G. E. R. Lloyd
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199567874
- eISBN:
- 9780191721649
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199567874.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
This introductory chapter outlines the strategy of the book as a whole. This book is an investigation of the different conceptions that have been entertained in eight major areas of human experience: ...
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This introductory chapter outlines the strategy of the book as a whole. This book is an investigation of the different conceptions that have been entertained in eight major areas of human experience: philosophy, mathematics, history, medicine, art, law, religion, and science. One recurrent theme is the different ways in which those intellectual disciplines have developed in different ancient and modern societies and the roles of elites in such processes, both positive ones, in encouraging the professionalization of the investigation, and negative, when elites lay down restrictive definitions of the subject-matter concerned. A second is the need to challenge modern Western assumptions on the nature of each discipline. A third is the struggle between different disciplines for hegemonic status.Less
This introductory chapter outlines the strategy of the book as a whole. This book is an investigation of the different conceptions that have been entertained in eight major areas of human experience: philosophy, mathematics, history, medicine, art, law, religion, and science. One recurrent theme is the different ways in which those intellectual disciplines have developed in different ancient and modern societies and the roles of elites in such processes, both positive ones, in encouraging the professionalization of the investigation, and negative, when elites lay down restrictive definitions of the subject-matter concerned. A second is the need to challenge modern Western assumptions on the nature of each discipline. A third is the struggle between different disciplines for hegemonic status.
Mihnea C. Moldoveanu and Roger L. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195340143
- eISBN:
- 9780199851775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340143.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
This chapter reconstructs, in a compact form, the arguments pointed out in this book. It explains that the MBA has a significant, demonstrable, and robust value to prospective employers as a ...
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This chapter reconstructs, in a compact form, the arguments pointed out in this book. It explains that the MBA has a significant, demonstrable, and robust value to prospective employers as a selection mechanism, which is not entirely separable from its function as a development program. It clarifies that the realization of the selection value of the MBA would provide a significant and stable economic benefit to end-users, allowing MBA educators significant room to design and experiment with new approaches to development. Moreover, once selection is understood as part of the function of the MBA, the selection criteria and metrics can themselves be redesigned and optimized. This chapter also discusses the vision for the high-value decision maker of the future and explains that institutionalization and professionalization of management must be augmented by a vision that articulates the value of academic know-how to the cognitive-behavioral repertoire of the high-value decision maker.Less
This chapter reconstructs, in a compact form, the arguments pointed out in this book. It explains that the MBA has a significant, demonstrable, and robust value to prospective employers as a selection mechanism, which is not entirely separable from its function as a development program. It clarifies that the realization of the selection value of the MBA would provide a significant and stable economic benefit to end-users, allowing MBA educators significant room to design and experiment with new approaches to development. Moreover, once selection is understood as part of the function of the MBA, the selection criteria and metrics can themselves be redesigned and optimized. This chapter also discusses the vision for the high-value decision maker of the future and explains that institutionalization and professionalization of management must be augmented by a vision that articulates the value of academic know-how to the cognitive-behavioral repertoire of the high-value decision maker.
Robert C. Solomon
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195165401
- eISBN:
- 9780199870103
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195165403.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
The Joy of Philosophy: Thinking Thin and the Passionate Life is a return to some of the perennial questions of philosophy, questions about the meaning of life, about death and tragedy, about the ...
