Neil Fligstein and Jason McNichol
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294641
- eISBN:
- 9780191601071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294646.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Examines some historical examples of the process by which the European Union has created ‘policy domains’ in which EU jurisdiction has come to usurp that of member governments. It explores two ...
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Examines some historical examples of the process by which the European Union has created ‘policy domains’ in which EU jurisdiction has come to usurp that of member governments. It explores two related themes: first, it demonstrates that the analytical concept of a policy domain provides a useful means of describing the institutional and legislative terrain over which the EU is acquiring control; second, it describes the evolution of such domains over time, starting with their inception through treaties such as the Treaty of Rome, and their growth as a function of treaty revisions and extensions. It documents the relationship between the presence of transnational pressure groups within the EU and the production of legislation, clarifying the differences between policy domains where cooperation has remained firmly intergovernmental and those where control has effectively passed into the EU's supranational competence.Less
Examines some historical examples of the process by which the European Union has created ‘policy domains’ in which EU jurisdiction has come to usurp that of member governments. It explores two related themes: first, it demonstrates that the analytical concept of a policy domain provides a useful means of describing the institutional and legislative terrain over which the EU is acquiring control; second, it describes the evolution of such domains over time, starting with their inception through treaties such as the Treaty of Rome, and their growth as a function of treaty revisions and extensions. It documents the relationship between the presence of transnational pressure groups within the EU and the production of legislation, clarifying the differences between policy domains where cooperation has remained firmly intergovernmental and those where control has effectively passed into the EU's supranational competence.
Jeremy Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262948
- eISBN:
- 9780191734762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262948.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The central paradox in reviewing the contribution of British political scientists to the understanding of these intermediary institutions is that both the number of scholars and the output have been ...
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The central paradox in reviewing the contribution of British political scientists to the understanding of these intermediary institutions is that both the number of scholars and the output have been considerable, yet the international impact has been relatively modest. Two explanations seem plausible. First, with a few notable exceptions, the centre of gravity of these studies has coincided with the centre of gravity of British political science as a whole – it is largely atheoretical in its research style. A second possible explanation is that studies in these fields have tended to focus on activities (of groups and social movements) or on office-holding (parties) and have been much less interested in power as a concept. Relatively little is known about the effects that this activity has on outcomes in terms of public policy or the distribution of power in society.Less
The central paradox in reviewing the contribution of British political scientists to the understanding of these intermediary institutions is that both the number of scholars and the output have been considerable, yet the international impact has been relatively modest. Two explanations seem plausible. First, with a few notable exceptions, the centre of gravity of these studies has coincided with the centre of gravity of British political science as a whole – it is largely atheoretical in its research style. A second possible explanation is that studies in these fields have tended to focus on activities (of groups and social movements) or on office-holding (parties) and have been much less interested in power as a concept. Relatively little is known about the effects that this activity has on outcomes in terms of public policy or the distribution of power in society.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198731214
- eISBN:
- 9780191694967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198731214.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
One constituent of the local and libertarian flavour of British political culture is voluntarism. Volunteers often organise themselves to promote the interests of themselves and/or of others, and the ...
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One constituent of the local and libertarian flavour of British political culture is voluntarism. Volunteers often organise themselves to promote the interests of themselves and/or of others, and the structures they create are often now labelled with the catch-all term ‘pressure group’. Its members join voluntarily, but often seek to coerce others: first, the politicians from whom they extract legislation; and then the general public, who are expected to obey it. The term ‘pressure group’ includes at least two types of institution, which differ both in the extent of their altruism and in how they operate: interest groups and cause groups. There is no clear distinction between pressure groups and political parties in Britain, and each can transform itself into the other. The three major political parties in Britain relate differently to pressure groups. Whereas members of the Liberal Party and Labour Party typically see hope in change, the Conservative Party typically sees only danger. One pressure group, or set of pressure groups, predominated with Labour: trade unions.Less
One constituent of the local and libertarian flavour of British political culture is voluntarism. Volunteers often organise themselves to promote the interests of themselves and/or of others, and the structures they create are often now labelled with the catch-all term ‘pressure group’. Its members join voluntarily, but often seek to coerce others: first, the politicians from whom they extract legislation; and then the general public, who are expected to obey it. The term ‘pressure group’ includes at least two types of institution, which differ both in the extent of their altruism and in how they operate: interest groups and cause groups. There is no clear distinction between pressure groups and political parties in Britain, and each can transform itself into the other. The three major political parties in Britain relate differently to pressure groups. Whereas members of the Liberal Party and Labour Party typically see hope in change, the Conservative Party typically sees only danger. One pressure group, or set of pressure groups, predominated with Labour: trade unions.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198731214
- eISBN:
- 9780191694967
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198731214.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
The British political system, though often criticised, has been the model and the inspiration for many national governments worldwide. Yet it is now at the centre of controversial debate within ...
