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This chapter discusses the developments in terms of research grants and research funding of the newly established AHRB. By 2002 to 2003, during its fifth year, the AHRB's total budget had increased from £17.9 million to £64.8 million. During this period, non-programmed costs were capped at five per cent. Putting aside its administrative costs, the AHRB in its fifth year had programmatic expenditures of £61.7 million, a 20 per cent increase from the initially predicted expenditure. Of the £61.7 million, £9 million was allocated to the operation of museums and galleries of English institutions and the rest was equally divided between postgraduate awards and research awards throughout the UK. As funding rose, intellectual ambitions also increased. Several ambitious projects were initiated such as the editing of Francis Bacon's works, the creation of public policy concerning the film and television of Britain and Europe, the pursuing of the long-delayed multinational Romanian project, and several other projects. During this period, the AHRB garnered a distinct sense of direction and momentum. Over three years, the applications of research funding increased to 58 per cent. The applications for the postgraduate awards increased to 20 per cent in a year and the four year doctoral submission rate for arts and humanities students increased to 78 per cent.

This chapter examines the party-centered theory of spatial voting. Party identification is essentially an emotional attachment to a political party. Typically, this affective attachment is acquired early in life, most commonly from one's parents but not infrequently from one's peers. Characteristically, party supporters' identification with their party increases over the course of their lives. However, the bond between partisan and party does not strengthen out of policy conviction. Identifying with a party is only minimally, and then often coincidentally, related to identifying with policies that the party stands for. Indeed, there are two reasons why a programmatic partisan may judge a candidate of his party to represent his policy preferences. One is because the candidate's position is closer to his. The other is because the outlook of the candidate's party is closer to his.

This chapter presents a theory of candidate positioning. The key to this account is the policy reputations of the two political parties. Candidates must take positions consistent with the policy reputations of their parties to collect a reputational premium. The chapter's job is twofold. The first task is to demonstrate that programmatic party identifiers favor candidates of their party on the grounds that they represent the overall outlook of their party, independent of the specific policy positions that the candidates take. The second task is to specify the range of positions that a candidate may take and still be judged to represent the overall outlook of the party by supporters of his party who know and share its outlook.

For years, archaeologists have used the archaeological record as if it was a window on the past. As if they could look through it, like an observer behind a one-way mirror, and study past human societies the way cultural anthropologist would do. In doing so, archaeologists have uncritically borrowed a programmatic agenda that was designed by, and for, researchers who study humans in the present-time and using data that has a scope, a sampling interval, a resolution, and a dimensionality that is orders of magnitude different than what archaeologists have access to. Unlike the study of cultural history, macroarchaeology, that is, the search for mega-scale patterns and processes in the archaeological record, is uncharted territory. The current theories of human culture have virtually nothing to say about what mega-trends could exist in the archaeological record, or about what mega-scale drivers, such as climate or biogeography, might have shaped the course of human history.

When Speaker Rayburn took his final trip home at the tag end of the 87th Congress' first session, John McCormack was automatically elevated to Acting Speaker, and the Democratic caucus of the House of Representatives elected McCormack as its candidate to be the 45th Speaker of the House. No “liberal” member that have been interviewed made any allusion at all to McCormack’s anti-Communism, but a fair number of his severe critics were liberal, anti-clerical Roman Catholics. McCormack’s southern support coupled with his first-choice strength among several urban delegations left only the programmatic liberals with no place to go, and McCormack himself had a liberal voting record. The main immediate consequence of the McCormack succession was to place the leadership of the Democratic Party in the control of a less imaginative and less sure-footed tactician than Sam Rayburn. It very soon transpired that Speaker McCormack’s tactical judgment could not command the confidence of his colleagues. The conflict within the caucus is discussed. By the end of the 1970s, the power structure of the House of Representatives had been very substantially remodeled. The Democratic caucus arguably caused these changes.

