PAUL ZANKER
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197262764
- eISBN:
- 9780191753947
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262764.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
A Roman emperor was defined not simply by his own actions, but also by the manner in which he presented himself, the way he appeared in public, and the personal style he adopted in his interaction ...
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A Roman emperor was defined not simply by his own actions, but also by the manner in which he presented himself, the way he appeared in public, and the personal style he adopted in his interaction with the Senate and the people. A major element of that style lay in the manner of his domestic life and, closely related to this, how he handled the rituals associated with the imperial residence, such as the salutation and, above all, the invitations to an imperial convivium. Should the power of the emperor be put on display or concealed? In what kinds of settings should he carry out his duties? How could he simultaneously show off his status and power while playing the princeps in the manner of Augustus? It was evident from the very start that here was a fundamental flaw in the artful construction of Augustus. This is most evident in the honorific statues and other monuments associated with the worship of the emperor, in which Augustus and his Julio-Claudian successors, during their lifetimes, were represented both as civic officials in the toga and as nude figures with bodies modelled on gods and heroes. This chapter tries to understand better the new residence that Domitian built on the Palatine, at vast expense, to the plans of the architect Rabirius (according to Martial 7. 56), as a monument of imperial projection.Less
A Roman emperor was defined not simply by his own actions, but also by the manner in which he presented himself, the way he appeared in public, and the personal style he adopted in his interaction with the Senate and the people. A major element of that style lay in the manner of his domestic life and, closely related to this, how he handled the rituals associated with the imperial residence, such as the salutation and, above all, the invitations to an imperial convivium. Should the power of the emperor be put on display or concealed? In what kinds of settings should he carry out his duties? How could he simultaneously show off his status and power while playing the princeps in the manner of Augustus? It was evident from the very start that here was a fundamental flaw in the artful construction of Augustus. This is most evident in the honorific statues and other monuments associated with the worship of the emperor, in which Augustus and his Julio-Claudian successors, during their lifetimes, were represented both as civic officials in the toga and as nude figures with bodies modelled on gods and heroes. This chapter tries to understand better the new residence that Domitian built on the Palatine, at vast expense, to the plans of the architect Rabirius (according to Martial 7. 56), as a monument of imperial projection.
Jasper Griffin
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263235
- eISBN:
- 9780191734328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263235.003.0013
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
Quintus Horatius Flaccus brought his first three books of Odes before the public in 23 bc. They came with impressive sponsors, addressed to Maecenas, the second to the Princeps himself, the fourth to ...
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Quintus Horatius Flaccus brought his first three books of Odes before the public in 23 bc. They came with impressive sponsors, addressed to Maecenas, the second to the Princeps himself, the fourth to L. Sestius and M. Agrippa. Horace did not repeat, in books 1 to 3, the bold stroke of directly addressing the Princeps; that was reserved for book 4, odes 5 and 15. This chapter describes his relation to Augustus, and the relation of his poetry to the imperial propaganda. What is called ‘Augustan poetry’ is so intimately connected with the estimate of the crucial event in Roman history, the change from Republic to Empire, that both historians and literary scholars find the question fascinating.Less
Quintus Horatius Flaccus brought his first three books of Odes before the public in 23 bc. They came with impressive sponsors, addressed to Maecenas, the second to the Princeps himself, the fourth to L. Sestius and M. Agrippa. Horace did not repeat, in books 1 to 3, the bold stroke of directly addressing the Princeps; that was reserved for book 4, odes 5 and 15. This chapter describes his relation to Augustus, and the relation of his poetry to the imperial propaganda. What is called ‘Augustan poetry’ is so intimately connected with the estimate of the crucial event in Roman history, the change from Republic to Empire, that both historians and literary scholars find the question fascinating.
Robert H. F. Carver
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217861
- eISBN:
- 9780191712357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217861.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter explores the printing of Apuleius' works. In 1464, two German clerics, Konrad Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, arrived at the Benedictine monastery of Santa Scolastica in Subiaco, 47 miles ...