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The British political system, though often criticised, has been the model and the inspiration for many national governments worldwide. Yet it is now at the centre of controversial debate within Britain itself. Over the 130 years since Bagehot wrote his English Constitution, no historian has investigated in depth how it has evolved in all its dimensions, and few political scientists have looked further back than the Second World War. This book provides a detailed explanation of how the British political system came to acquire the form it has today. The book's analysis runs continuously from the 1860s to the 1990s. It investigates such topics as civil liberties, pressure groups, parliament, elections and the parties, central and local government, cabinet, and monarchy. It also examines international and cultural influences on the working of the political system, and concludes by surveying contemporary proposals for reform.Less
The British political system, though often criticised, has been the model and the inspiration for many national governments worldwide. Yet it is now at the centre of controversial debate within Britain itself. Over the 130 years since Bagehot wrote his English Constitution, no historian has investigated in depth how it has evolved in all its dimensions, and few political scientists have looked further back than the Second World War. This book provides a detailed explanation of how the British political system came to acquire the form it has today. The book's analysis runs continuously from the 1860s to the 1990s. It investigates such topics as civil liberties, pressure groups, parliament, elections and the parties, central and local government, cabinet, and monarchy. It also examines international and cultural influences on the working of the political system, and concludes by surveying contemporary proposals for reform.
Virginia Berridge
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199260300
- eISBN:
- 9780191717376
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260300.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The emergence of media conscious public health activist groups in the 1960s and 1970s dealing with single issues such as smoking, diet, and heart disease or alcohol was a new development in this era ...
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The emergence of media conscious public health activist groups in the 1960s and 1970s dealing with single issues such as smoking, diet, and heart disease or alcohol was a new development in this era under discussion. This chapter focuses on the activities in the 1970s of one such activist group, ASH (Action on Smoking and Health), established in 1971; this was an exemplar of more general trends in public health. There, the ‘health pressure group’ largely replaced the formal public health occupation as a source of public pressure on health issues. The activities of such groups were at the national rather than the local level, and they used the national media as the vehicle for their message rather than more localized campaigns.Less
The emergence of media conscious public health activist groups in the 1960s and 1970s dealing with single issues such as smoking, diet, and heart disease or alcohol was a new development in this era under discussion. This chapter focuses on the activities in the 1970s of one such activist group, ASH (Action on Smoking and Health), established in 1971; this was an exemplar of more general trends in public health. There, the ‘health pressure group’ largely replaced the formal public health occupation as a source of public pressure on health issues. The activities of such groups were at the national rather than the local level, and they used the national media as the vehicle for their message rather than more localized campaigns.
Virginia Berridge and Alex Mold
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264829
- eISBN:
- 9780191754036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264829.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter explores the heightened professionalism of the voluntary sector as it adapted to the emergence of a new form of activist, as a way of analysing the utility of different methodological ...