As a concluding chapter, the Epilogue focuses on Balanchine's own journey following the unparalleled achievement of the 1972 Stravinsky Festival. Much has been made of the fact that he did not choreograph any new Stravinsky works between the 1972 and 1982 festivals. Theories abound to explain this almost decade-long hiatus. Whatever the speculation, Balanchine now turned his attention to other scores and other programmatic themes, including eight new works for the 1975 Ravel Festival. He also staged the splashy star-spangled production Union Jack as part of the 1976 U.S. Bicentennial celebration. The productivity of his late years was highlighted by some of his most poignant, autumnal works: Vienna Waltzes, Robert Schumann's “Davidsbundlertanze”, and an entirely new production of Mozartiana, which was one of four new ballets prepared as part of that year's Tchaikovsky Festival.

The opposites, sacred and secular, are in an ‘original’ or ‘polemical unity’ in Christ and do not have their reality except in Him in a polemical attitude toward one another bearing witness in this way to their common reality and unity in the God-Man. History’s movement consists of divergence and convergence from and toward Him. One cannot, therefore, understand secularism and the secular and secularization apart from the fact that the secular is what is continuously being accepted and becoming accepted by God in Christ. Influenced by the work of Bonhoeffer, Bulgakov, and Richard Kearney and invoking Orthodox liturgy and iconography, Gallaher points to a church that images Christ and the Trinity by manifesting itself in kenosis. He argues for a move from an Orthodox anti-secularism that simply denounces and shakes its fist at the West to a positive Orthodox theology of secularism that tries to see how Orthodoxy might witness boldly to Christ in the modern pluralistic and secular West.

This chapter frames the central question: How and under what conditions do national-secession projects become significant campaigns by getting on the global agenda, give rise to intractable disputes with their central governments over independence, and sustain protracted intense struggles? It then introduces the programmatic analytic approach that focuses on the strategy of national-secession campaigns to coordinate their imagined nations around the common goal of independence. Too weak to achieve their goal of independence through a contest of arms with their central governments, most national-secession campaigns focus their efforts on propagation of their programs so as to await opportunities when the international community imposes independence on the central government or when the central government collapses.

This chapter explains the role of the common goal of independence that holds together constituents of the campaign who have diverse motivations for joining the campaign. These types include enthusiasts (true believers in independence), expressionists (activists who revel in the struggle), and pragmatists (who see independence as a means to serve economic and political interests). Campaign leaders must allocate incentives to bring each type into the campaign at the proper stage of campaign development and phase of activation, but still limiting the damage that each type of constituent can impose on a campaign if not matched to the right task or time. This micro-level strategy explains why we observe at the macro-level only weak relationships between specific patterns of identity, grievance, and greed to the rise of national-secession campaigns. And it explains why the authenticity and realism of the campaigns program emerge as key constraints on campaign success at programmatic coordination. This chapter includes a brief analysis of the Eritrean struggle for independence to illustrate the importance of programmatic coordination.

While generic differences between different types of aetia are not as clear-cut as one might think, a more promising explanation of the differences between individual aetia is the period of literary history to which they belong. Aetia, in the specific ways in which they are narrated, are very much products of their time. They are also often told at crucial points of a narrative, and they provide privileged places for authorial self-reflection, both in terms of the larger agenda of a work and in terms of its aesthetics. Aetia are able to negotiate between different temporal frameworks, and their capacity to bridge the gap between the text and the world gives them the power to implicate the present in a very complex set of assumptions, beliefs, and convictions or exhortations for the future.

This chapter examines which factors shape new parties’ organizational persistence looking at new parties’ overall life cycles and of their electoral sustainability, i.e. whether they manage to re-enter parliament after their national breakthrough. More particularly, it assesses the importance of party origin. As theoretically expected, the statistical analyses show that rooted formations are not only more likely to live longer (persistence) but also more likely to maintain a presence on the national level after its national breakthrough by assuring repeated parliamentary entry (sustainability). Its concluding section explains how the following in-depth case studies will complement these findings by bringing party agency into the picture and examine claims linked to the leadership-structure dilemma as specified in Chapter 3. It further identifies systematic linkages between parties’ origins and programmatic profiles. The resulting ‘clusters’ or ‘new party families’ provide the basic logic along which the following qualitative case studies will be organized.