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This chapter explores the printing of Apuleius' works. In 1464, two German clerics, Konrad Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, arrived at the Benedictine monastery of Santa Scolastica in Subiaco, 47 miles to the east of Rome. What made these new arrivals unique was their baggage. They brought with them items that had never been used before in Italy: cases of movable type, that marvel of 15th-century German ingenuity which had transformed the familiar technology of agricultural extraction (the screw-press) into an engine of reproduction. In 1469, the editio princeps of Apuleius' works appeared (without commentary) in Rome, the colophon being dated 28 February. The folio was edited by Sweynheim and Pannartz's corrector, the Bishop of Aleria (in Corsica), Giovanni Andrea de Bussi (Johannes Andreas de Buxis), and dedicated to no less a personage than Pope Paul II (1464-71) who had appointed him papal librarian in 1467.Less
This chapter explores the printing of Apuleius' works. In 1464, two German clerics, Konrad Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, arrived at the Benedictine monastery of Santa Scolastica in Subiaco, 47 miles to the east of Rome. What made these new arrivals unique was their baggage. They brought with them items that had never been used before in Italy: cases of movable type, that marvel of 15th-century German ingenuity which had transformed the familiar technology of agricultural extraction (the screw-press) into an engine of reproduction. In 1469, the editio princeps of Apuleius' works appeared (without commentary) in Rome, the colophon being dated 28 February. The folio was edited by Sweynheim and Pannartz's corrector, the Bishop of Aleria (in Corsica), Giovanni Andrea de Bussi (Johannes Andreas de Buxis), and dedicated to no less a personage than Pope Paul II (1464-71) who had appointed him papal librarian in 1467.
Andrew Pettinger
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199601745
- eISBN:
- 9780191741524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199601745.003.0013
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
Chapter Twelve offers a new interpretation for the destruction of Drusus Libo. It is argued that Drusus Libo was a problem for Tiberius in AD 14. He was wooed by Agrippa’s supporters, but finally ...
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Chapter Twelve offers a new interpretation for the destruction of Drusus Libo. It is argued that Drusus Libo was a problem for Tiberius in AD 14. He was wooed by Agrippa’s supporters, but finally accepted an offer from Tiberius to form a political alliance. Feeling more secure, Tiberius formally acknowledged his position as Princeps. The alliance was, however, awkward and unstable and fell apart in AD 16. Drusus Libo turned instead to Tiberius’ enemies, who were planning to overthrow the government using a pseudo-Agrippa (i.e. Clemens). It is proposed that the conspirators were planning to dismantle the Principate and call free elections: an open rebuke of Augustus’ legacy and Tiberius’ domination.Less
Chapter Twelve offers a new interpretation for the destruction of Drusus Libo. It is argued that Drusus Libo was a problem for Tiberius in AD 14. He was wooed by Agrippa’s supporters, but finally accepted an offer from Tiberius to form a political alliance. Feeling more secure, Tiberius formally acknowledged his position as Princeps. The alliance was, however, awkward and unstable and fell apart in AD 16. Drusus Libo turned instead to Tiberius’ enemies, who were planning to overthrow the government using a pseudo-Agrippa (i.e. Clemens). It is proposed that the conspirators were planning to dismantle the Principate and call free elections: an open rebuke of Augustus’ legacy and Tiberius’ domination.
David Trobisch
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112405
- eISBN:
- 9780199848898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112405.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
Because making modifications to the original texts of the New Testament was not thought of as something unethical, there is a chance that the New Testament we are familiar with today does not possess ...
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Because making modifications to the original texts of the New Testament was not thought of as something unethical, there is a chance that the New Testament we are familiar with today does not possess the same wordings as the Greek manuscripts. More importance, however, is given to the other features of the Canonical Edition than to the exact text wordings. While these features can be observed in new printed editions of the bible, modern contextual criticism is employed to come up with an edition that signifies the editio princeps of the Canonical Edition. As the author believes that the original intent of the texts should be considered for the redactional design, he suggests that several changes, like the ones discussed in this chapter, be integrated in modern versions of the Christian Bible.Less
Because making modifications to the original texts of the New Testament was not thought of as something unethical, there is a chance that the New Testament we are familiar with today does not possess the same wordings as the Greek manuscripts. More importance, however, is given to the other features of the Canonical Edition than to the exact text wordings. While these features can be observed in new printed editions of the bible, modern contextual criticism is employed to come up with an edition that signifies the editio princeps of the Canonical Edition. As the author believes that the original intent of the texts should be considered for the redactional design, he suggests that several changes, like the ones discussed in this chapter, be integrated in modern versions of the Christian Bible.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0015
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
Caesar's Gallic campaign was unprovoked and led to the destruction of the old civilisation, which was gradually replaced by a Romanised one; and Pliny and Plutarch agreed that it was an act of ...
