Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed ...
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Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed conflicts are regulated by more treaties than their non-international counterparts. Furthermore, the regulation of international armed conflicts is also considerably more comprehensive than that offered for participants in and victims of non-international armed conflicts. This book asks whether the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts remains viable or whether international law should move to maintain its consonance with the situations it seeks to regulate by developing a unified legal regime applicable in all armed conflicts. There is considerable precedent to support moves towards the elimination of the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This book argues that IHL, a law which has, as one of its primary aims, the protection of the person in times of armed conflict, should not distinguish between types of armed conflict, specifically in how the law treats the vulnerable in times of armed conflict – those hors de combat due to illness and injury, and those deprived of their liberty through capture or surrenderLess
Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed conflicts are regulated by more treaties than their non-international counterparts. Furthermore, the regulation of international armed conflicts is also considerably more comprehensive than that offered for participants in and victims of non-international armed conflicts. This book asks whether the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts remains viable or whether international law should move to maintain its consonance with the situations it seeks to regulate by developing a unified legal regime applicable in all armed conflicts. There is considerable precedent to support moves towards the elimination of the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This book argues that IHL, a law which has, as one of its primary aims, the protection of the person in times of armed conflict, should not distinguish between types of armed conflict, specifically in how the law treats the vulnerable in times of armed conflict – those hors de combat due to illness and injury, and those deprived of their liberty through capture or surrender
Tonny Banham
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099609
- eISBN:
- 9789882207677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099609.003.0073
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter discusses briefly the effects the war had on the prisoners of war and the challenges they faced after being freed from the POW camps. Undoubtedly, the Chinese population in Hong Kong ...
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This chapter discusses briefly the effects the war had on the prisoners of war and the challenges they faced after being freed from the POW camps. Undoubtedly, the Chinese population in Hong Kong suffered the greatest during the war, and its effects were still felt by the next generation.Less
This chapter discusses briefly the effects the war had on the prisoners of war and the challenges they faced after being freed from the POW camps. Undoubtedly, the Chinese population in Hong Kong suffered the greatest during the war, and its effects were still felt by the next generation.
S. P. MacKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199656028
- eISBN:
- 9780191744624
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656028.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
During the Korean War nearly a thousand British servicemen, along with a handful of British civilians, were captured by North Korean and Red Chinese forces. In various camps in the vicinity of ...
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During the Korean War nearly a thousand British servicemen, along with a handful of British civilians, were captured by North Korean and Red Chinese forces. In various camps in the vicinity of Pyongyang and villages along the Yalu River these men found themselves subjected to a prolonged effort by the enemy to undermine their allegiance to the Crown and enlist them in various propaganda campaigns directed against the UN war effort. This is the first academic study to examine in detail exactly what happened to the major groups of British military and civilian prisoners held in different locations at various junctures between 1950 and 1953. It explores the extent to which factors such as exposure to the actions of the North Koreans as against the Red Chinese, evolving physical conditions, enemy re-education efforts, communist attempts at blackmail, British attitudes towards the Americans, and personal background and leadership qualities among captives themselves influenced the willingness and ability of the British prisoners to collaborate or resist. Thanks to the availability of hitherto classified or underutilized source materials, it is now possible to test the common popular assumption—based on official accounts and memoirs from the 1950s—that, in marked contrast to their American cousins, British captives in the Korean War were pretty much immune to communist efforts at subverting their loyalty. The results suggest that British attitudes and actions while in enemy hands were rather more nuanced and varied than previously assumed.Less
During the Korean War nearly a thousand British servicemen, along with a handful of British civilians, were captured by North Korean and Red Chinese forces. In various camps in the vicinity of Pyongyang and villages along the Yalu River these men found themselves subjected to a prolonged effort by the enemy to undermine their allegiance to the Crown and enlist them in various propaganda campaigns directed against the UN war effort. This is the first academic study to examine in detail exactly what happened to the major groups of British military and civilian prisoners held in different locations at various junctures between 1950 and 1953. It explores the extent to which factors such as exposure to the actions of the North Koreans as against the Red Chinese, evolving physical conditions, enemy re-education efforts, communist attempts at blackmail, British attitudes towards the Americans, and personal background and leadership qualities among captives themselves influenced the willingness and ability of the British prisoners to collaborate or resist. Thanks to the availability of hitherto classified or underutilized source materials, it is now possible to test the common popular assumption—based on official accounts and memoirs from the 1950s—that, in marked contrast to their American cousins, British captives in the Korean War were pretty much immune to communist efforts at subverting their loyalty. The results suggest that British attitudes and actions while in enemy hands were rather more nuanced and varied than previously assumed.