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The Joy of Philosophy: Thinking Thin and the Passionate Life is a return to some of the perennial questions of philosophy, questions about the meaning of life, about death and tragedy, about the respective roles of rationality and passion in the good life, about love, compassion, and revenge, about honesty, deception, and betrayal, about who we are, and how we think about who we are. It is an attempt to save philosophy from a century‐old fiber diet of thin arguments and logical analysis and recover the richness and complexity of life in thought. It tackles the question, loathed by professional philosophers but asked all too often by nonphilosophers, “Has Analytic Philosophy Ruined Philosophy?” The answer is “no,” or at least, “not yet,” but superprofessionalization and a near‐exclusive emphasis on the “thinnest” of philosophical formulations and arguments have either robbed the perennial questions of their gut‐level force or dismissed them altogether as “pseudoquestions” suited only for sophomores. This is a book that tries to put the fun back in philosophy, recapturing the heartfelt confusion and excitement that originally brings us all into philosophy. But it is not a critique of contemporary philosophy so much as it is an attempt to engage in philosophy in a different kind of way, beginning with a reevaluation of Socrates and the nature of philosophy and defending the passionate life in contrast to the calm life of thoughtful contemplation so often held up as an ideal by traditional philosophers. It includes discussions of love as a virtue, Nietzsche's Will to Power, the politics of emotion, rationality in a multicultural perspective, the rationality of emotions, and the rationality of such emotions as sympathy and vengeance, the tragic sense of life, the nature of fate and luck, the denial of death and death fetishism, the nature of personal identity in multicultural and emotional perspective, and the role of deception and self‐deception in philosophy. In short, it is an attempt to recapture the kind of philosophy that Nietzsche celebrated as a “joyful wisdom.” My concern is to break down the walls between academic philosophy and its lost audience, between thin logic and thick rhetoric, between philosophical reason and philosophical passion, between “analytic” and “continental” philosophy, and between philosophy and life. As the great Chilean poet Pablo Neruda says (of his poetry), the result is an “impure philosophy, as impure as old clothes, as a body with its foodstains and its shame, with wrinkles, observations, dreams, wakefulness, prophesies, declarations of love and hate, stupidities, shocks, idylls, political beliefs, negations, doubts, affirmations, and taxes.”Less
The Joy of Philosophy: Thinking Thin and the Passionate Life is a return to some of the perennial questions of philosophy, questions about the meaning of life, about death and tragedy, about the respective roles of rationality and passion in the good life, about love, compassion, and revenge, about honesty, deception, and betrayal, about who we are, and how we think about who we are. It is an attempt to save philosophy from a century‐old fiber diet of thin arguments and logical analysis and recover the richness and complexity of life in thought. It tackles the question, loathed by professional philosophers but asked all too often by nonphilosophers, “Has Analytic Philosophy Ruined Philosophy?” The answer is “no,” or at least, “not yet,” but superprofessionalization and a near‐exclusive emphasis on the “thinnest” of philosophical formulations and arguments have either robbed the perennial questions of their gut‐level force or dismissed them altogether as “pseudoquestions” suited only for sophomores. This is a book that tries to put the fun back in philosophy, recapturing the heartfelt confusion and excitement that originally brings us all into philosophy. But it is not a critique of contemporary philosophy so much as it is an attempt to engage in philosophy in a different kind of way, beginning with a reevaluation of Socrates and the nature of philosophy and defending the passionate life in contrast to the calm life of thoughtful contemplation so often held up as an ideal by traditional philosophers. It includes discussions of love as a virtue, Nietzsche's Will to Power, the politics of emotion, rationality in a multicultural perspective, the rationality of emotions, and the rationality of such emotions as sympathy and vengeance, the tragic sense of life, the nature of fate and luck, the denial of death and death fetishism, the nature of personal identity in multicultural and emotional perspective, and the role of deception and self‐deception in philosophy. In short, it is an attempt to recapture the kind of philosophy that Nietzsche celebrated as a “joyful wisdom.” My concern is to break down the walls between academic philosophy and its lost audience, between thin logic and thick rhetoric, between philosophical reason and philosophical passion, between “analytic” and “continental” philosophy, and between philosophy and life. As the great Chilean poet Pablo Neruda says (of his poetry), the result is an “impure philosophy, as impure as old clothes, as a body with its foodstains and its shame, with wrinkles, observations, dreams, wakefulness, prophesies, declarations of love and hate, stupidities, shocks, idylls, political beliefs, negations, doubts, affirmations, and taxes.”
Amy Nelson Burnett
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305760
- eISBN:
- 9780199784912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305760.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In the century after the Reformation, Basel’s clergy gradually met the criteria of professionalization. Central to this transformation was the church’s control over the education and appointment of ...
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In the century after the Reformation, Basel’s clergy gradually met the criteria of professionalization. Central to this transformation was the church’s control over the education and appointment of its clergy. Basel may not have been typical, but it clearly illustrates trends that occurred in other, larger territories over a somewhat longer time period. The case of Basel also reveals the important connection between the development of rhetoric and dialectic instruction at the university and the evolution of both theology and preaching, and it indicates some possible differences between Lutheran and Reformed preaching. It questions the older interpretation of Basel’s confessional history, indicating instead the persistence of a non-confessional form of Protestantism into the 1570s. Together with the Senate’s relative lack of concern with church affairs during this time, this suggests that confessionalization, if defined as a process imposed from above, did not begin until the last two decades of the century, coinciding with the entry of the third generation into the ministry.Less
In the century after the Reformation, Basel’s clergy gradually met the criteria of professionalization. Central to this transformation was the church’s control over the education and appointment of its clergy. Basel may not have been typical, but it clearly illustrates trends that occurred in other, larger territories over a somewhat longer time period. The case of Basel also reveals the important connection between the development of rhetoric and dialectic instruction at the university and the evolution of both theology and preaching, and it indicates some possible differences between Lutheran and Reformed preaching. It questions the older interpretation of Basel’s confessional history, indicating instead the persistence of a non-confessional form of Protestantism into the 1570s. Together with the Senate’s relative lack of concern with church affairs during this time, this suggests that confessionalization, if defined as a process imposed from above, did not begin until the last two decades of the century, coinciding with the entry of the third generation into the ministry.