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Caesar's Gallic campaign was unprovoked and led to the destruction of the old civilisation, which was gradually replaced by a Romanised one; and Pliny and Plutarch agreed that it was an act of genocide of monstrous proportions. It was all for one end: the protagonist and instigator of the venture cynically used the genocide in the political struggle at home. Part of his objective was also to capture a huge number of slaves who were useful for demagogic purposes. Caesar knew well that, without a counter to Pompey's military glory, an equal division of power with him would be impossible, especially after Crassus' death. Thus the impressive military achievement in Gaul in the years 58–51 bc reveals itself as a twofold triumph: it was the vehicle of Romanisation of a large part of the North European West; and at the same time it provided the aspiring princeps with the authority, military and legal, that he needed, as part of a long praeparatio for the day of reckoning and civil war.Less
Caesar's Gallic campaign was unprovoked and led to the destruction of the old civilisation, which was gradually replaced by a Romanised one; and Pliny and Plutarch agreed that it was an act of genocide of monstrous proportions. It was all for one end: the protagonist and instigator of the venture cynically used the genocide in the political struggle at home. Part of his objective was also to capture a huge number of slaves who were useful for demagogic purposes. Caesar knew well that, without a counter to Pompey's military glory, an equal division of power with him would be impossible, especially after Crassus' death. Thus the impressive military achievement in Gaul in the years 58–51 bc reveals itself as a twofold triumph: it was the vehicle of Romanisation of a large part of the North European West; and at the same time it provided the aspiring princeps with the authority, military and legal, that he needed, as part of a long praeparatio for the day of reckoning and civil war.
Josiah Osgood, Kit Morrell, and Kathryn Welch (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190901400
- eISBN:
- 9780190901431
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190901400.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
The princeps Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE), recognized as the first of the Roman emperors, looms large in the teaching and writing of Roman history. Major political, literary, and artistic developments ...
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The princeps Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE), recognized as the first of the Roman emperors, looms large in the teaching and writing of Roman history. Major political, literary, and artistic developments alike are attributed to him. This book deliberately and provocatively shifts the focus off Augustus while still looking at events of his time. Contributors uncover the perspectives and contributions of a range of individuals other than the princeps. Not all thought they were living in the “Augustan Age.” Not all took their cues from Augustus. In their self-display or ideas for reform, some anticipated Augustus. Others found ways to oppose him that also helped to shape the future of their community. The volume challenges the very idea of an “Augustan Age” by breaking down traditional turning points and showing the continuous experimentation and development of these years to be in continuity with earlier Roman culture. In showcasing absences of Augustus and giving other figures their due, the chapters of this volume make a seemingly familiar period startlingly new.Less
The princeps Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE), recognized as the first of the Roman emperors, looms large in the teaching and writing of Roman history. Major political, literary, and artistic developments alike are attributed to him. This book deliberately and provocatively shifts the focus off Augustus while still looking at events of his time. Contributors uncover the perspectives and contributions of a range of individuals other than the princeps. Not all thought they were living in the “Augustan Age.” Not all took their cues from Augustus. In their self-display or ideas for reform, some anticipated Augustus. Others found ways to oppose him that also helped to shape the future of their community. The volume challenges the very idea of an “Augustan Age” by breaking down traditional turning points and showing the continuous experimentation and development of these years to be in continuity with earlier Roman culture. In showcasing absences of Augustus and giving other figures their due, the chapters of this volume make a seemingly familiar period startlingly new.
Holly Haynes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520236509
- eISBN:
- 9780520929555
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520236509.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter discusses the accession of Vespasian and also looks at how Roman ideology enters a new phase—that of superstitio—in which Roman society legitimates the princeps as a military dictator by ...
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This chapter discusses the accession of Vespasian and also looks at how Roman ideology enters a new phase—that of superstitio—in which Roman society legitimates the princeps as a military dictator by believing he has literal, godlike powers. Tacitus allows that of all the previous emperors, Vespasian was the only one who changed for the better, and speaks well of his soldierly abilities while simultaneously mentioning his stinginess. However, the latter trait, reminiscent of Galba, does not bode well. Tacitus also remarks upon the fact that to pay for munitions, Vespasian imposes a heavy financial burden, sustained by delationes, upon the wealthy; it is a practice that does not cease with the war.Less
This chapter discusses the accession of Vespasian and also looks at how Roman ideology enters a new phase—that of superstitio—in which Roman society legitimates the princeps as a military dictator by believing he has literal, godlike powers. Tacitus allows that of all the previous emperors, Vespasian was the only one who changed for the better, and speaks well of his soldierly abilities while simultaneously mentioning his stinginess. However, the latter trait, reminiscent of Galba, does not bode well. Tacitus also remarks upon the fact that to pay for munitions, Vespasian imposes a heavy financial burden, sustained by delationes, upon the wealthy; it is a practice that does not cease with the war.
Harriet I. Flower
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807830635
- eISBN:
- 9781469603438
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877463_flower.10
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
This chapter discusses the beginning of the principate, which marked the introduction of changes to virtually every area of the political and social life of Rome's leading citizens and of their ...