Roger B. Manning
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199261499
- eISBN:
- 9780191718625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261499.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Professional officers who kept abreast of military innovations understood the need to discipline their soldiers and keep them focused on achieving military goals. Armies which foraged and plundered ...
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Professional officers who kept abreast of military innovations understood the need to discipline their soldiers and keep them focused on achieving military goals. Armies which foraged and plundered often became involved in secondary wars with local communities, and forfeited the goodwill of those who might offer intelligence and assistance. Regular payment of troops and developed systems of supply obviated the need for plunder, while improved discipline reduced the incidence of mutiny. The articles of war of various British and Irish armies — which were based upon mainland European models — attempted to regulate crimes and depredations by soldiers, generally secured the more humane treatment of prisoners of war, and restrained plundering and atrocities committed against civilian populations. Ireland was an exception to this trend to improve discipline and limit the destructiveness of war. Here, the parliamentary forces, which became captives of their own anti-Catholic propaganda and the determination of Cromwell to achieve total victory, pursued a policy of ‘fire and sword’ and committed atrocities which made the war in Ireland more bitter.Less
Professional officers who kept abreast of military innovations understood the need to discipline their soldiers and keep them focused on achieving military goals. Armies which foraged and plundered often became involved in secondary wars with local communities, and forfeited the goodwill of those who might offer intelligence and assistance. Regular payment of troops and developed systems of supply obviated the need for plunder, while improved discipline reduced the incidence of mutiny. The articles of war of various British and Irish armies — which were based upon mainland European models — attempted to regulate crimes and depredations by soldiers, generally secured the more humane treatment of prisoners of war, and restrained plundering and atrocities committed against civilian populations. Ireland was an exception to this trend to improve discipline and limit the destructiveness of war. Here, the parliamentary forces, which became captives of their own anti-Catholic propaganda and the determination of Cromwell to achieve total victory, pursued a policy of ‘fire and sword’ and committed atrocities which made the war in Ireland more bitter.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war ...
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This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war years right through to the end of the Soviet Union in 1991. It describes in detail the problems they encountered during demobilization, the dysfunctional bureaucracy they had to deal with once back, and the way their reintegration into civilian life worked in practice in one of the most severely destroyed countries of Europe. It pays particular attention to groups with specific problems such as the disabled, former prisoners of war, women soldiers and youth. Using a wealth of archival documents as well as the recollections of veterans, contemporary movies, periodicals, and literature, this book analyses the old soldiers' long struggle for recognition and the eventual emergence of an organized movement in the years after the dictator's death. The Soviet state at first refused to recognize veterans as a group worth special privileges or as an organization. They were not a group conceived of in Marxist‐Leninist theory, there was suspicion about their political loyalty, and the leadership worried about the costs of a special status for such a large population group. And as the book shows, these preconceptions were overcome only after a long, hard struggle by a popular movement which slowly emerged within the strict confines of the authoritarian Soviet regime.Less
This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war years right through to the end of the Soviet Union in 1991. It describes in detail the problems they encountered during demobilization, the dysfunctional bureaucracy they had to deal with once back, and the way their reintegration into civilian life worked in practice in one of the most severely destroyed countries of Europe. It pays particular attention to groups with specific problems such as the disabled, former prisoners of war, women soldiers and youth. Using a wealth of archival documents as well as the recollections of veterans, contemporary movies, periodicals, and literature, this book analyses the old soldiers' long struggle for recognition and the eventual emergence of an organized movement in the years after the dictator's death. The Soviet state at first refused to recognize veterans as a group worth special privileges or as an organization. They were not a group conceived of in Marxist‐Leninist theory, there was suspicion about their political loyalty, and the leadership worried about the costs of a special status for such a large population group. And as the book shows, these preconceptions were overcome only after a long, hard struggle by a popular movement which slowly emerged within the strict confines of the authoritarian Soviet regime.