Jens Borchert and Jürgen Zeiss (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the ...
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Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.Less
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.
Jens Borchert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly ...
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If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.Less
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.
Torben K. Jensen
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Denmark's egalitarian political culture stresses the values of participation, equality, and a strong civil society – traits that may be detrimental to the development of a class of professional ...
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Denmark's egalitarian political culture stresses the values of participation, equality, and a strong civil society – traits that may be detrimental to the development of a class of professional politicians. As the chapter shows, this is true: the volatile party system, high turnover rates and diverse career paths provide an unfavourable structure of opportunity for making politics a lifelong career and for developing the coherence to form a political class. However, in several aspects like workload, political experience, specialization or remuneration, Danish MPs are certainly professionals and since the mid-1980s public party financing and expanded staffing for individual MPs and party groups have supported this tendency. At the same time, the political process that led to these reforms has again illustrated the fragmentation and eventually the absence of a coherently acting Danish political class.Less
Denmark's egalitarian political culture stresses the values of participation, equality, and a strong civil society – traits that may be detrimental to the development of a class of professional politicians. As the chapter shows, this is true: the volatile party system, high turnover rates and diverse career paths provide an unfavourable structure of opportunity for making politics a lifelong career and for developing the coherence to form a political class. However, in several aspects like workload, political experience, specialization or remuneration, Danish MPs are certainly professionals and since the mid-1980s public party financing and expanded staffing for individual MPs and party groups have supported this tendency. At the same time, the political process that led to these reforms has again illustrated the fragmentation and eventually the absence of a coherently acting Danish political class.
Ilkka Ruostetsaari
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In historical perspective, the history of Finland's political class is one of gradual growth. Parliamentary salaries and public party financing were established before 1967, thus laying the ...
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In historical perspective, the history of Finland's political class is one of gradual growth. Parliamentary salaries and public party financing were established before 1967, thus laying the foundations for an increasing professionalization – qualitatively and quantitatively. It is now possible to distinguish an inner core of professional politicians, consisting of about 1,000 elected politicians, their assistants, party functionaries, and journalists, and a much more sizable outer fringe. Thus, despite an unfavourable preferential voting system, improving the individual candidates standing vis-\'e0-vis the party, a Finnish political class acting for itself has been firmly established – at the cost of a deepening chasm between this political class and its constituency.Less
In historical perspective, the history of Finland's political class is one of gradual growth. Parliamentary salaries and public party financing were established before 1967, thus laying the foundations for an increasing professionalization – qualitatively and quantitatively. It is now possible to distinguish an inner core of professional politicians, consisting of about 1,000 elected politicians, their assistants, party functionaries, and journalists, and a much more sizable outer fringe. Thus, despite an unfavourable preferential voting system, improving the individual candidates standing vis-\'e0-vis the party, a Finnish political class acting for itself has been firmly established – at the cost of a deepening chasm between this political class and its constituency.
Uwe Jun
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the ...
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This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.Less
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.
Louise Fitzgerald and Sue Dopson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199259014
- eISBN:
- 9780191718113
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199259014.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management
This chapter examines the impact of professional boundaries as an important aspect of context on the career of EBHC initiatives. In particular, it discusses the role of professional power and ...
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This chapter examines the impact of professional boundaries as an important aspect of context on the career of EBHC initiatives. In particular, it discusses the role of professional power and professional socialization. It also highlights the link between professionalization and managerlization. The data are used to illustrate how professional boundaries impact on translation process.Less
This chapter examines the impact of professional boundaries as an important aspect of context on the career of EBHC initiatives. In particular, it discusses the role of professional power and professional socialization. It also highlights the link between professionalization and managerlization. The data are used to illustrate how professional boundaries impact on translation process.