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This chapter discusses the beginning of the principate, which marked the introduction of changes to virtually every area of the political and social life of Rome's leading citizens and of their families, and notes that the figure of the princeps, the leading man in Rome, now overshadowed the achievements and ambitions of others. It notes further that his family evolved from being a branch of the Iulii Caesares to being the domus Augusta, eventually even described as the domus divina. The chapter observes that the Augustan age fostered a renewed sense of memoria and of its uses, and notes that the distant past became fashionable and was recalled and re-created in a wide variety of monuments and rituals. It adds that new “memories” were also fashioned, memories that revolved around the central role of the princeps as leading citizen and savior of Rome.Less
This chapter discusses the beginning of the principate, which marked the introduction of changes to virtually every area of the political and social life of Rome's leading citizens and of their families, and notes that the figure of the princeps, the leading man in Rome, now overshadowed the achievements and ambitions of others. It notes further that his family evolved from being a branch of the Iulii Caesares to being the domus Augusta, eventually even described as the domus divina. The chapter observes that the Augustan age fostered a renewed sense of memoria and of its uses, and notes that the distant past became fashionable and was recalled and re-created in a wide variety of monuments and rituals. It adds that new “memories” were also fashioned, memories that revolved around the central role of the princeps as leading citizen and savior of Rome.
Miriam T. Griffin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199245482
- eISBN:
- 9780191744969
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245482.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, Ancient Greek, Roman, and Early Christian Philosophy
Seneca's De Beneficiis (On Benefits) is the only work surviving from antiquity that discusses the exchange of gifts and services. Though the topic is of great importance, in practical moral ...
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Seneca's De Beneficiis (On Benefits) is the only work surviving from antiquity that discusses the exchange of gifts and services. Though the topic is of great importance, in practical moral philosophy, sociology, and in the historical study of how Roman society worked, the treatise has received comparatively little scholarly notice in modern times. This is partly attributable to its length, Seneca's fullest treatment of a single subject, and its puzzling structure. This book aims to explain the philosophical, sociological, and historical significance of De Beneficiis, and make it more accessible to readers. Divided into three sections, the volume firstly defines the phenomenon Seneca treats in De Beneficiis, pointing out his Stoic orientation and the relevance of his discussion to the Roman elite's code of conduct and to the phenomenon of the Princeps. The second section explores the work itself: its date, addressee, structure, teaching strategy, its relation to other works of Seneca, and its later reputation up to the Renaissance. The final section provides a detailed synopsis of each book, accompanied by notes in commentary form, as well as separate biographical notes on the persons mentioned in De Beneficiis.Less
Seneca's De Beneficiis (On Benefits) is the only work surviving from antiquity that discusses the exchange of gifts and services. Though the topic is of great importance, in practical moral philosophy, sociology, and in the historical study of how Roman society worked, the treatise has received comparatively little scholarly notice in modern times. This is partly attributable to its length, Seneca's fullest treatment of a single subject, and its puzzling structure. This book aims to explain the philosophical, sociological, and historical significance of De Beneficiis, and make it more accessible to readers. Divided into three sections, the volume firstly defines the phenomenon Seneca treats in De Beneficiis, pointing out his Stoic orientation and the relevance of his discussion to the Roman elite's code of conduct and to the phenomenon of the Princeps. The second section explores the work itself: its date, addressee, structure, teaching strategy, its relation to other works of Seneca, and its later reputation up to the Renaissance. The final section provides a detailed synopsis of each book, accompanied by notes in commentary form, as well as separate biographical notes on the persons mentioned in De Beneficiis.
Miriam T. Griffin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199245482
- eISBN:
- 9780191744969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245482.003.0004
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, Ancient Greek, Roman, and Early Christian Philosophy
This chapter begins with a discussion of what Seneca theorizing is about, and to what purpose. It then turns to the relevance of De beneficiis to contemporary Roman society; De beneficiis as a ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of what Seneca theorizing is about, and to what purpose. It then turns to the relevance of De beneficiis to contemporary Roman society; De beneficiis as a reaction to social change; the aristocratic code and the Princeps; the social aspect of civilitas; the limitations of Seneca's perspective on beneficence; and the personal perspective of the amicus principis on beneficence.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of what Seneca theorizing is about, and to what purpose. It then turns to the relevance of De beneficiis to contemporary Roman society; De beneficiis as a reaction to social change; the aristocratic code and the Princeps; the social aspect of civilitas; the limitations of Seneca's perspective on beneficence; and the personal perspective of the amicus principis on beneficence.