Monica Kim
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691166223
- eISBN:
- 9780691185040
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166223.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Traditional histories of the Korean War have long focused on violations of the thirty-eighth parallel, the line drawn by American and Soviet officials in 1945 dividing the Korean peninsula. But this ...
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Traditional histories of the Korean War have long focused on violations of the thirty-eighth parallel, the line drawn by American and Soviet officials in 1945 dividing the Korean peninsula. But this book presents an entirely new narrative, shifting the perspective from the boundaries of the battlefield to inside the interrogation room. The book demonstrates how the Korean War evolved from a fight over territory to one over human interiority and the individual human subject, forging the template for the US wars of intervention that would predominate during the latter half of the twentieth century and beyond. The book looks at how, during the armistice negotiations, the United States and their allies proposed a new kind of interrogation room: one in which prisoners of war could exercise their “free will” and choose which country they would go to after the ceasefire. The global controversy that erupted exposed how interrogation rooms had become a flashpoint for the struggles between the ambitions of empire and the demands for decolonization, as the aim of interrogation was to produce subjects who attested to a nation's right to govern. The complex web of interrogators and prisoners that the book uncovers contradicts the simple story in US popular memory of “brainwashing” during the Korean War. Bringing together a vast range of sources that track two generations of people moving between three continents, the book delves into an essential yet overlooked aspect of modern warfare in the twentieth century.Less
Traditional histories of the Korean War have long focused on violations of the thirty-eighth parallel, the line drawn by American and Soviet officials in 1945 dividing the Korean peninsula. But this book presents an entirely new narrative, shifting the perspective from the boundaries of the battlefield to inside the interrogation room. The book demonstrates how the Korean War evolved from a fight over territory to one over human interiority and the individual human subject, forging the template for the US wars of intervention that would predominate during the latter half of the twentieth century and beyond. The book looks at how, during the armistice negotiations, the United States and their allies proposed a new kind of interrogation room: one in which prisoners of war could exercise their “free will” and choose which country they would go to after the ceasefire. The global controversy that erupted exposed how interrogation rooms had become a flashpoint for the struggles between the ambitions of empire and the demands for decolonization, as the aim of interrogation was to produce subjects who attested to a nation's right to govern. The complex web of interrogators and prisoners that the book uncovers contradicts the simple story in US popular memory of “brainwashing” during the Korean War. Bringing together a vast range of sources that track two generations of people moving between three continents, the book delves into an essential yet overlooked aspect of modern warfare in the twentieth century.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter shows how towns contributed to the war effort in more indirect ways. They generally kept watches and maintained warning beacons, but they were wary of hosting garrisons or billeting ...
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This chapter shows how towns contributed to the war effort in more indirect ways. They generally kept watches and maintained warning beacons, but they were wary of hosting garrisons or billeting other troops until they felt immediately threatened, for troops threatened to bring both disorder and political subjection. Keeping prisoners of war and supplying food and carts for army logistics might each be a source of profit or a burden. English towns drew less benefit from the arms trade than those in the Netherlands. Refugees and discharged soldiers strained urban poor relief systems, but encouraged their elaboration.Less
This chapter shows how towns contributed to the war effort in more indirect ways. They generally kept watches and maintained warning beacons, but they were wary of hosting garrisons or billeting other troops until they felt immediately threatened, for troops threatened to bring both disorder and political subjection. Keeping prisoners of war and supplying food and carts for army logistics might each be a source of profit or a burden. English towns drew less benefit from the arms trade than those in the Netherlands. Refugees and discharged soldiers strained urban poor relief systems, but encouraged their elaboration.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.012
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter asks what risks war posed to the nobility and what profits it offered. Captivity and ransom, injury and death were greater threats in the Netherlands, though real enough in England; so ...