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This chapter explores the heightened professionalism of the voluntary sector as it adapted to the emergence of a new form of activist, as a way of analysing the utility of different methodological approaches. Using the case-study of voluntary action around smoking and illegal drugs, it demonstrates that the distinctions between old and new politics, between insider and outsider groups, simply ‘melt away’ when closely examined. Instead, the chapter pays attention on the ‘in between spaces’ of the oppositional models, where organisations merged counter-cultural presentation and thought with more traditional pressure-group and service-provision activity, and combined policy challenge with partnership-working, a balancing act enabled by a surprisingly permissive statutory funding regime.Less
This chapter explores the heightened professionalism of the voluntary sector as it adapted to the emergence of a new form of activist, as a way of analysing the utility of different methodological approaches. Using the case-study of voluntary action around smoking and illegal drugs, it demonstrates that the distinctions between old and new politics, between insider and outsider groups, simply ‘melt away’ when closely examined. Instead, the chapter pays attention on the ‘in between spaces’ of the oppositional models, where organisations merged counter-cultural presentation and thought with more traditional pressure-group and service-provision activity, and combined policy challenge with partnership-working, a balancing act enabled by a surprisingly permissive statutory funding regime.
Nigel Yates
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198270133
- eISBN:
- 9780191683916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198270133.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History, History of Christianity
The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford ...
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The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford Movement, in its origins a small and obscurantist pressure group whose theological outlook was profoundly conservative. However, the movement unleashed other forces within both Church and nation anxious to break away from what they regarded as the mundaneness of official religion in England over the previous century and a half. Some were theological radicals anxious to take the rationalism of the 18th-century Church one stage further. Some were political radicals who wanted to reform the Church. Some were romantics who wanted the Church to return to the perceived orthodoxy of the Caroline divines or the ceremonial splendour of the Middle Ages. All these pressure groups vied with each other for power over the Church of England after 1820, and all could count their successes.Less
The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford Movement, in its origins a small and obscurantist pressure group whose theological outlook was profoundly conservative. However, the movement unleashed other forces within both Church and nation anxious to break away from what they regarded as the mundaneness of official religion in England over the previous century and a half. Some were theological radicals anxious to take the rationalism of the 18th-century Church one stage further. Some were political radicals who wanted to reform the Church. Some were romantics who wanted the Church to return to the perceived orthodoxy of the Caroline divines or the ceremonial splendour of the Middle Ages. All these pressure groups vied with each other for power over the Church of England after 1820, and all could count their successes.
Virginia Berridge
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199260300
- eISBN:
- 9780191717376
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260300.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book deals with changes in outlook of public health after the Second World War. Focussing on services, vaccination, and dealing with health issues at the local level, it can be seen that public ...
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This book deals with changes in outlook of public health after the Second World War. Focussing on services, vaccination, and dealing with health issues at the local level, it can be seen that public health developed a new discourse post war. Centring on chronic disease, it became concerned with the concept of ‘risk’ and targeted individual behaviour. The mass media and centralized campaigning directed at the whole population replaced local campaigns. Politicians' early worries about the ‘nanny state’ gave way to a desire to inculcate new norms of behaviour. How change was to be achieved became a matter of much debate. Identifying debates between those believing in ‘systematic gradualism’ and those who advocated a more coercive approach, this book uses smoking as a model. Such debates brought into play tensions over the relationships between public health and industrial interests. Health campaigning by new style pressure groups like ASH, which were part state funded, was an important motive force behind the change. In the 1980s and 1990s, public health changed again. Passive smoking and HIV/AIDS brought environmental concerns back into public health, which had disappeared after the 1950s. The ‘rise of addiction’ for smoking demonstrated the power of pharmaceutical interests to define a new ‘pharmaceutical public health’, in which treatment and ‘magic bullets’ were also tactics for prevention. In the early 21st century, public health was to play to complex tensions and conflicting impetuses. This book shows that those tensions were nothing new and outlines their development over the last half century.Less
This book deals with changes in outlook of public health after the Second World War. Focussing on services, vaccination, and dealing with health issues at the local level, it can be seen that public health developed a new discourse post war. Centring on chronic disease, it became concerned with the concept of ‘risk’ and targeted individual behaviour. The mass media and centralized campaigning directed at the whole population replaced local campaigns. Politicians' early worries about the ‘nanny state’ gave way to a desire to inculcate new norms of behaviour. How change was to be achieved became a matter of much debate. Identifying debates between those believing in ‘systematic gradualism’ and those who advocated a more coercive approach, this book uses smoking as a model. Such debates brought into play tensions over the relationships between public health and industrial interests. Health campaigning by new style pressure groups like ASH, which were part state funded, was an important motive force behind the change. In the 1980s and 1990s, public health changed again. Passive smoking and HIV/AIDS brought environmental concerns back into public health, which had disappeared after the 1950s. The ‘rise of addiction’ for smoking demonstrated the power of pharmaceutical interests to define a new ‘pharmaceutical public health’, in which treatment and ‘magic bullets’ were also tactics for prevention. In the early 21st century, public health was to play to complex tensions and conflicting impetuses. This book shows that those tensions were nothing new and outlines their development over the last half century.