Hanne Marthe Narud
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the political professionalization of the Norwegian Storting, its main focus being on the various institutional constraints of Norwegian MPs and on the importance of the ...
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This chapter discusses the political professionalization of the Norwegian Storting, its main focus being on the various institutional constraints of Norwegian MPs and on the importance of the recruitment structures for providing access to the political class. Here, the role of the constituency party branch is crucial: Because local councils are the training ground for future parliamentarians, because of the decentralized character of the nomination process, and because of the political legitimacy of pursuing local interests, you rarely get to be a member of the political class without going through the local network provided by the constituency party. Norwegian parliamentarians are therefore actors on two different yet interrelated arenas, the local arena and the parliamentary arena: As party politicians they play the parliamentary role game, and as district representatives they are constrained by constituency demands.Less
This chapter discusses the political professionalization of the Norwegian Storting, its main focus being on the various institutional constraints of Norwegian MPs and on the importance of the recruitment structures for providing access to the political class. Here, the role of the constituency party branch is crucial: Because local councils are the training ground for future parliamentarians, because of the decentralized character of the nomination process, and because of the political legitimacy of pursuing local interests, you rarely get to be a member of the political class without going through the local network provided by the constituency party. Norwegian parliamentarians are therefore actors on two different yet interrelated arenas, the local arena and the parliamentary arena: As party politicians they play the parliamentary role game, and as district representatives they are constrained by constituency demands.
Reto Wiesli
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Four features are highly valued in Switzerland's political system and political culture: the militia principle, direct democracy, federalism, and consociationalism. These factors also have a strong ...
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Four features are highly valued in Switzerland's political system and political culture: the militia principle, direct democracy, federalism, and consociationalism. These factors also have a strong impact on the structure of the Swiss political elite: Some politicians qualify as real professionals, but because of the concurrence of the militia principle and the federal character of the Swiss political system we are bound to speak of an incomplete professionalization of the political class. Furthermore, the pivotal role of associations (Verbändestaat) and the controlling function of direct democracy make it difficult to determine a centre of a political class. Nevertheless, it is possible to define a small elite cluster even in Switzerland – but certain qualifications have to be taken into account.Less
Four features are highly valued in Switzerland's political system and political culture: the militia principle, direct democracy, federalism, and consociationalism. These factors also have a strong impact on the structure of the Swiss political elite: Some politicians qualify as real professionals, but because of the concurrence of the militia principle and the federal character of the Swiss political system we are bound to speak of an incomplete professionalization of the political class. Furthermore, the pivotal role of associations (Verbändestaat) and the controlling function of direct democracy make it difficult to determine a centre of a political class. Nevertheless, it is possible to define a small elite cluster even in Switzerland – but certain qualifications have to be taken into account.
Juan J. Linz
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Juan Linz examines the same theme of anti‐party sentiments among citizens in contemporary democracies as did the previous chapter, but from an entirely different perspective. He starts by looking at ...
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Juan Linz examines the same theme of anti‐party sentiments among citizens in contemporary democracies as did the previous chapter, but from an entirely different perspective. He starts by looking at the fundamental differences between the roles played by parties in presidential and parliamentary democracies, and notes that each type of party system also generates different critiques of parties. Notwithstanding, these differences among party systems and between presidential and parliamentary democracies, Linz notes that parties everywhere have become the focus of a remarkably similar litany of complaints and criticisms, and asks to what extent these represent expressions of reasoned concerns over the shortcomings of the actual performance of parties, and conversely, to what extent they reflect ambiguous, confusing, or even self‐contradictory evaluations by citizens based upon unreasonable expectations or a lack of understanding of the complexities and cross‐pressures that parties are subjected to in performing their many roles in democratic politics. On the basis of survey data from Spain and Latin America, he suggests that the increase in negative attitudes towards political parties maybe less attributable to the behaviour of parties themselves than it is to inconsistencies or outright contradictions among relevant beliefs held by citizens, to unrealistic expectations concerning the extent to which parties can achieve a series of demanding objectives, or to the increasing number of the functions that parties must play in representative democracies. The main sections of the chapter are: Attitudes towards parties: paradoxes, contradictions, and ambiguities; Personalization of politics and professionalization of politics; Parties, money, and party democracy; and Distrust of parties and the legitimacy of democracy.Less
Juan Linz examines the same theme of anti‐party sentiments among citizens in contemporary democracies as did the previous chapter, but from an entirely different perspective. He starts by looking at the fundamental differences between the roles played by parties in presidential and parliamentary democracies, and notes that each type of party system also generates different critiques of parties. Notwithstanding, these differences among party systems and between presidential and parliamentary democracies, Linz notes that parties everywhere have become the focus of a remarkably similar litany of complaints and criticisms, and asks to what extent these represent expressions of reasoned concerns over the shortcomings of the actual performance of parties, and conversely, to what extent they reflect ambiguous, confusing, or even self‐contradictory evaluations by citizens based upon unreasonable expectations or a lack of understanding of the complexities and cross‐pressures that parties are subjected to in performing their many roles in democratic politics. On the basis of survey data from Spain and Latin America, he suggests that the increase in negative attitudes towards political parties maybe less attributable to the behaviour of parties themselves than it is to inconsistencies or outright contradictions among relevant beliefs held by citizens, to unrealistic expectations concerning the extent to which parties can achieve a series of demanding objectives, or to the increasing number of the functions that parties must play in representative democracies. The main sections of the chapter are: Attitudes towards parties: paradoxes, contradictions, and ambiguities; Personalization of politics and professionalization of politics; Parties, money, and party democracy; and Distrust of parties and the legitimacy of democracy.
