risk management plan.
Eric S. Yellin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469607207
- eISBN:
- 9781469608020
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9781469607214_Yellin
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to ...
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Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to well-paying federal jobs had nearly vanished for black workers. This book argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics. It investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades to come. Using accounts of the struggles and protests of African American government employees, the author reveals the racism at the heart of the era's reform politics. He illuminates the nineteenth-century world of black professional labor and social mobility in Washington, D.C., and uncovers the Wilson administration's progressive justifications for unraveling that world. From the hopeful days following emancipation to the white-supremacist “normalcy” of the 1920s, the author traces the competing political ideas, politicians, and ordinary government workers who created “federal segregation.”Less
Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to well-paying federal jobs had nearly vanished for black workers. This book argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics. It investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades to come. Using accounts of the struggles and protests of African American government employees, the author reveals the racism at the heart of the era's reform politics. He illuminates the nineteenth-century world of black professional labor and social mobility in Washington, D.C., and uncovers the Wilson administration's progressive justifications for unraveling that world. From the hopeful days following emancipation to the white-supremacist “normalcy” of the 1920s, the author traces the competing political ideas, politicians, and ordinary government workers who created “federal segregation.”
Stephen Eric Bronner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231153836
- eISBN:
- 9780231527354
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231153836.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Published more than twenty years ago, this bold defense of socialism remains a seminal text for our time. Treating socialism as an ethic, reinterpreting its core categories, and critically ...
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Published more than twenty years ago, this bold defense of socialism remains a seminal text for our time. Treating socialism as an ethic, reinterpreting its core categories, and critically confronting its early foundations, the book offers a reinvigorated “class ideal” and a new perspective for progressive politics in the twentieth century. It is an extraordinary work of political history that revisits the pivotal figures of the labor movement: Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Karl Kautsky, Vladimir Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg. Examining their contributions as well as their flaws, the book shows how critical innovation gave way to dogma. New practical problems have arisen, and this book engages with the relationship between class and social movements, institutional accountability and democratic participation, economic justice and market imperatives, and internationalism and identity.Less
Published more than twenty years ago, this bold defense of socialism remains a seminal text for our time. Treating socialism as an ethic, reinterpreting its core categories, and critically confronting its early foundations, the book offers a reinvigorated “class ideal” and a new perspective for progressive politics in the twentieth century. It is an extraordinary work of political history that revisits the pivotal figures of the labor movement: Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Karl Kautsky, Vladimir Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg. Examining their contributions as well as their flaws, the book shows how critical innovation gave way to dogma. New practical problems have arisen, and this book engages with the relationship between class and social movements, institutional accountability and democratic participation, economic justice and market imperatives, and internationalism and identity.
Els de Graauw
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781501700187
- eISBN:
- 9781501703492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700187.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the role of immigrant-serving nonprofits in promoting immigrant rights and integration in San Francisco. Even though San Francisco is known as the most left-leaning big city in ...
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This chapter examines the role of immigrant-serving nonprofits in promoting immigrant rights and integration in San Francisco. Even though San Francisco is known as the most left-leaning big city in the United States, immigrant-serving nonprofits had to struggle with three challenges embedded in the city's civic and political context. First, San Francisco has a hyperpluralist organizational landscape where immigrant-serving nonprofits must compete with many other interest groups seeking to effect policy change. Second, political elites in San Francisco have put a lot of effort into promoting development policies that strengthen the city's economy, thus making it challenging for immigrant-serving nonprofits to advocate redistributive measures. Finally, the city's progressive political culture can be a liability for immigrant-serving nonprofits if the policies they promote run against federal immigration enforcement goals.Less
This chapter examines the role of immigrant-serving nonprofits in promoting immigrant rights and integration in San Francisco. Even though San Francisco is known as the most left-leaning big city in the United States, immigrant-serving nonprofits had to struggle with three challenges embedded in the city's civic and political context. First, San Francisco has a hyperpluralist organizational landscape where immigrant-serving nonprofits must compete with many other interest groups seeking to effect policy change. Second, political elites in San Francisco have put a lot of effort into promoting development policies that strengthen the city's economy, thus making it challenging for immigrant-serving nonprofits to advocate redistributive measures. Finally, the city's progressive political culture can be a liability for immigrant-serving nonprofits if the policies they promote run against federal immigration enforcement goals.
John P. Enyeart
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042508
- eISBN:
- 9780252051357
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042508.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Death to Fascism focuses on how social justice immigrant activist Louis Adamic went from being a Slovenian peasant to leading a coalition that included black intellectuals and journalists, ...