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This chapter asks what risks war posed to the nobility and what profits it offered. Captivity and ransom, injury and death were greater threats in the Netherlands, though real enough in England; so was the devastation of estates. The wages of war left most noblemen out of pocket, but they found compensation in other ways: large fees for military posts, profits from prisoners, and plunder were all more important in the Netherlands; titles, lands, and offices from a grateful king more so in England. Similarly successful command seems to have been a more direct route to political influence in the England of Henry VIII, than in the Netherlands of the regents Margaret of Austria and Mary of Hungary.Less
This chapter asks what risks war posed to the nobility and what profits it offered. Captivity and ransom, injury and death were greater threats in the Netherlands, though real enough in England; so was the devastation of estates. The wages of war left most noblemen out of pocket, but they found compensation in other ways: large fees for military posts, profits from prisoners, and plunder were all more important in the Netherlands; titles, lands, and offices from a grateful king more so in England. Similarly successful command seems to have been a more direct route to political influence in the England of Henry VIII, than in the Netherlands of the regents Margaret of Austria and Mary of Hungary.
Steven Casey
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195306927
- eISBN:
- 9780199867936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195306927.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision ...
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Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision to intervene in Korea. As the campaign progressed, Eisenhower's comments became more critical. But even his decisive promise to voters to “go to Korea” was ambiguous. It was intended to signal that something new had to be done to end the fighting, while leaving Ike free to decide precisely what—and, crucially, while also ensuring that he kept his distance from MacArthur and the Republican right. On becoming president, Eisenhower therefore retained a good deal of freedom. But in terms of public relations, he swiftly made many of the same mistakes that had plagued Truman's early efforts. And only Stalin's death, which in turn led to a thawing of the communist position, revived the armistice negotiations and resulted in an end to this long and costly war.Less
Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision to intervene in Korea. As the campaign progressed, Eisenhower's comments became more critical. But even his decisive promise to voters to “go to Korea” was ambiguous. It was intended to signal that something new had to be done to end the fighting, while leaving Ike free to decide precisely what—and, crucially, while also ensuring that he kept his distance from MacArthur and the Republican right. On becoming president, Eisenhower therefore retained a good deal of freedom. But in terms of public relations, he swiftly made many of the same mistakes that had plagued Truman's early efforts. And only Stalin's death, which in turn led to a thawing of the communist position, revived the armistice negotiations and resulted in an end to this long and costly war.
Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0000
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed conflicts and those in non-international armed conflicts. This chapter provides overviews of each chapter of the book, and includes explanatory notes on methodology and terminology employed in the textLess
This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed conflicts and those in non-international armed conflicts. This chapter provides overviews of each chapter of the book, and includes explanatory notes on methodology and terminology employed in the text
Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the nature of POW and combatant status, exploring the origins and historical evolution of combatant/POW status. The chapter looks at what combatant/POW status comprises, that ...
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This chapter examines the nature of POW and combatant status, exploring the origins and historical evolution of combatant/POW status. The chapter looks at what combatant/POW status comprises, that is, what rules and responsibilities the status entails. The chapter looks at why the status is important, and what consequences result from denial or loss of combatant/POW designation. Finally, this chapter also examines why combatant/POW status is denied to participants in non-international armed conflicts.Less
This chapter examines the nature of POW and combatant status, exploring the origins and historical evolution of combatant/POW status. The chapter looks at what combatant/POW status comprises, that is, what rules and responsibilities the status entails. The chapter looks at why the status is important, and what consequences result from denial or loss of combatant/POW designation. Finally, this chapter also examines why combatant/POW status is denied to participants in non-international armed conflicts.
Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter compares the scope and interpretation of the provisions of Geneva Convention III relating to prisoners of war, and sees whether the law of non-international armed conflicts includes ...