David M. Farrell and Paul Webb
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253098
- eISBN:
- 9780191599026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253099.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated ...
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Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated modern stage, and onto the current advanced‐modern stage of campaigning personified by the use of new telecommunications technology. The chapter shows party organizations to be highly adaptive, investing heavily in time and resources in the new campaign techniques, professionalizing, and centralizing their organizations (particularly around their top leaderships), and paying far more attention to image and specific campaign issues as opposed to traditional ideological standpoints. There has been a shift from parties selling themselves to voters to designing an appropriate product to match voter needs. Because of these changes, contemporary political parties have repositioned themselves to survive the uncertainties of operating as representative institutions in the increasingly participatory age of the end of the millennium.Less
Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated modern stage, and onto the current advanced‐modern stage of campaigning personified by the use of new telecommunications technology. The chapter shows party organizations to be highly adaptive, investing heavily in time and resources in the new campaign techniques, professionalizing, and centralizing their organizations (particularly around their top leaderships), and paying far more attention to image and specific campaign issues as opposed to traditional ideological standpoints. There has been a shift from parties selling themselves to voters to designing an appropriate product to match voter needs. Because of these changes, contemporary political parties have repositioned themselves to survive the uncertainties of operating as representative institutions in the increasingly participatory age of the end of the millennium.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296607
- eISBN:
- 9780191599620
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296606.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter continues the theme of looking beyond institutional structures and formal rules to the abilities, skills, and experiences of individuals in order to gain a fuller picture of the ...
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This chapter continues the theme of looking beyond institutional structures and formal rules to the abilities, skills, and experiences of individuals in order to gain a fuller picture of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Parliament. This is placed within the framework of theories of professionalization and theories of social representation. In terms of career politicians, the EP is found to be as highly professionalized as national parliaments, which may be expected to promote continuity and cohesion in policy‐making. On the other hand, this may be argued to make politicians increasingly out of touch with the concerns of the European public, which is compounded by the fact that the profile of the MEPs largely reflects the well‐known social biases evident throughout political elites.Less
This chapter continues the theme of looking beyond institutional structures and formal rules to the abilities, skills, and experiences of individuals in order to gain a fuller picture of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Parliament. This is placed within the framework of theories of professionalization and theories of social representation. In terms of career politicians, the EP is found to be as highly professionalized as national parliaments, which may be expected to promote continuity and cohesion in policy‐making. On the other hand, this may be argued to make politicians increasingly out of touch with the concerns of the European public, which is compounded by the fact that the profile of the MEPs largely reflects the well‐known social biases evident throughout political elites.
Elizabeth E. Prevost
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199570744
- eISBN:
- 9780191722097
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570744.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
From the 1860s to 1920s many British women followed a call to the African mission field of the Anglican church. This form of Christian feminism promoted white women's distinct ability to emancipate ...