PHILIP MURPHY
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205050
- eISBN:
- 9780191676475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205050.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the influence which the Conservative party's business links exerted over the attitudes of its members towards political developments in Africa. It explains in detail political ...
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This chapter examines the influence which the Conservative party's business links exerted over the attitudes of its members towards political developments in Africa. It explains in detail political parties and economic interests, business and the Conservative Party, business pressure groups, and business influence on Conservative colonial policy.Less
This chapter examines the influence which the Conservative party's business links exerted over the attitudes of its members towards political developments in Africa. It explains in detail political parties and economic interests, business and the Conservative Party, business pressure groups, and business influence on Conservative colonial policy.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The actual vitality of American Christianity’s cultural capital today resides almost exclusively among average people in the pew rather than those in leadership, on the periphery not the center of ...
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The actual vitality of American Christianity’s cultural capital today resides almost exclusively among average people in the pew rather than those in leadership, on the periphery not the center of cultural production, in tastes that run to the popular rather than the exceptional, the middle brow rather than the high brow, and almost always toward the practical as opposed to the theoretical or the imaginative. The collective impact of the Christian community of the nature and direction of the culture itself is negligible. They have been absent from the arenas in which the greatest influence in culture is exerted.Less
The actual vitality of American Christianity’s cultural capital today resides almost exclusively among average people in the pew rather than those in leadership, on the periphery not the center of cultural production, in tastes that run to the popular rather than the exceptional, the middle brow rather than the high brow, and almost always toward the practical as opposed to the theoretical or the imaginative. The collective impact of the Christian community of the nature and direction of the culture itself is negligible. They have been absent from the arenas in which the greatest influence in culture is exerted.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198731214
- eISBN:
- 9780191694967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198731214.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
Politicians in Britain are not alone in needing to assess public opinion, but they did not pioneer modern techniques for doing so. The pioneers were social investigators grappling with poverty, ...
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Politicians in Britain are not alone in needing to assess public opinion, but they did not pioneer modern techniques for doing so. The pioneers were social investigators grappling with poverty, businessmen trying to predict their markets, pressure groups seeking reinforcement, and media people seeking readers, listeners, and viewers. When politicians did need to discover public opinion, whether to follow or reject it, they had their own special source of information: parliamentary elections, which were steadily refined to cope with urbanisation and industrialisation. As late-Victorian opinion congealed into a single national political community, parliament became an arena where parties returned from combat in one election only to launch a national dialogue that continuously fed into the next. Four challenges emerged to politicians' authority as judges of opinion: pressure groups, the referendum, the media, and opinion polls.Less
Politicians in Britain are not alone in needing to assess public opinion, but they did not pioneer modern techniques for doing so. The pioneers were social investigators grappling with poverty, businessmen trying to predict their markets, pressure groups seeking reinforcement, and media people seeking readers, listeners, and viewers. When politicians did need to discover public opinion, whether to follow or reject it, they had their own special source of information: parliamentary elections, which were steadily refined to cope with urbanisation and industrialisation. As late-Victorian opinion congealed into a single national political community, parliament became an arena where parties returned from combat in one election only to launch a national dialogue that continuously fed into the next. Four challenges emerged to politicians' authority as judges of opinion: pressure groups, the referendum, the media, and opinion polls.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198731214
- eISBN:
- 9780191694967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198731214.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This book began by showing how Britain's political system worked when Walter Bagehot wrote his book, English Constitution. It then explained the formidable challenges to that system presented by the ...