This chapter identifies several key elements of the EU's migration governance by looking at the history of the EU's engagement in and production of migration policies. It also suggests that there is an incomplete and problematic — but little contested — set of claims and institutional re-orderings, the centrality of which has been cemented with the most recent legal and programmatic changes in the EU of 2009 and 2010. The chapter further argues that migration governance within the EU is made coherent, authoritative, and ‘manageable’ by connecting two discursive and political logics using a third: social integration.

Whole systems approaches start from rethinking organisational change issues; how people act in relation to them, and, crucially, how they involve themselves and others in their diagnosis and treatment. Whole systems working is not another fad or series of buzz words, but is above all concerned with implementation, and with seeking to reconcile these dilemmas in practice. This chapter explores the failure of programmatic change; identifies the imperative for implementation of sustainable change, rather than mere intervention to ‘fix’ problems; examines alternative streams of activity and thinking that can create a ‘different beat’ in efforts to handle intractable problems; and shares the emerging thinking about the reconciliation of four linked dilemmas integral to whole systems working which must be confronted in achieving changes in public policy and service delivery.

While the preceding chapter focused on RILE, the Manifesto Left-Right scale, this chapter examines the validity of the specific measures included in the dataset, by seeing how well they locate individual parties within the traditional family groupings when used in a discriminant analysis covering both Western and Eastern Europe. They achieve 80 per cent predictive success, thus demonstrating that the programmatic codings derived from election manifestos do measure what they are intended to measure. In fact they can be used to refine specialist judgements about family memberships. The analysis reveals that parties are assigned to families on the basis of two or three prominent and enduring policy commitments. By combining these as weighted by the analysis, we can build quantitative indices which not only refine judgements about family membership but also allow ‘niche’ parties to be distinguished from ‘mainstream’ parties – a recent concern in analysis of party movement.

After the musical canon became established in the Gilded Age, the status quo in American music persisted well into the second decade of the twentieth century. George Chadwick, Amy Beach, Horatio Parker, and many other late romantic composers remained active and maintained much of their styles. Before 1915 two American composers, Charles Ives and Leo Ornstein, were writing unusual and original music. Despite their completely different backgrounds, career tracks, and historical reputations, both men arrived at musical positions that were remarkably similar and endured comparable problems. Both also wrote programmatic music in the broadest sense. In January and February 1915, Ornstein gave a series of four concerts at the Bandbox Theatre in New York City, by far the most significant event in his American performing career. His most uncompromising foray into modernism was the Violin Sonata, Op. 31. For Ives, his Concord Sonata was a bold move that established his name before the musical world. This chapter focuses on the lives and musical careers of Ornstein and Ives.

This chapter traces the nature, evolution, and socioeconomic stratification of programmatic party–voter linkages in contemporary Chile and Uruguay, and suggests that programmatic linkages are central, if not prevalent, in both systems. Analyzing programmatic linkages and their socioeconomic differentiation is especially important for grasping the distributive consequences that segmented linkage strategies can produce. The chapter also explores the prevalence of party-based and candidate-centered linkages in each system.

This chapter turns to the local level and examines the territorial segmentation of party–voter linkages in Chile and Uruguay, based on qualitative evidence from field research on seven electoral districts and nineteen municipalities in Chile and seven Uruguayan municipalities, which are also senatorial and lower-chamber districts. The research, conducted in 2001–2003, reveals greater personalization and territorial segmentation in Chile than Uruguay. Coupled with Chile’s low local and legislative turnover, the chapter finds Chile’s local politics to be far more “individualized.”