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From the 1860s to 1920s many British women followed a call to the African mission field of the Anglican church. This form of Christian feminism promoted white women's distinct ability to emancipate ‘heathen’ women and consolidate the religious framework of British imperialism. As part of the professionalization of women's social services, women pursued their vocation in a skilled, independent capacity, confident in the transformative power of the gospel and its institutional counterparts: the Christian home, school, and clinic. They found, however, that British paradigms did not translate neatly onto African soil. Competing forms of culture and knowledge caused missionary women to approach evangelism as a series of negotiations and to rethink notions of race, gender, and religion. The collaborative, feminized outcome fostered new opportunities for solidarity and authority among British and African women that decentred collective representations of empire, patriarchy, progress, and ‘civilization’. Missionaries accordingly focused not only on the overseas mission field, but on State and Church in Britain as sites of regeneration, emancipation, and reform, promoting women's Christian authority to ameliorate the trauma of imperialism and war. Anglican women mission workers in Madagascar, Uganda, and the British metropole are shown as both products and agents of the globalization of Christianity during a time of rapid change at the local, regional, and transnational level. The book draws on a rich and largely untapped base of archival and published sources, covering a wide range of geographical, social, political, and theological contexts and showing the global interconnections of Christianity and feminism. This book looks at missionaries as the products as well as the agents of the globalization of Christianity, during a time of rapid change at the local, regional, and transnational level. Anglican women in Madagascar, Uganda, and the British metropole form the basis for this story. Using a rich and largely untapped base of archival and published sources, and encompassing a wide scope of geographical, social, political, and theological contexts, this book brings together the fine grain and the broad strokes of the global interconnections of Christianity and feminism.Less
From the 1860s to 1920s many British women followed a call to the African mission field of the Anglican church. This form of Christian feminism promoted white women's distinct ability to emancipate ‘heathen’ women and consolidate the religious framework of British imperialism. As part of the professionalization of women's social services, women pursued their vocation in a skilled, independent capacity, confident in the transformative power of the gospel and its institutional counterparts: the Christian home, school, and clinic. They found, however, that British paradigms did not translate neatly onto African soil. Competing forms of culture and knowledge caused missionary women to approach evangelism as a series of negotiations and to rethink notions of race, gender, and religion. The collaborative, feminized outcome fostered new opportunities for solidarity and authority among British and African women that decentred collective representations of empire, patriarchy, progress, and ‘civilization’. Missionaries accordingly focused not only on the overseas mission field, but on State and Church in Britain as sites of regeneration, emancipation, and reform, promoting women's Christian authority to ameliorate the trauma of imperialism and war. Anglican women mission workers in Madagascar, Uganda, and the British metropole are shown as both products and agents of the globalization of Christianity during a time of rapid change at the local, regional, and transnational level. The book draws on a rich and largely untapped base of archival and published sources, covering a wide range of geographical, social, political, and theological contexts and showing the global interconnections of Christianity and feminism. This book looks at missionaries as the products as well as the agents of the globalization of Christianity, during a time of rapid change at the local, regional, and transnational level. Anglican women in Madagascar, Uganda, and the British metropole form the basis for this story. Using a rich and largely untapped base of archival and published sources, and encompassing a wide scope of geographical, social, political, and theological contexts, this book brings together the fine grain and the broad strokes of the global interconnections of Christianity and feminism.
Peter Itzen
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266915
- eISBN:
- 9780191938177
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266915.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
For leaders of the Church of England, secularisation was such an obvious fact that it virtually became a self-fulfilling prophecy as it informed political and theological debates within the Church. ...
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For leaders of the Church of England, secularisation was such an obvious fact that it virtually became a self-fulfilling prophecy as it informed political and theological debates within the Church. This article shows how by adjusting to secularisation the Church demonstrated a remarkable degree of resilience and managed to remain an important national voice – at least until the end of the Thatcher era. Three factors were of particular relevance in this development: First, the use of old networks which gave the Church of England privileged access to the political establishment. Second, the professionalisation of its political structure that equipped the Church with expertise. Third, complex changes within the Anglican theological strands that were opened up for political and social issues. These elements enabled the Church to develop new political agendas that were able to substitute political and moral positions that had become obsolete in the era of secularisation.Less
For leaders of the Church of England, secularisation was such an obvious fact that it virtually became a self-fulfilling prophecy as it informed political and theological debates within the Church. This article shows how by adjusting to secularisation the Church demonstrated a remarkable degree of resilience and managed to remain an important national voice – at least until the end of the Thatcher era. Three factors were of particular relevance in this development: First, the use of old networks which gave the Church of England privileged access to the political establishment. Second, the professionalisation of its political structure that equipped the Church with expertise. Third, complex changes within the Anglican theological strands that were opened up for political and social issues. These elements enabled the Church to develop new political agendas that were able to substitute political and moral positions that had become obsolete in the era of secularisation.