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This book began by showing how Britain's political system worked when Walter Bagehot wrote his book, English Constitution. It then explained the formidable challenges to that system presented by the growth of empire and social welfare, and showed how political institutions adapted in the face of formidable challenges. These piecemeal changes interacted to produce the political system known today. The piecemeal process of adaptation continues. British pressure groups and political parties, ever pursuing public support, harness the latest methods of communication, only to find that these have important structural and tactical implications. Reform of constituency boundaries is a continuous procedure and reform of local government boundaries has in recent years been, if anything, too frequent. Parliament has experimented with a modified timetable, and has elaborated a committee system that was only 15 years old. Government in the 1990s abandoned secrecy in striking ways, and decentralised control within its civil service to a remarkable extent. Even the monarchy initiated significant changes in its funding arrangements.Less
This book began by showing how Britain's political system worked when Walter Bagehot wrote his book, English Constitution. It then explained the formidable challenges to that system presented by the growth of empire and social welfare, and showed how political institutions adapted in the face of formidable challenges. These piecemeal changes interacted to produce the political system known today. The piecemeal process of adaptation continues. British pressure groups and political parties, ever pursuing public support, harness the latest methods of communication, only to find that these have important structural and tactical implications. Reform of constituency boundaries is a continuous procedure and reform of local government boundaries has in recent years been, if anything, too frequent. Parliament has experimented with a modified timetable, and has elaborated a committee system that was only 15 years old. Government in the 1990s abandoned secrecy in striking ways, and decentralised control within its civil service to a remarkable extent. Even the monarchy initiated significant changes in its funding arrangements.
Robert F. Dewey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719078712
- eISBN:
- 9781781702147
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719078712.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter examines the activities of opposition anti-Market pressure groups. It charts the affairs of organisations defined as ‘single-issue groups’ which included Keep Britain Out (KBO) and the ...
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This chapter examines the activities of opposition anti-Market pressure groups. It charts the affairs of organisations defined as ‘single-issue groups’ which included Keep Britain Out (KBO) and the Forward Britain Movement (FBM). It also considers youth and women's groups, Protestant conspiracy theorists, Commonwealth lobbies and associations on the far right, such as the League of Empire Loyalists (LEL) and True Tories. This chapter suggests that what truly united the pressure groups were banal assumptions about the sanctity of national freedom and a common perception that Britain's independence and international status were increasingly vulnerable.Less
This chapter examines the activities of opposition anti-Market pressure groups. It charts the affairs of organisations defined as ‘single-issue groups’ which included Keep Britain Out (KBO) and the Forward Britain Movement (FBM). It also considers youth and women's groups, Protestant conspiracy theorists, Commonwealth lobbies and associations on the far right, such as the League of Empire Loyalists (LEL) and True Tories. This chapter suggests that what truly united the pressure groups were banal assumptions about the sanctity of national freedom and a common perception that Britain's independence and international status were increasingly vulnerable.
Darren R. Halpin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076527
- eISBN:
- 9781781701690
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076527.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political ...
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Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.Less
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
STEPHEN HOWE
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204237
- eISBN:
- 9780191676178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204237.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their ...
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This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their activities merged into a single umbrella body, the Movement for Colonial Freedom. Some of these organisations were based on particular tendencies within British socialism — the most important of these being the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism, established by members and ex-members of the Independent Labour Party. The chapter deals first with the sectionally-based organisations, followed by the issue-based. It concludes with an evaluation of the left's activities on colonial issues within the Labour Party.Less
This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their activities merged into a single umbrella body, the Movement for Colonial Freedom. Some of these organisations were based on particular tendencies within British socialism — the most important of these being the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism, established by members and ex-members of the Independent Labour Party. The chapter deals first with the sectionally-based organisations, followed by the issue-based. It concludes with an evaluation of the left's activities on colonial issues within the Labour Party.
Martin Gorsky, John Mohan, and Tim Willis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719065781
- eISBN:
- 9781781701423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719065781.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter explores the responses of both the British Hospitals Contributory Schemes Association (BHCSA) and individual hospital contributory schemes to plans for the creation of a new health ...