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This chapter compares the scope and interpretation of the provisions of Geneva Convention III relating to prisoners of war, and sees whether the law of non-international armed conflicts includes equivalent provisions. In doing so, this chapter demonstrates that the bulk of the POW rights and protections of Convention III can be found in the law of non-international armed conflict.Less
This chapter compares the scope and interpretation of the provisions of Geneva Convention III relating to prisoners of war, and sees whether the law of non-international armed conflicts includes equivalent provisions. In doing so, this chapter demonstrates that the bulk of the POW rights and protections of Convention III can be found in the law of non-international armed conflict.
Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter looks to the law of international human rights, which provides further rules regarding the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty in relation to a non-international armed ...
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This chapter looks to the law of international human rights, which provides further rules regarding the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty in relation to a non-international armed conflict. The protections of international human rights law act to supplement the IHL rules, so that it is possible to speak of a substantial body of rules applicable in non-international armed conflict that effectively duplicate nearly all the protections afforded to combatants and POWs.Less
This chapter looks to the law of international human rights, which provides further rules regarding the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty in relation to a non-international armed conflict. The protections of international human rights law act to supplement the IHL rules, so that it is possible to speak of a substantial body of rules applicable in non-international armed conflict that effectively duplicate nearly all the protections afforded to combatants and POWs.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
A second problem group consisted of former prisoners of war (POWs). Their handicap was political rather than physical. The Stalinist regime was extremely suspicious of anybody who had been under ...
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A second problem group consisted of former prisoners of war (POWs). Their handicap was political rather than physical. The Stalinist regime was extremely suspicious of anybody who had been under enemy control, in particular soldiers who had, as the official euphemism called it, ‘given themselves into captivity’. POWs were screened by the secret police in so‐called ‘filtration camps' (where they had to perform forced labour) before being released back into the army or home, if they had not been arrested and deported to Siberian exile or the Gulag during the process. Once outside of the barbed wire, these veterans remained on the watch‐lists of the security apparatus, and were frequently arrested again in the last years of Stalin's rule. Only in the 1950s did they receive a somewhat silent rehabilitation, while official recognition of their wartime and postwar suffering had to wait until the 1980s.Less
A second problem group consisted of former prisoners of war (POWs). Their handicap was political rather than physical. The Stalinist regime was extremely suspicious of anybody who had been under enemy control, in particular soldiers who had, as the official euphemism called it, ‘given themselves into captivity’. POWs were screened by the secret police in so‐called ‘filtration camps' (where they had to perform forced labour) before being released back into the army or home, if they had not been arrested and deported to Siberian exile or the Gulag during the process. Once outside of the barbed wire, these veterans remained on the watch‐lists of the security apparatus, and were frequently arrested again in the last years of Stalin's rule. Only in the 1950s did they receive a somewhat silent rehabilitation, while official recognition of their wartime and postwar suffering had to wait until the 1980s.
Paul Maddrell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267507
- eISBN:
- 9780191708404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267507.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on an even more valuable type of informant: Germans forced to work in the Soviet Union itself. It explains that the war showed the Soviet leaders that their country was backward ...
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This chapter focuses on an even more valuable type of informant: Germans forced to work in the Soviet Union itself. It explains that the war showed the Soviet leaders that their country was backward in military technology, particularly with regard to Germany and the USA. It adds that Stalin set the USSR the aim of catching up with the West in the most crucial military technologies. It narrates that the great flow of prisoners-of-war from the USSR supplied valuable sources of intelligence on the industry, military installations, growing military-industrial complexes, and topography of the USSR.Less
This chapter focuses on an even more valuable type of informant: Germans forced to work in the Soviet Union itself. It explains that the war showed the Soviet leaders that their country was backward in military technology, particularly with regard to Germany and the USA. It adds that Stalin set the USSR the aim of catching up with the West in the most crucial military technologies. It narrates that the great flow of prisoners-of-war from the USSR supplied valuable sources of intelligence on the industry, military installations, growing military-industrial complexes, and topography of the USSR.
NEVILLE WYLIE
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206903
- eISBN:
- 9780191717338
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206903.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
This chapter examines British attitudes towards Switzerland's policy of ‘active’ neutrality. It demonstrates how a convergence of interests between the two countries on how to respond to the ...