Emilie M. Hafner-Burton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155357
- eISBN:
- 9781400846283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155357.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter considers areas where reforms could make the international human rights legal system more effective and influential. In particular, it examines just what kinds of reforms are achievable ...
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This chapter considers areas where reforms could make the international human rights legal system more effective and influential. In particular, it examines just what kinds of reforms are achievable in the real world along with their likely impact. Four types of reform are discussed. First are notions about how the broader public might become more aware that the system exists, and also more fully engaged with human rights legal procedures at home and internationally. Second are reforms aimed at streamlining the human rights legal system. Third is the professionalization of the system, especially the United Nations treaty bodies and Secretariat. Fourth is investing in credibility and legitimacy. The chapter concludes by outlining strategies that could increase the success of reform efforts and highlighting the limits of reform.Less
This chapter considers areas where reforms could make the international human rights legal system more effective and influential. In particular, it examines just what kinds of reforms are achievable in the real world along with their likely impact. Four types of reform are discussed. First are notions about how the broader public might become more aware that the system exists, and also more fully engaged with human rights legal procedures at home and internationally. Second are reforms aimed at streamlining the human rights legal system. Third is the professionalization of the system, especially the United Nations treaty bodies and Secretariat. Fourth is investing in credibility and legitimacy. The chapter concludes by outlining strategies that could increase the success of reform efforts and highlighting the limits of reform.
Matthew Gill
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199547142
- eISBN:
- 9780191720017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547142.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
This chapter illustrates how accountants' conception of professionalism has been eroded both by the idea of the accountant as a technical expert, and by the competing imperative of commercialism in ...
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This chapter illustrates how accountants' conception of professionalism has been eroded both by the idea of the accountant as a technical expert, and by the competing imperative of commercialism in accounting firms. Yet accountants still aspire to professionalism, even though the concept has become opaque to them. The chapter explores why professionalism remains important to accountants, and reveals its potential as a means of securing public trust in the accounting profession.Less
This chapter illustrates how accountants' conception of professionalism has been eroded both by the idea of the accountant as a technical expert, and by the competing imperative of commercialism in accounting firms. Yet accountants still aspire to professionalism, even though the concept has become opaque to them. The chapter explores why professionalism remains important to accountants, and reveals its potential as a means of securing public trust in the accounting profession.
Nancy Whittier
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195325102
- eISBN:
- 9780199869350
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325102.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter returns to the question of activists' engagement with the state, examining the different forms that movement organizations' relationships with state authorities took during the 1990s and ...
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This chapter returns to the question of activists' engagement with the state, examining the different forms that movement organizations' relationships with state authorities took during the 1990s and 2000s, when the therapeutic state around child sexual abuse was well‐developed, and shows the kinds of access and compromise these relationships brought. It discusses entry of activists into state agencies, movement organizations' professionalization, and increasing funding to provide services to the state, arguing that some groups became part of a para‐state. It traces organizations' use of crime victims compensation funds and activists' attempts to increase criminal and civil penalties for child sexual abuse Finally, the chapter analyzes newer organizations' involvement with public health initiatives to prevent child sexual abuse. Overall, the chapter argues that activists' involvement with the state was shaped by the priorities and pressures of the state, showing the continued power of medical and criminal approaches over others. Yet activists, particularly in the public health wing, continued to bring larger political goals into their work, illustrating the paradoxical nature of social movement outcomes.Less
This chapter returns to the question of activists' engagement with the state, examining the different forms that movement organizations' relationships with state authorities took during the 1990s and 2000s, when the therapeutic state around child sexual abuse was well‐developed, and shows the kinds of access and compromise these relationships brought. It discusses entry of activists into state agencies, movement organizations' professionalization, and increasing funding to provide services to the state, arguing that some groups became part of a para‐state. It traces organizations' use of crime victims compensation funds and activists' attempts to increase criminal and civil penalties for child sexual abuse Finally, the chapter analyzes newer organizations' involvement with public health initiatives to prevent child sexual abuse. Overall, the chapter argues that activists' involvement with the state was shaped by the priorities and pressures of the state, showing the continued power of medical and criminal approaches over others. Yet activists, particularly in the public health wing, continued to bring larger political goals into their work, illustrating the paradoxical nature of social movement outcomes.