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This chapter explores the responses of both the British Hospitals Contributory Schemes Association (BHCSA) and individual hospital contributory schemes to plans for the creation of a new health service. It describes BHCSA responses to the policy process during the periods between Ernest Brown’s parliamentary statement of October 1941 and the 1944 White Paper, and between the White Paper and the National Health Service (NHS) Bill of 1946. This chapter also analyses the failure of schemes to influence events related to the creation of the NHS in the context of the literature of pressure group politics.Less
This chapter explores the responses of both the British Hospitals Contributory Schemes Association (BHCSA) and individual hospital contributory schemes to plans for the creation of a new health service. It describes BHCSA responses to the policy process during the periods between Ernest Brown’s parliamentary statement of October 1941 and the 1944 White Paper, and between the White Paper and the National Health Service (NHS) Bill of 1946. This chapter also analyses the failure of schemes to influence events related to the creation of the NHS in the context of the literature of pressure group politics.
Virginia Berridge
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204725
- eISBN:
- 9780191676376
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204725.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
AIDS had been an issue for gay men, for clinicians and scientists, since 1982. AIDS assumed the dimensions of a serious public, departmental, and political issue during the course of 1985. From late ...
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AIDS had been an issue for gay men, for clinicians and scientists, since 1982. AIDS assumed the dimensions of a serious public, departmental, and political issue during the course of 1985. From late 1984 and into 1985, AIDS began to impinge on the public consciousness to a much greater extent than it had done before. The number of AIDS deaths hit the press headlines. Professional groups, nurses, and laboratory workers showed concern, and politicians began to press for a response based on exclusion and isolation. Both the media and public opinion in general supported such a line, and significant pressure groups close to the government wanted a response based on the assertion of family values. The economics of AIDS also had a part to play, as did the question of health-care worker infection.Less
AIDS had been an issue for gay men, for clinicians and scientists, since 1982. AIDS assumed the dimensions of a serious public, departmental, and political issue during the course of 1985. From late 1984 and into 1985, AIDS began to impinge on the public consciousness to a much greater extent than it had done before. The number of AIDS deaths hit the press headlines. Professional groups, nurses, and laboratory workers showed concern, and politicians began to press for a response based on exclusion and isolation. Both the media and public opinion in general supported such a line, and significant pressure groups close to the government wanted a response based on the assertion of family values. The economics of AIDS also had a part to play, as did the question of health-care worker infection.
Kathryn Gleadle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264492
- eISBN:
- 9780191734274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264492.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book examines how it felt for women of the gentry and middle class to engage in politics in Britain during the early nineteenth century. It focuses on the period between the ending of the ...
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This book examines how it felt for women of the gentry and middle class to engage in politics in Britain during the early nineteenth century. It focuses on the period between the ending of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the expansion of the formal political nation in 1867, a critical period in British history in which women were ‘borderline citizens’. The book considers the modes of participation and opportunities available to women and the ways in which they were able to articulate their activities and interests. There were multiple avenues for female political interaction, including petitioning, publication, pressure groups, and patronage. Given this, the frequency with which women known for their formidable political skills resorted to highly feminine personas in personal correspondence is striking. As the contours of the British state, and expectations of citizens' roles within it, underwent momentous changes, many aspects of political culture continued to be shaped by older modes of political expression and engagement.Less
This book examines how it felt for women of the gentry and middle class to engage in politics in Britain during the early nineteenth century. It focuses on the period between the ending of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the expansion of the formal political nation in 1867, a critical period in British history in which women were ‘borderline citizens’. The book considers the modes of participation and opportunities available to women and the ways in which they were able to articulate their activities and interests. There were multiple avenues for female political interaction, including petitioning, publication, pressure groups, and patronage. Given this, the frequency with which women known for their formidable political skills resorted to highly feminine personas in personal correspondence is striking. As the contours of the British state, and expectations of citizens' roles within it, underwent momentous changes, many aspects of political culture continued to be shaped by older modes of political expression and engagement.
Robert F. Dewey, Jr
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719078712
- eISBN:
- 9781781702147
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719078712.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the opponents of Britain's first attempt to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between the announcement of Harold Macmillan's new policy ...