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This chapter examines British attitudes towards Switzerland's policy of ‘active’ neutrality. It demonstrates how a convergence of interests between the two countries on how to respond to the Holocaust effectively made London complicit in Berne's restrictive policy towards refugees from 1942. The Swiss were, however, able to promote the image of a ‘good Samaritan’ in British eyes by providing a safe haven for escaped British prisoners of war and servicemen seeking to evade capture. More particularly, from late 1941, Berne won praise for its adroit work as ‘protecting power’ in the Axis and Axis controlled territories. The chapter shows how British gratitude for these services influenced official thinking and helped justify support for Swiss interests in other areas.Less
This chapter examines British attitudes towards Switzerland's policy of ‘active’ neutrality. It demonstrates how a convergence of interests between the two countries on how to respond to the Holocaust effectively made London complicit in Berne's restrictive policy towards refugees from 1942. The Swiss were, however, able to promote the image of a ‘good Samaritan’ in British eyes by providing a safe haven for escaped British prisoners of war and servicemen seeking to evade capture. More particularly, from late 1941, Berne won praise for its adroit work as ‘protecting power’ in the Axis and Axis controlled territories. The chapter shows how British gratitude for these services influenced official thinking and helped justify support for Swiss interests in other areas.
Matthews James
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199655748
- eISBN:
- 9780199949953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199655748.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines serious breaches of discipline in both Nationalist and Republican armies. These threatened their systems of recruitment and their capacity to retain conscripted men within the ...
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This chapter examines serious breaches of discipline in both Nationalist and Republican armies. These threatened their systems of recruitment and their capacity to retain conscripted men within the armed forces. It examines the motivation behind decisions to defect and desert, and also looks at the opportunities outwardly to conform to mobilization, while simultaneously procuring the safest possible posting within both armies. The chapter also focuses on both sides’ attempts to limit the number of men avoiding military service, including via self-mutilation, and examines the measures for ‘recycling’ deserters and prisoners of war. These men were monitored and, if their conduct and background checks allowed it, they were enlisted to fight in their captors’ army. While this was practiced by both sides, it was particularly important for the Nationalists because they captured more enemy soldiers than the Republic.Less
This chapter examines serious breaches of discipline in both Nationalist and Republican armies. These threatened their systems of recruitment and their capacity to retain conscripted men within the armed forces. It examines the motivation behind decisions to defect and desert, and also looks at the opportunities outwardly to conform to mobilization, while simultaneously procuring the safest possible posting within both armies. The chapter also focuses on both sides’ attempts to limit the number of men avoiding military service, including via self-mutilation, and examines the measures for ‘recycling’ deserters and prisoners of war. These men were monitored and, if their conduct and background checks allowed it, they were enlisted to fight in their captors’ army. While this was practiced by both sides, it was particularly important for the Nationalists because they captured more enemy soldiers than the Republic.
John Childs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693627
- eISBN:
- 9780191741258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693627.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The ‘Ancient Laws of War’ were uncodified yet widely observed by combatants involved in wars between European states of the same or similar religious confessions. Beyond these specific categories, ...
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The ‘Ancient Laws of War’ were uncodified yet widely observed by combatants involved in wars between European states of the same or similar religious confessions. Beyond these specific categories, especially in conflicts involving Christians and Muslims, the laws were ignored or only partially followed. Whilst the laws gave detailed advice and directions on the conduct of siege warfare, the most frequent type of military operation, they said little about the process by which soldiers might surrender in open battle or the subsequent treatment of such prisoners. Consequently, although capitulation by individuals, units or formations was relatively unusual, soldiers wishing to surrender sought to do so by agreeing treaties of capitulation, similar in nature to those arranged at the termination of formal sieges.Less
The ‘Ancient Laws of War’ were uncodified yet widely observed by combatants involved in wars between European states of the same or similar religious confessions. Beyond these specific categories, especially in conflicts involving Christians and Muslims, the laws were ignored or only partially followed. Whilst the laws gave detailed advice and directions on the conduct of siege warfare, the most frequent type of military operation, they said little about the process by which soldiers might surrender in open battle or the subsequent treatment of such prisoners. Consequently, although capitulation by individuals, units or formations was relatively unusual, soldiers wishing to surrender sought to do so by agreeing treaties of capitulation, similar in nature to those arranged at the termination of formal sieges.