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Death to Fascism focuses on how social justice immigrant activist Louis Adamic went from being a Slovenian peasant to leading a coalition that included black intellectuals and journalists, working-class militants, ethnic community activists, novelists, and radicals who made antifascism the dominant US political culture from the mid-1930s through 1948. By championing racial and ethnic equality, workers’ rights, and anticolonialism, Adamic and his fellow antifascists helped to transform the US understanding of democracy. From the 1920s through his death in 1951, Adamic became a celebrity because his writings tapped into a larger US identity crisis. This conflict pitted those who associated being American with a static category informed by Anglo Protestant culture against those who understood identity in a constant state of flux defined and redefined by newcomers and new ideas. Adamic shaped the latter view. During his life, he saw himself—and those he identified with—as traversing through four states of being: exile, cultural pluralist, agent of diaspora, and dedicated anticolonialist advocating a new humanism. His legacy has been lost because his anticommunist enemies, who largely succeeded in misrepresenting his beliefs after his likely murder, engaged in a conscious effort to erase him from the historical record because of the threat his ideas posed to the procorporate, hypermilitaristic, and racist outlooks baked into the Cold War liberal order.Less
Death to Fascism focuses on how social justice immigrant activist Louis Adamic went from being a Slovenian peasant to leading a coalition that included black intellectuals and journalists, working-class militants, ethnic community activists, novelists, and radicals who made antifascism the dominant US political culture from the mid-1930s through 1948. By championing racial and ethnic equality, workers’ rights, and anticolonialism, Adamic and his fellow antifascists helped to transform the US understanding of democracy. From the 1920s through his death in 1951, Adamic became a celebrity because his writings tapped into a larger US identity crisis. This conflict pitted those who associated being American with a static category informed by Anglo Protestant culture against those who understood identity in a constant state of flux defined and redefined by newcomers and new ideas. Adamic shaped the latter view. During his life, he saw himself—and those he identified with—as traversing through four states of being: exile, cultural pluralist, agent of diaspora, and dedicated anticolonialist advocating a new humanism. His legacy has been lost because his anticommunist enemies, who largely succeeded in misrepresenting his beliefs after his likely murder, engaged in a conscious effort to erase him from the historical record because of the threat his ideas posed to the procorporate, hypermilitaristic, and racist outlooks baked into the Cold War liberal order.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by ...
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This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.Less
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.
Danny M. Adkison and Lisa McNair Palmer
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197514818
- eISBN:
- 9780197514849
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197514818.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In 1907, William Jennings Bryan described the proposed constitution for Oklahoma as “the best constitution in the United States today.” An enduring characteristic of Oklahoma’s constitution has been ...
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In 1907, William Jennings Bryan described the proposed constitution for Oklahoma as “the best constitution in the United States today.” An enduring characteristic of Oklahoma’s constitution has been its faith in direct democracy and its root in Progressive Era politics. This book traces the historical formation and constitutional development of the state of Oklahoma. It provides commentary and analysis on the intent, politics, social and economic pressures, and the legal decisions that shaped and enhanced the Oklahoma constitution since it was adopted in 1907. The text gives a broad understanding of state constitutional law within the context of Oklahoma’s constitutional evolution.Less
In 1907, William Jennings Bryan described the proposed constitution for Oklahoma as “the best constitution in the United States today.” An enduring characteristic of Oklahoma’s constitution has been its faith in direct democracy and its root in Progressive Era politics. This book traces the historical formation and constitutional development of the state of Oklahoma. It provides commentary and analysis on the intent, politics, social and economic pressures, and the legal decisions that shaped and enhanced the Oklahoma constitution since it was adopted in 1907. The text gives a broad understanding of state constitutional law within the context of Oklahoma’s constitutional evolution.
Richard Reed
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719095306
- eISBN:
- 9781781708682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095306.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter advances the analysis to the end of the 1980s. While sectarian and internecine violence continued to set the context, this period was also notable for a number of political initiatives ...
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This chapter advances the analysis to the end of the 1980s. While sectarian and internecine violence continued to set the context, this period was also notable for a number of political initiatives developed by the UVF and UDA. These include the formation of the Volunteer Political Party (VPP) and later the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), the constitutional experimentations contained in Glen Barr’s Ulster independence initiative, and the 1987 Common Sense document. Consistent with the interactional theory of identity discussed in chapter 1, this chapter argues that the development of these nascent loyalist political identities was underwritten by a series of encounters: domestically with trade unionists and independent unionists, but also with various groups abroad, including putatively hostile Irish-Americans. The narrative explores how the development of political thinking was also predicated upon a growing disenchantment with unionist ideologies, a deepening sense of betrayal and hostility towards Britain, and increasing calls for loyalist self-determination.Less
This chapter advances the analysis to the end of the 1980s. While sectarian and internecine violence continued to set the context, this period was also notable for a number of political initiatives developed by the UVF and UDA. These include the formation of the Volunteer Political Party (VPP) and later the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), the constitutional experimentations contained in Glen Barr’s Ulster independence initiative, and the 1987 Common Sense document. Consistent with the interactional theory of identity discussed in chapter 1, this chapter argues that the development of these nascent loyalist political identities was underwritten by a series of encounters: domestically with trade unionists and independent unionists, but also with various groups abroad, including putatively hostile Irish-Americans. The narrative explores how the development of political thinking was also predicated upon a growing disenchantment with unionist ideologies, a deepening sense of betrayal and hostility towards Britain, and increasing calls for loyalist self-determination.