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This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the opponents of Britain's first attempt to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between the announcement of Harold Macmillan's new policy initiative in July 1961 and General de Gaulle's veto of Britain's application for membership in January 1963. In particular, it examines the role of national identity in shaping both the formulation and articulation of arguments put forward by these opponents of Britain's policy. To date, studies of Britain's unsuccessful bid for entry have focused on high political analysis of diplomacy and policy formulation. In most accounts, only passing reference is made to domestic opposition. This book redresses the balance, providing a complete depiction of the opposition movement and a distinctive approach that proceeds from a ‘low-political’ viewpoint. As such, it emphasizes protest and populism of the kind exercised by, among others, Fleet Street crusaders at the Daily Express, pressure groups such as the Anti-Common Market League and Forward Britain Movement, expert pundits like A.J.P. Taylor, Sir Arthur Bryant and William Pickles, as well as constituency activists, independent parliamentary candidates, pamphleteers, letter writers and maverick MPs. In its consideration of a group largely overlooked in previous accounts, the book provides essential insights into the intellectual, structural, populist and nationalist dimensions of early Euroscepticism.Less
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the opponents of Britain's first attempt to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between the announcement of Harold Macmillan's new policy initiative in July 1961 and General de Gaulle's veto of Britain's application for membership in January 1963. In particular, it examines the role of national identity in shaping both the formulation and articulation of arguments put forward by these opponents of Britain's policy. To date, studies of Britain's unsuccessful bid for entry have focused on high political analysis of diplomacy and policy formulation. In most accounts, only passing reference is made to domestic opposition. This book redresses the balance, providing a complete depiction of the opposition movement and a distinctive approach that proceeds from a ‘low-political’ viewpoint. As such, it emphasizes protest and populism of the kind exercised by, among others, Fleet Street crusaders at the Daily Express, pressure groups such as the Anti-Common Market League and Forward Britain Movement, expert pundits like A.J.P. Taylor, Sir Arthur Bryant and William Pickles, as well as constituency activists, independent parliamentary candidates, pamphleteers, letter writers and maverick MPs. In its consideration of a group largely overlooked in previous accounts, the book provides essential insights into the intellectual, structural, populist and nationalist dimensions of early Euroscepticism.
Emily J. Charnock
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190075514
- eISBN:
- 9780190075545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the relatively limited involvement of business and labor groups in early twentieth-century elections. Though such groups emphasized lobbying, they might occasionally seek to ...
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This chapter examines the relatively limited involvement of business and labor groups in early twentieth-century elections. Though such groups emphasized lobbying, they might occasionally seek to reward or punish their “friends and enemies” in Congress by mobilizing voters on a “nonpartisan” basis. But as lobbying came to involve appeals to public opinion as a means of persuading lawmakers, the threat of electoral punishment became more prominent. This model of “pressure politics” was perfected by temperance groups like the Anti-Saloon League (ASL) in the 1910s and early 1920s but soon came under strain due to presidential politics. The chapter examines the hesitant involvement of the ASL in the 1928 election amid the rise of a powerful opponent with ties to business leaders: the Association Against the Prohibition Amendment (AAPA). The ASL and AAPA ultimately backed opposing presidential nominees, which challenged nonpartisan pretensions and played out differently for each side.Less
This chapter examines the relatively limited involvement of business and labor groups in early twentieth-century elections. Though such groups emphasized lobbying, they might occasionally seek to reward or punish their “friends and enemies” in Congress by mobilizing voters on a “nonpartisan” basis. But as lobbying came to involve appeals to public opinion as a means of persuading lawmakers, the threat of electoral punishment became more prominent. This model of “pressure politics” was perfected by temperance groups like the Anti-Saloon League (ASL) in the 1910s and early 1920s but soon came under strain due to presidential politics. The chapter examines the hesitant involvement of the ASL in the 1928 election amid the rise of a powerful opponent with ties to business leaders: the Association Against the Prohibition Amendment (AAPA). The ASL and AAPA ultimately backed opposing presidential nominees, which challenged nonpartisan pretensions and played out differently for each side.