Ken Miller
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450556
- eISBN:
- 9780801454943
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450556.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book reveals how wartime pressures nurtured a budding patriotism in the ethnically diverse revolutionary community of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. During the Revolutionary War, American ...
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This book reveals how wartime pressures nurtured a budding patriotism in the ethnically diverse revolutionary community of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. During the Revolutionary War, American revolutionaries held more than 13,000 prisoners in makeshift detention camps far from the fighting. As the Americans' principal site for incarcerating enemy prisoners of war, Lancaster stood at the nexus of two vastly different revolutionary worlds: one national, the other intensely local. Captives came under the control of local officials loosely supervised by state and national authorities. Concentrating the prisoners in the heart of their communities brought the revolutionaries' enemies to their doorstep, with residents now facing a daily war at home. Many prisoners openly defied their hosts, fleeing, plotting, and rebelling, often with the clandestine support of local loyalists. By early 1779, General George Washington, furious over the captives' ongoing attempts to subvert the American war effort, branded them “dangerous guests in the bowels of our Country.” The challenge of creating an autonomous national identity in the newly emerging United States was nowhere more evident than in Lancaster, where the establishment of a detention camp served as a flashpoint for new conflict in a community already unsettled by stark ethnic, linguistic, and religious differences. Many Lancaster residents soon sympathized with the Hessians detained in their town while the loyalist population considered the British detainees to be the true patriots of the war. The book demonstrates that in Lancaster, the notably local character of the war reinforced not only preoccupations with internal security but also novel commitments to cause and country.Less
This book reveals how wartime pressures nurtured a budding patriotism in the ethnically diverse revolutionary community of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. During the Revolutionary War, American revolutionaries held more than 13,000 prisoners in makeshift detention camps far from the fighting. As the Americans' principal site for incarcerating enemy prisoners of war, Lancaster stood at the nexus of two vastly different revolutionary worlds: one national, the other intensely local. Captives came under the control of local officials loosely supervised by state and national authorities. Concentrating the prisoners in the heart of their communities brought the revolutionaries' enemies to their doorstep, with residents now facing a daily war at home. Many prisoners openly defied their hosts, fleeing, plotting, and rebelling, often with the clandestine support of local loyalists. By early 1779, General George Washington, furious over the captives' ongoing attempts to subvert the American war effort, branded them “dangerous guests in the bowels of our Country.” The challenge of creating an autonomous national identity in the newly emerging United States was nowhere more evident than in Lancaster, where the establishment of a detention camp served as a flashpoint for new conflict in a community already unsettled by stark ethnic, linguistic, and religious differences. Many Lancaster residents soon sympathized with the Hessians detained in their town while the loyalist population considered the British detainees to be the true patriots of the war. The book demonstrates that in Lancaster, the notably local character of the war reinforced not only preoccupations with internal security but also novel commitments to cause and country.
Mark Rawlinson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198184560
- eISBN:
- 9780191674303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198184560.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter examines the critical perspectives on the insularity of Britain at war which were achieved in wartime writings by and about prisoners of war in Europe. Stories of daring escape, rather ...
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This chapter examines the critical perspectives on the insularity of Britain at war which were achieved in wartime writings by and about prisoners of war in Europe. Stories of daring escape, rather than re-educative confinement, were predominant in immediately post-war culture, but it is argued that these forms of remembrance were determined in part by the wartime symbols and concepts.Less
This chapter examines the critical perspectives on the insularity of Britain at war which were achieved in wartime writings by and about prisoners of war in Europe. Stories of daring escape, rather than re-educative confinement, were predominant in immediately post-war culture, but it is argued that these forms of remembrance were determined in part by the wartime symbols and concepts.
